Sociology of Intellectuals

Goran JOVANOVIC, Predrag DRAGOJEVIC Seitdem die Weltöffentlichkeit das Verhalten der serbischen Seite im Zerfallsprozess der Jugoslawischen Föderation scharf verurteilt und sie immer wieder zur allein schuldigen Partei erklärt, haben die Medien und intellektuellen Kreise Serbiens mit heftigen Protesten und Gegendarstellungen reagiert. Die Argumente, mit denen sie die Anschuldigungen zu entkräften suchen, beziehen sie vor allem aus der Nationalgeschichte, insbesondere der traumatischen Erfahrung der jahrhundertelangen türkischen Fremdherrschaft wie der Schreckensjahre der beiden Weltkriege, deren Leiden das serbische Bewusstsein tief geprägt haben. Doch eine derart vergangenheitsträchtige Auseinandersetzung mit der heutigen Situation gleicht oft einer Flucht vor der politischen Gegenwart und vor der Mitverantwortung Serbiens für den Ausbruch und das Fortführen des Bürgerkriegs. Die Kriegsereignisse kommentierend, greifen Presse und Fernsehen Serbiens Themen der Nationalgeschichte auf und passen sie laufend den Bedürfnissen der Tagespolitik an. Die im Kollektivbewusstsein verankerten Mythen, wie die Kosovoschlacht von 1389 und der damit besiegelte Untergang des serbischen Reichs, fünf Jahrhunderte türkischer Herrschaft, der von Karadjordje angeführte Volksaufstand von 1804 und zahlreiche andere, werden wieder erweckt und das Konzept des leidenden Volkes, 2 das im Bewusstsein der Serben seit Generationen das Schicksal ihrer Nation bestimmt, wiederbelebt. Eine ideelle Brücke zwischen Vergangenheit und Gegenwart wird geschlagen, dieser für Serben untrennbaren Einheit, die zugleich die

By analyzing the broad research of different types of 'folk' music in former Yugoslavia, the paper explores the different forms of interpretation and representations created by scholars in social science and humanities. Tracing back their critique of this music into the socialist period, the analysis offers new insights into the motives and ways of producing meaning by one part of the intellectual elitefor Serbia framed as the 'second/ other Serbia' -in the context of political transformation at the end of the 20 th century in this region. While hardly any of the analyzed scholarly works on ('folk') music was really about music, being instead quite often mainly concerned with its alleged symbolical meaning, most of them used 'folk' as a catchy 'label' that introduced further analysis of society and/or politics in former Yugoslavia during the 1990s. By criticizing the 'kitsch' of 'folk' and, at the same time, presenting more or less sophisticated scientific findings on correlations between 'folk' and politics, the authors of the works analyzed in this paper mostly underlined their distance to this 'genre', thus pointing out their (oppositional) political standpoint, and, especially, by delegitimizing the 'folk culture' on the one hand and the new nationalist political setting on the other, they aimed to compensate the loss of cultural capital they used to or -from their perspective -ought to have as representatives of some kind of intellectual vanguard.

This paper presents results from a collaborative research project investigating European scholars from the social sciences and humanities (SSH) who acted as public intellectuals during the 2014 European Parliament (EP) election campaign. We analyze op-ed contributions published in 21 broadsheet newspapers and in 9 EU member states, written by 195 authors who contributed 262 articles. The result is a portrait of European SSH scholars acting as public intellectuals. It shows a clear overrepresentation of male authors of advanced age. Academic reputation and public prestige show an east-west divide, with prominent authors prevalently publishing in renowned "West European" newspapers. Disciplinary background offers the most noticeable differentiations. Political scientists are most active, however, predominantly publishing in domestic settings. By contrast, economists reach out to a wider international audience and write explicitly on EU matters, while intervening sociologists and philosophers, as the most senior intellectuals, examine Europe in its wider international and historical context. Correspondence analysis comprising the content of public interventions, and key characteristics of all contributors, suggests that even during the EU electoral campaign, scholars from the SSH do not necessarily contribute to the rise of a European public sphere, as their interventions are more domestic than European in focus.

