Sociology of elites

Cette thèse parle d’Hommes, d’art et de société. Elle traite de l’histoire d’un banquier Juif ashkénaze né à Bonn en 1804 et de ses descendants. À travers l’étude de douze demeures et de leurs collections, elle raconte l’histoire d’une dynastie d’entrepreneurs qui, de l’ancien Ghetto de Bonn – 821 rue des Juifs – rejoignit le sommet de la haute société européenne. Portraiturés par Léon Bonnat, Carolus-Duran et Renoir, Meyer Joseph Cahen d’Anvers et ses enfants Édouard, Emma, Louis, Raphaël et Albert vécurent les conséquences de l’Affaire Dreyfus, s’efforçant d’exprimer la plénitude de leurs droits civils à travers la sociabilité et le mécénat. Dans leurs salons, en ville et à la campagne, les lecteurs croiseront les pas de Guy de Maupassant, Paul Bourget, Marcel Proust et César Franck, ou encore de Gabriele D’Annunzio et Matilde Serao. Au château de Champs-sur-Marne, à Torre Alfina et dans les autres demeures de la famille les architectes Destailleur et Giuseppe Partini, ou encore les paysagistes Henri et Achille Duchêne, surent plier la « grammaire » du Moyen Âge, de la Renaissance et du XVIIIe siècle au goût et aux ambitions de leurs commanditaires.

https://www.lgdj.fr/les-cahen-d-anvers-en-france-et-en-italie-9782370323743.html

This is the comprehensive presentation of the first results of several years of research of the official participants lists of the Bilderberg conferences. I decided to publish it here so everyone can do his own research based on this preliminary database of all participants from almost 65 years of Bilderberg conferences. Feel free to draw your own conclusions. Peace <3

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to contribute to a critical approach of the identification and rejection strategies in discourses and practices of a “global elite” of business leaders and managers. Design/methodology/approach – A literature review of mainstream and more critical management and sociology literature on global or transnational elites and classes is presented. The identification and rejection discursive strategies of some (French) multinational corporations’ managers and internationalization agents are then empirically and qualitatively observed and analyzed. Findings – The findings are interpreted under the following strategies: constructive strategies, reproductive and legitimizing strategies and exclusion strategies. Some members of the global elite deploy a cosmopolitan and welcoming discourse to not only identify legitimate members of that class but also turn this discourse into one of exclusion, that is, find ways through language, and practice, to exclude ...

These poems, composed in Somali and in English, provide a poetic reflection of the recently emerged debate on the theme of Caddaan Studies which means "White Studies". The criticism and counter-criticism contained in the debate dug so deep into life nerve of Somali Studies that over a thousand people participated. The poems, under the title "Inaugurating Caddaan Studies" were composed with a critical observation of the debate.

We address a largely neglected issue in contemporary research on cultural class divisions: economic capital and its associated lifestyles and symbolic expressions. Using qualitative interviews, we explore how adolescents from wealthy elite backgrounds, namely students at Oslo Commerce School (OCS), traditionally one of the most prestigious upper-secondary schools in Norway, demarcate themselves symbolically from others. They draw symbolic boundaries against students at other elite schools in Oslo, more characterized by backgrounds with high cultural capital, accusing them of mimicking a 'hipster' style. Within the OCS student body, we describe identity work centring on styles of material consumption and bodily distinctions. The most salient dividing line is between those who manage to master a 'natural' style, where expensive clothes and the desired bodily attributes are displayed discreetly, and those who are 'trying too hard' and thus marked by the stigma of effort. We also show some interesting intersections between class and gender: girls aspiring to the economic elite obey the 'rules of the game' by exercising extensive control over their bodies and adhering to demanding bodily norms for their weight and slimness. Such rules are less evident among the boys, where a lack of discipline, unruliness, hard partying and even fighting constitute parts of the lifestyle valued. This article contributes to the field of cultural stratification, highlighting the importance of the 'hows' of material consumption when expressing elite distinction. It also adds new insight to the research field of elite education by showing how a mastery of 'high-end' consumer culture is involved in fostering favourable dispositions at elite schools.

Members of Rundu's elite take pride in their history of distinction. They weave a subjective narrative, representing themselves as an educated intelligentsia who were once the vanguard of the country's liberation struggle. From apartheid to post-apartheid times, their history reflects their recognised, though not uncontested, accomplishment in education, church leadership, political activism and sport. Because such elite self-representation is an assertion of moral and political commitments shared with the people, it is also problematic, open to challenge and has to be cultivated deliberately in a time of radical change. This article illuminates the elite history of distinction and self-representation through the biography of E.S., a popular hero and exemplary figure of distinction, from his early career in education and sport to his death. A very full eye-witness account of his funeral shows the public and inter-generational dialogue around his life. E.S.'s life is seen to be understood as moved by the elite's moral passions, the sentimento in Paretian terms, and to express the elite's political consciousness. The article locates the elite subjective narrative within the historical and structural context of Rundu. By bringing together Pareto's ideas and Gramsci's theory of intellectuals, the analysis raises broad issues of elite subjectivity and distinction in post-apartheid Namibia.

For social scientists undertaking critical research on elites in organisational contexts securing access is a challenging exercise that may rely on the use of several access strategies over extended periods. This process is further complicated by the existence of research ethics frameworks that establish boundaries to access strategies, posing dilemmas on how to best balance access needs with a commitment to ethical practices. This article focuses on such dilemmas – or the ‘ethics of access’ – through a reflection on PhD fieldwork during 2016-2017 in Luxembourg spent researching the European Investment Bank. The paper will conclude by calling for an overhaul of existing frameworks in order to foster more research on elites.

This paper reflects on key moments occurring during the course of a three-year study of elite girls’ education, with a focus on the power relations that emerged between researchers and elites within the context in which the study was conducted. Central to our analysis is a focus on the affective dimensions of interaction between the researcher and study participants. Our experience gaining access to elite schools in the study illustrates how productive relationships may be fostered by a demonstrated alignment of interests; the desire for intellectual dialogue; and factors linked to the dynamics of the local education market. In our interviews with elite young women, we found that experiences of affinity, foreignness or awe within the interview process triggered different systems of affect. These moments are significant in shaping understandings of the social projects pursued by elite subjects.

Comment intériorise-t-on des normes et des valeurs qui nous sont extérieures ? Comment des processus sociohistoriques sont-ils incar-nés par des individus et des institutions ? Posant ces questions fonda-mentales de la sociologie à un terrain difficile d’accès et des archives inédites, ce livre nous rappelle que l’objet sociologique est conquis plutôt que donné et inséparable de la reconstruction de son histoire. L’auteure y interroge l’internationalisme politique à travers le prisme de l’éducation. Comment le qualificatif « international », qui désignait depuis le milieu du XIXe siècle les relations entre des États-nations, est-il venu à désigner dans l’entre-deux guerres une « mentalité » spécifique et l’intériorité même de certains individus ainsi symboliquement séparés de tous les autres ? Comment s’est construite la légitimité des écoles dites internationales ? Comment expliquer leur élitisme ?
L’auteure répond à ces questions à partir du cas du baccalauréat inter-national, diplôme privé de fin d’études secondaires chapeauté par une organisation à but non lucratif. C’est en examinant la construction sociohistorique des normes unifiant des lycées à l’échelle interconti-nentale, au-delà de la diversité prônée, qu’elle offre des pistes pour expliquer leurs configurations actuelles. Ce livre offre une analyse inédite de ce que veut dire « être international » aujourd’hui.

The Tweed Ring spawned a vibrant financial sector that was integral to its brief success but has never been previously examined. William “Boss” Tweed and his allies employed banks controlled or comanaged by Tammany politicians to embezzle funds, build political alliances, and invest in a wide array of business ventures. The capital of these savings and commercial banks—city money, deposits from Catholic charities, and the savings of immigrant laborers—was accumulated through political channels. During their operation between 1867 and 1871, politician-bankers engaged in a mix of patronage deals and profit-driven financial speculation. In effect, Tammany banks were ground zero for the Ring's conversion of political hegemony into a windfall of economic capital that fueled party activities and buoyed personal fortunes. Importantly, the anti-Ring mobilization by upper-class reformers was more than a revolt of wealthy taxpayers concerned with abstract goals of good government or rescuing city credit; it was also a reaction by old-line bankers in direct competition with Tammany upstarts. A dramatic bank run catalyzed by reformers in November 1871 drove them into bankruptcy, bringing this novel experiment in political capitalism to an end.