This article proposes a new understanding of the constraints and opportunities that lead intellectuals engaged in different political and social fields to create alternative modes of resistance to domination. The study of the Algerian sociologist Abdelmalek Sayad offers insights into the social conditions of this mode of committed scholarship. On the one hand, this article applies Sayad's theory of immigration to his transnational intellectual engagements. It establishes how immigrants' intellectual work are conditioned by their trajectories, both before and after leaving their country, and by the stages of emigration (from playing a role in the society of origin to becoming caught up in the reality of the host society). On the other hand, the article illuminates the constraints and the spaces of possible action intellectuals face while moving across national universes and disparate political and academic fields. Sayad's marginal position within the academy constrained him to work for the French and Algerian governments and international organizations while he was simultaneously engaged with political dissidents, unionists, writers, and social movements. In tracking Sayad's roles as an academic, expert and public sociologist, the article uncovers the conditions that grounded improbable alliances between those fields and produced new forms of critique and political action. The article concludes by drawing out some reflections that 'collective intellectual' engagements elicit to the sociology of intellectuals.

Trí thức là một từ thông dụng trong đời sống xã hội nhưng thường được hiểu theo nhiều nghĩa khác nhau, kể cả trong giới nghiên cứu khoa học xã hội. Bài này điểm lại một cách khái lược những quan niệm đáng chú ý về khái niệm trí thức của một số nhà triết học và xã hội học trên thế giới trong thế kỷ XX, đi từ M. Weber, A. Gramsci, K. Mannheim, J. Schumpeter, T. Parsons, R. Dahrendorf, E. Shils cho tới C.W. Mills, P. Berger, T. Luckmann, J.P. Nettl và P. Bourdieu.

Эта краткая переписка — всего три письма — свидетельство разрыва, который произошел между Жан-Полем Сартром и Морисом Мерло-Понти в июле 1953 года. В ней философы обсуждают (не)ангажированную позицию, которую (не) должен занимать философ-интеллектуал по отношению к политическим событиям, происходящим здесь-и-сейчас. В письмах много размышлений о сущности философии и значении политического события; еще больше — эмоционального накала, настолько же связующего двух философов, насколько и разводящего их по разные стороны баррикад. После обмена этими письмами Сартр и Мерло-Понти прекратили общение и виделись всего несколько раз: случайно в Венеции в 1956 году, в Италии в 1958, и последний раз — во время конференции, устроенной Сартром в Высшей Нормальной Школе (Ecole Normale Superieure). Эти письма были опубликованы лишь спустя 40 лет – в 1994 году – с согласия Сюзанн Мерло-Понти и Арлетт Элькаим-Сартр. До этого времени разрыв оставался невидимым, неопубликованным, непроговоренным, да и сами философы никогда его не признавали. Сартр говорил о «ссоре, которой не было»… Перевод выполнен Надеждой Гусаковской по изданию: “Sartre, Merleau-Ponty: les lettres d’une rupture”//
Magazine littéraire, N° 320 avril, 1994, pp.67 – 85

Drawing upon activist interviews and framing theory this article proposes that the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) is better understood not by focusing on the objective status of its leadership as middle-class intellectuals, but by instead looking at what these 'movement intellectuals' subjectively did to link their philosophy of liberation to the lifeworlds of those they sought to engage. It argues that this shift reveals three important features of social movements and movement intellectuals more generally. Firstly, it uncovers the meaningful, value-driven, emotional and collective-identity bases for action, alongside the more familiar instrumental motivations. Secondly, given the inevitable clash between movement intent and the contingent constraints under which movements invariably operate, it argues that movement success is better judged not by external criteria that are assumed to hold universally, but instead by reference to the unique strategic intentions articulated by movements themselves. Finally, it shows how, given heterogeneous audiences, the deployment of a diversity of grounded intellectual strategies can help augment the resonance of a movement's core political message.