First-generation and low-income students have been an important subject of research in the sociology of higher education due to the particular struggles and needs that these groups face. Diversification of elite campuses have called into question the experiences that these types of students have-many of whom come from working-class backgrounds. Understanding elite institutions of higher education as platforms for social mobility, lower-income students are provided with the opportunity to escalate in the socioeconomic ladder. In this research paper, I study the social identity of working-class students at Harvard College. I begin with the assumption, provided by the literature, that working-class students undergo a transformation of social class identity. My key question is how these students navigate their social class at a place as diverse and as wealthy as Harvard. I interviewed ten students who self-identified as first-generation and in the lower side of the socioeconomic ladder. I found that most students relate to people who share their social class background, that their social class identity while in college is hard to define, and that they prioritize financial stability over giving-back when thinking of post-graduation jobs. I also found that they are very critical about the values and morals someone who goes into a high-paying job must have. Families are not part of their social class transformation.

1 Classes, élite(s), oligarchie ? Les professionnels de la politique La littérature concernant les élites en général, et les professionnels de la politique en particulier, est à la fois pléthorique [pour une synthèse : Coenen-Huther, 2004] et, bien souvent, normative. Avec l'avènement de la *démocratie représentative, la question de savoir si les « dirigeants » forment une classe à part ne va cesser d'être posée, par Gaetano Mosca le premier, dès la fin du XIX e siècle, puis par des auteurs comme Moisei Ostrogorski, Vilfredo Pareto ou Robert Michels, qui ouvrent une controverse scientifique durable sur le caractère « unitaire » ou « pluraliste » des élites

Title:
A long march through cultural institutions. Politics of the United Right and the exchange of elites in the state’s new cultural order after 2015

Abstract

This text aims to analyse the project of elite change implemented by the United Right in Poland in the  eld of cultural production. The authors argue that culture is recognized by right-wing politicians and intellectuals as a particularly important way of legitimizing its domination also in other  fields. The special role of culture can be interpreted by the nature of the public sphere in Poland and the importance of the intelligentsia, who converted cultural capital into other types of capital (the political, the social, and especially the symbolic capital). The authors argue that the replacement of cultural elites serves the revision of history and assertion of power. Although, the elite change project is conducted not only within the cultural  field, however, the latter is seen as a particularly important for the right-wing intelligentsia. We argue, that this exchange is based on the long-formulated announcements and is justified by the right-wing intellectuals and politicians who argue for a traditional, Polish model of culture. However, it also conceals political goals. The main goals of the replacement are to change the old elites with people favouring new order and, in the long run, to form right-wing elites, who, referring to the one-dimensional model of culture, will play a hegemonic role in the social life.

Ο όρος πολιτικές ελίτ, μολονότι κυρίαρχος στον σύγχρονο πολιτικό λόγο, στερείται μιας ξεκάθαρης ερμηνείας. Οι θεωρίες για τις ελίτ για ένα μεγάλο χρονικό
διάστημα δεν έτυχαν της δέουσας προσοχής ως αποτέλεσμα μιας σειράς ιστορικών, κοινωνικών και πολιτικών παραγόντων.

Τι εννοούμε με τον όρο ελίτ; Σε ποιους τομείς της κοινωνίας εντοπίζονται και πώς επηρεάζουν τις πολιτικές αποφάσεις; Πώς αναδεικνύονται και πώς αναπαράγονται; Και, τέλος, τι υποδηλώνει η ύπαρξή τους για τη λειτουργία των σύγχρονων αντιπροσωπευτικών δημοκρατιών;

Σκοπός του βιβλίου είναι να παρουσιάσει τις κυριότερες θεωρίες για τις πολιτικές ελίτ, έτσι όπως διαμορφώνονται από τα τέλη του 19ου αιώνα έως τις μέρες μας. O αναγνώστης θα έρθει σε επαφή με το έργο θεωρητικών στοχαστών όπως ο Mosca, o Pareto, ο Michels, o Lasswell, o Mills, η Keller κ.ά.

Αυτό το σύγγραμμα επιδιώκει να καλύψει ένα κενό που υπάρχει στην ελληνική βιβλιογραφία αναφορικά με τις θεωρίες για τις πολιτικές ελίτ και παράλληλα να συμβάλει στην επιστημονική συζήτηση για τον ρόλο που διαδραματίζουν οι σύγχρονες πολιτικές ηγεσίες στη διαμόρφωση του πολιτικού φαινομένου.

Tech-libertarian billionaires try to colonize Mars, they create sea-steads to avoid the juridical, physical and economical constraints of the nationstate and they build climate secured luxury bunkers in New Zealand to escape a coming ecological apocalypse. In short, the ultra-rich escapists are abandoning modern ideals of progress for all and are explicitly planning to leave us behind as crumbles on a plate. In a tonality that tries to capture both the utter seriousness and the humour of the situation, this text seeks to describe these psycho-spatial strategies and their ideological source.

Les élites arabes et leur rôles dans le développement-Large contribution d'un chef de file de la pensée arabe moderne : AEK ABID Préambule J'ai sélectionné ce travail d'équipe parce qu'il porte les empreintes de Aek Abid dont la continuité apparait dans son ouvrage publié récemment sur le site culturel mlfcham, le lien est : Voici les mots-clés dans ce document très précieux que vous trouverez dans ce travail d'équipe et qui démontrent continuité et convergence dans l'esprit de Aek Abid : Recadrage, relations interpersonnelles, institutions politiques et démocratie ; Cela nous ramène à cette conclusion : « « La disponibilité soudaine d'un savoir largement supérieur en propulsant notre pensée en avant sans le bénéfice d'une assimilation cohérente et progressive de toutes les étapes intermédiaires ayant amené ce résultat peut avoir des conséquences véritablement malheureuses (école de Palo Alto)». Le danger pour les pays arabes est de ne pas pouvoir s'intégrer dans une phase de transition entre la société actuelle et la société future, par manque de contribution de leurs élites dont le travail préparatoire est souligné dans ce document : il suffit de le lire puis de l'appliquer avant que ce soit trop tard. Amin Elsaleh – 17/06/2018 CRASC Centre national de recherche en anthropologie sociale et culturelle Division de recherche « socio anthropologie de l'éducation et des systèmes de formation » Projet de recherche N°132/P.E/CRASC/11 du 01/07/11 au 30/06/2014

How are top leaders selected in Communist China? Following an in-depth literature review of Elite formation and selection inside the Chinese Communist Party, this paper posits the existence of a “path” leading to the top of the leadership structure. The latter is built around provincial experiences, specific positions in particular regions, age thresholds and other institutional constraints which regulate and organise access to the apex of the Party-State apparatus. Therefore, the objective of this research is to emphasise the more formal side of Chinese Elite politics and at the same time to provide “guidelines” as to where to look and what to look for when trying to identify “promotable” individuals for leadership turnover.

Les pauvres suscitent-ils aujourd’hui, chez les riches, une répulsion similaire à celle que le peuple inspirait aux bourgeois au xixe siècle ? Autrement dit, les démunis sont-ils encore considérés comme une classe dangereuse, immorale et répugnante ? En interrogeant le refus de la mixité résidentielle manifesté par les catégories supérieures, telle est la question frontale que pose cet ouvrage, issu d’une grande enquête comparative sur les perceptions de la pauvreté et des inégalités dans les beaux quartiers de trois métropoles : Paris, São Paulo et Delhi. À partir d’entretiens approfondis, il montre que la quête d’entre-soi des habitants des ghettos dorés n’est pas seulement motivée par une recherche de prestige et de qualité de vie, mais également par des représentations des pauvres qui les incitent à s’en protéger. Comment parviennent-ils à justifier leurs stratégies d’évitement et de relégation des catégories défavorisées, ainsi qu’à légitimer l’ordre local qu’ils s’efforcent de perpétuer ? Au-delà de la peur de la criminalité et de l’insalubrité apparaît la crainte des élites d’être en quelque sorte contaminées par des modes de vie jugés culturellement indésirables ou moralement nuisibles. À travers les mécanismes du séparatisme social, ce sont les conditions de possibilité de la solidarité que cet essai explore.

Twenty-five years after the emergence of the Other Serbia, this intellectual circle still remains an unexplored topic. It is often used as a mean for political disqualification, due to the fact that their ideas were never analyzed with structural and historical determinants taken into consideration. In order to do this, and provide an answer to the broad question, what Other Serbia is, this research used interpretivist approach with special emphasis on close-reading and historical method. The historical and structural determinants were subsumed into four ‘critical junctures’, Belgrade’s student rebellion in 1968, the 1974 Constitution, the 1986 Memorandum and the war as a direct trigger for the emergence of this intellectual circle. The main ideas identified are the anti-war platform (normative and analytical part), the struggle against collectivism and the struggle for modernization. They chose particular ideas, radically different in every sense from those embraced by the dominant nationalist intellectuals. This happened due to the public isolation they were subjected to, the context of war, and the fact that they represented intellectual counter-elite that sought to delegitimize the dominant intellectual elite, their position, as well as the factual foundation they were building it upon.

En montrant les transformations des curricula des “grandes écoles” de journalisme, cet article décrit la lutte que mènent les différentes fractions de l’élite professionnelle pour légitimer leur modèle de formation. D’un côté, les deux écoles historiques de la profession, l’ESJ Lille et le CFJ, ont construit un modèle d’excellence professionnelle initialement fondé sur la “culture générale” et qui destine ses diplômés à exercer le journalisme dans la presse considérée comme la plus sérieuse. D’un autre côté, des écoles plus récentes, comme l’École de journalisme de Sciences-po et l’IPJ, s’inspirent des universités américaines et intègrent dans leur cursus des enseignements de spécialités, plus ajustés au marché du travail. L’enjeu pour ces écoles consiste alors à construire un curriculum qui permette de dépasser les contradictions entre ces modèles d’excellence professionnelle.

The task of studying the impact of social class on physical and mental health involves, among other things, the use of a conceptual toolbox that defines what social class is, establishes how to measure it, and sets criteria that help distinguish it from closely related concepts. One field that has recently witnessed a wealth of theoretical and conceptual research on social class is psychology, but geographers' and sociologists' attitude of diffidence toward this " positivistic " discipline has prevented them from taking advantage of this body of scholarship. This paper aims to highlight some of the most important developments in the psychological study of social class and social mobility that speak to the long-standing concerns of health geographers and sociologists with how social position, perceptions, social comparisons, and class-based identities impact health and well-being.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2017.11.037

Orgs: Sérgio Ricardo Rodrigues Castilho; Antonio Carlos de Souza Lima; Carla Costa Teixeira

Antropologia das práticas de poder: reflexões etnográficas entre burocratas, elites e corporações volta o foco para a mudança do fazer etnográfico que responde aos imperativos de um mundo em transformação. Mudança que anuncia a importância de associar observação participante à análise acurada de documentação que revela práticas de poder, obrigando os antropólogos-hoje muito mais jovens do que ontem, dada a expansão da pós-graduação no Brasil-a lidar com "mentiras e verdades" que aviltam os sujeitos de direito, estejam eles de um lado ou de outro da interlocução, indicando a necessidade de "descrever sem prescrições" que comprometam o trabalho; tarefa que exige habilidades diversas, daquele que antes observava e participava, mas não se debruçava sobre documentos e práticas perscrutando, como historiador, as nuances e os entraves do poder para evitar o "mal-estar contemporâneo". Trabalhar entre burocratas, elites e corporações que jamais facilitam o acesso à informação, nem aos cidadãos e menos ainda aos estudiosos, é um desafio que os clássicos não alcançam, mas que se precisa enfrentar. A coletânea é expressão da Antropologia feita no Brasil, com responsabilidade e reflexão, enfrentando as estruturas de poder que cerceiam os direitos e limitam a liberdade científica pela sonegação de informações. Há indicativos de que se formam antropólogos que discutem as "colonialidades" produzindo uma Antropologia que desvenda o Brasil sem se deixar seduzir pelas antropologias metropolitanas, e que se permitem atuar em espaços diversos com qualidade, respeitando os cânones da ética. Para além da produção, reflete-se sobre os desafios de fazer Antropologia no Brasil sem descurar do diálogo com o que se faz pelo mundo. Jane Felipe Beltrão UFPA/CNPq Antropologia das práticas de poder: refle-xões etnográficas entre burocratas, elites e corporações apresenta um conjunto de trabalhos de grande relevância tanto para o universo das pesquisas sobre o Estado e a burocracia quanto para o ensino de An-tropologia nas universidades públicas e privadas do País. O amplo painel de questões aqui traçados responde a preocupações decorrentes de pesquisas empíricas que, tendo como referência o fazer etno-gráfico nos chamados contextos de elite, colocam novos desafios e redimensionam antigos debates sobre a prática antropológica e os universos de negociação no pro-cesso de produção de dados. Os autores aqui reunidos brindam o leitor com excelentes reflexões teórico-metodológicas sobre uma pluralidade de casos que englobam burocracia, elites, redes de poder, corporações e práticas de Estado. O eixo teórico está na noção de que os poderes estatais existem em redes que podem ser seguidas e analisadas a partir de uma perspectiva que privilegie o Estado não como um "ser amorfo" institucionalizado ou uma coisa, mas o Estado em ação. Tendo como cenário esta perspectiva teórica, a coletânea traz mais um valioso aporte ao debate atual, o fazer et-nográfico no universo temático do studying up. Como os organizadores explicitam, muito já foi discutido sobre os desafios, oportunidades e características do méto-do antropológico, em especial a observa-ção participante. Se nos remetemos às disciplinas introdutórias e metodológicas dos cursos de graduação em Ciências So-ciais no País, não teremos dificuldades em encontrar artigos e ensaios clássicos e contemporâneos que nos remetem às re-flexões de caráter metodológico. Entre-tanto, no dizer dos próprios estudantes, ansiosos por relacionar as reflexões lidas com seus interesses, grande parte do que é lido não se conecta com os contextos dos estudos etnográficos na atualidade. Esta obra vem, portanto, preencher uma lacuna existente nos cursos de graduação em Antropologia Social, lacuna esta que distancia as discussões em sala de aula do "mundo lá fora" à mão do cientista social neófito, que tantas vezes se lança em pesquisas que se confundem com seus ambientes profissionais. E quando o campo é uma repartição pública? E quando o que devo entender é a rotina diária de uma instituição? O que observar quando meu "interlocutor" são os documentos? Como fica a empatia em casos nos quais o universo de estudo desafia meus princípios éticos e morais? Estas são algumas das questões abordadas pelos autores de forma sensível e densa, trazendo ao leitor uma oportunidade ímpar de relativizar a tão discutida autoridade do antropólogo quando mergulhamos nos processos de negociação que permeiam cada passo de nosso campo. Ao tomar como ponto de partida reflexões oriundas de pesquisas em cenários políticos e administrativos, o debate aqui proposto inverte e desmistifica alguns discursos já clássicos em nossa disciplina, como a questão da relação de poder entre pesquisador e seu sujeito e o mito da em-patia com o interlocutor. Onde encontrará o estudioso, o aluno, ou o professor da área publicação mais oportuna? Os especialistas verão de imediato o valor das discussões aqui presentes em formato cuidadoso e atualizado. Por sua vez, os que estão se iniciando na área terão a oportunidade de se familiarizar com autores e temas de grande atualidade e relevância. Ao seguir a guinada epistemológica proposta por Laura Nader na década de 1970, quando reflete sobre a importância de análises em contextos up, esta coletânea permite que renovemos nossas reflexões sobre o fazer antropológico, por vezes em uma "praia deserta", mas também nos corredores de um edifício. Andréa de Souza Lobo Universidade de Brasília-O R G.

A lo largo de nuestra Historia, el concepto de Nobleza en España ha ido evolucionando y adaptándose a las circunstancias de cada periodo; Es por ello que, si analizamos la formación y evolución histórica de la nobleza española, podemos distinguir cuatro fases:
1ª) Fase Heroica: Es el período que transcurre entre el comienzo de la Reconquista con la Batalla de Covadonga (722) y el fin de la misma con la toma por los Reyes Católicos del reino nazarita de Granada (1492).
2ª)  Fase Aristocrática: Es el período que comienza con la entrada de los Habsburgo y termina con las Cortes de Cádiz de 1812 en las que se declara formalmente que todos los españoles son iguales ante la ley, desapareciendo los señoríos jurisdiccionales y el dictado de Señor y vasallo.
3ª) Fase Honorífica: Surge como resultado del principio de igualdad ante la ley, impuesto en 1812 por las Cortes de Cádiz que conducirá a la Confusión de Estados y la supresión de las últimas instancias reservadas a la Nobleza, tanto en la Milicia, como en la Administración Pública o en la Enseñanza.
4º) fase Testimonial: En la actualidad la condición nobiliaria se ha retirado de la vida pública y se ha convertido en algo reservado a la intimidad de cada persona, como una preciosa tradición de servicio al reino. Manifestándose a través de una Nobleza Titulada y una Nobleza Corporativa.

Anthropology tends not to be associated with the study of elites, notwithstanding that investigating elites ethnographically has much to contribute to our understanding of power. To facilitate this pursuit, however, a good understanding of who can be defi ned as members of an elite is helpful. A narrow group of only those persons directly in command, or a wider group including, for example, the elite's family members? By means of investigating the Franco-Mauritians, the white elite of the island of Mauritius, this article aims to explain why it matters to pay attention to the diff erences between narrower and broader defi nitions.

Durante los tiempos medievales España se caracterizó por tener una nobleza guerrera que debe su posición a la fuerza de su espada. Tras culminada la Reconquista con la derrota del Islam invasor se instaura una monarquía cada vez más autoritaria que trata de domeñar el poder de la nobleza. Ésta se vuelve cortesana y se divide en diferentes categorías con muy diferente poder y riqueza, aunque controladas todas ellas por la Corona.

The book tells the story of the Athenian elite between 600 and 400 BCE on the basis of the imagery on the luxury pottery from which the wealthy drank at their banquets. The statistical evaluation of more than 6,000 representations lend insight into the lives of the elite as horse owners, athletes, and revellers. The image analysis is prefaced by a cultural historical section that describes the history and socio-economics of the elite.

Das Buch erzählt die Geschichte der Elite Athens zwischen 600 und 400 v. Chr. anhand der Bilder auf der Luxuskeramik, aus der die Reichen bei ihren Festen tranken. Über 6000 ausgewertete Darstellungen liefern Erkenntnisse über das Leben der Elite als Pferdehalter, Athleten und Bankettgesellschaft. Der Bildanalyse ist ein kulturgeschichtlicher Teil vorangestellt ist, der die Elite über die Historie und sozioökonomische Aspekte definiert.

An archaic dedication from Samos known as the Geneleos Group is considered by scholars to be one of the first family dedications in Greek art, or, to be more precise, the first archaeological record showing an elite family in form of life size round sculpture in a sanctuary. Furthermore, it is one of very few archaic sculptures attributable to a certain artist – Geneleos. It is generally assumed that the persons shown are part of a family extending over two generations with the iconography highlighting the different social role models of its members: mother, father, son, and daughters. In this paper, I will try to question this common reading by proposing alternatives, triggered by the ambiguous iconography of the figures and by the placement of the inscriptions related to them.

Feels free to ask me for a pdf.

The 20th Century revolved politically around competing interpretations of Capitalism, Communism, Socialism and Fascism. These are all ways to organize the lives of people on a large scale. Are real alternatives or new interpretations likely to emerge in the challenging years ahead? What might they look like?

Chapitre 2 L'oligarchie sucrière dans la consociation. Thèse pour le Doctorat en Science Politique, présentée par Catherine Boudet le 03 décembre 2004, Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Bordeaux, Atelier National de Reproduction des Thèses, 642 pages.

In the last decades, many elite schools, which were founded following national models of education, have been internationalising to adapt to the rapidly changing conditions of neoliberalised late-modern societies and remain competitive in highly disputed education markets. Internationality can take more or less explicit forms, and can vary in intensity in public, semi-private and private schools (Bonal, 2009; Vilalta, 2016). It usually involves, however, intensifying the presence of English and other foreign languages, institutionalizing exchange or term/year abroad programmes, and implementing international curricula such as those offered by the International Baccalaureate Organisation (IBO), which are increasingly gaining presence in schools worldwide (Resnik, 2012, 2015). This original ethnography explores the construction of the category international in two elite educational institutions from a critical sociolinguistic perspective. The focus on language(s) in processes of elitisation of education is unique, and unexplored until now in the context of Catalonia. For a period of three years I conducted ethnographic fieldwork in two schools in the Barcelona area, a ‘British international’ school and a ‘Catalan international’ school. I draw on participant observations of classes and a variety of school spaces, conversations and interviews, linguistic landscapes, and also field notes, visual data, field documents, website data and social network data, but also language-in-education policies to understand how semiotic regimes are transformed when becoming international. This happens through processes of stylisation taking place at multiple scales. My analysis shows how atmospheres, spaces, curricula and individuals are both updated and upscaled. I have explored the nuanced dynamics of distinction practices (Bourdieu, 1984) behind the internationalising processes in which schools and individuals engage; who gets to access which resources; how different participants become capitalised or decapitalised; which processes of social categorisation take place; and what consequences this has for the social and academic endeavours of students and schools. The stories of the schools and their communities reveal the frenzy for capitalisation of the (upper-)middle classes in a post-crisis Catalonia, who desire to gain access to privileged spaces or maintain their status. An international education, and a ‘very good English’ seem to be the ultimate distinctive capital. It is attractive to the traditional local clientele of these schools and increasingly to the global middle classes, who seek to compete with the best hand in neoliberalised education markets. The unique analysis of the educational strategies of the (upper-)middle classes provided in this thesis reveals the possibilities and limitations of class advancement for students with different stocks of capitals (Bourdieu, 1986). A deeper understanding of such mechanisms is crucial to understand how processes of social stratification work and emerge in the Catalan education system today.

The paper focuses on the identity building strategies of a minority group in Mauritius, the Franco-Mauritians, as they had to face ethnic competition in the Mauritian plural society. How was an ethnic identity shaped and how did the Franco-Mauritian group eventually define itself as a community sharing a common origin and blood ties How did ethnic markers become meaningful despite the fact that ethnic boundaries kept changing throughout history? Identity in its political dimension therefore results to be a way to manage the contradiction which arises between the conflicts of interests and the need to preserve interethnic relations.

Cet article propose d’analyser dans une perspective socio-historique comment se construit l’identité franco-mauricienne face aux enjeux de la compétition inter-groupes existant au sein de la société plurale mauricienne. Par quel processus le discours identitaire permet-il aux Franco-Mauriciens de se définir en tant que communauté partageant des liens de sang et une origine commune ? Comment émergent et se consolident les marqueurs identitaires du groupe, alors que les cadres de référence se modifient en permanence ? L’identité dans sa dimension politique apparaît ici comme un mode de gestion de la contradiction historique entre conflit d’intérêts et nécessité de préserver les relations d’échange inter-ethniques.

In this introductory essay to our special issue on elites, we outline some of the major challenges to research in this area and propose a series of theoretical and methodological pathways to address them. Theoretically we make four recommendations: (a) greater attentiveness to and specificity about the relationship between elites and power; (b) a clearer articulation of the relationships between elites and the varieties of capitalism; (c) far more attention to diversity within elites and the use of elites to understand forms of domination like white supremacy and masculine domination and (d) expanding beyond the orthodox form of Bourdieusian theoretical frameworks. Methodologically we outline how research using survey instruments, social network analysis (SNA) (and multiple correspondence analysis), interviews, ethnographic observation, experiments, archival research, administrative data and content analysis can each be deployed, built upon or redirected to help bring elites into greater focus.