POVZETEK: V prvem delu članek prikazuje značilnosti nacionalsocialistične koncepcije znanosti z oporo v ideologiji völkisch in navaja nekatere njene regresivne družbene učinke, kot so okrepitev antiintelektualizma, degradacija temeljnih znanosti in intelektualnega dela, diktatura mediokritete itn. V drugem delu pa članek razgrinja dispozitiv Nazi-Deutsch, se pravi nacistične govorice/diskurza in oriše mehanizme njenega/njegovega delovanja. Diskurz tretjega rajha, po Jean-Pierru Fayu imenovan tudi langage meurtrier, je redukcija kompleksnih jezikovnih funkcij na zgolj eno – ritualno-zaklinjalsko. Kot tak je spodbujal nemišljenje (nemišljeno) in spontano intuituvne, torej povsem ideološke aktivnosti ljudi. Kot invazivna oblika kamuflažno-propagandistične retorike pa je diskurz tretjega rajha meril na zelo natančne in morilske učinke v realnosti, katerih konkretna manifestacija je bil genocid, zato ga nekateri avtorji imenujejo tudi genocidna govorica.
KLJUČNE BESEDE: nacionalsocializem, univerza, znanost, deregulacija akademskega sveta, morilska govorica (langage meurtrier),  Jean-Pierre Faye, antiintelektualizem

ABSTRACT: This article in its first part exposes some of the characteristic features of National Socialist conception of science sunk in its völkisch ideology, and names some of its regressive social consequences, such as affirmation of aggressive anti-intellectualism, degradation of basic scientific research and intellectual work, dictatorship of mediocrity etc. Whereas in its second part, the article shows the dispositive of Nazi-Deutsch, that is a Nazi language/discourse, and delineates mechanisms of its agency. Discourse of the Third Reich, which Jean-Pierre Faye named langage meurtrier (murderous or killing language), is a reduction of complex and varied usages of speech to one single one – a ritually-incantatory one. As such this language stimulated unthinking (unthought) and spontaneously intuitive, thus completely ideological activities of people. Though as an invasive form of rhetoric camouflage and propaganda discourse of the Third Reich had a very precise and murderous effects in reality, the ultimate manifestation
of these effects was in genocide, which is why some of authors also
name it a genocide language.
KEY WORDS: National Socialism, university, science, deregulation of academic world, murderous (killing) language (langage meurtrier),  Jean-Pierre Faye, anti-intellectualism.

Russia, Hungary and Poland have been at the forefront of the illiberal counter-movement to neoliberalism. However, while there is increasing knowledge about how ‘populism’ as a discursive strategy has brought illiberals to power, especially in Poland and Hungary, we know surprisingly little about the socioeconomic programme and guiding principles of illiberals. In this article, we argue first that there is such a programme and that – notwithstanding the differences between countries – it features a similar programmatic core in the three countries that took shape in conservative think tanks and guides socioeconomic policy recommendations. Second, this programmatic core is best understood not so much as populism, but as a combination of economic nationalism – subordinating the economy to national interests and to the imperative of protecting national identity – and conservatism, reorienting economic policies to serve the traditional family and undo the perceived wrongdoings of post-communist elites, in particular, privatisation. We call this core conservative developmental statism. Thus illiberalism is reducible neither to populism nor to the whims of the power-holders of the day, and in these countries it needs to be seen in a wider context in which rightwing intellectuals have been working in parallel with politicians to give illiberalism a conservative content.

"Drawing loosely on positioning theory, this article proposes two new claims about intellectuals and their public engagement. Firstly, we argue that the modern notion of the intellectual incorporates four core tensions or contradictions. Those four tensions centre round the following axes: hierarchy versus equality, generality versus expertise, passion versus distance, and the individual versus the collective. We show how these four tensions were present at the outset of the modern notion of the intellectual, and have regularly come to the surface in the course of the twentieth and early twenty first century. Secondly, we contend that the same four tensions have taken on new forms, potentially affecting how intellectuals engage with the public. To develop this point, we focus on recent technological developments that enable novel intellectual interventions in the public sphere, in particular interactive online blogging and micro-blogging platforms.

xes: hierarchy versus equality, generality versus expertise, passion versus distance, and the individual versus the collective. We show how these four tensions were present at the outset of the modern notion of the intellectual, and have regularly come to the surface in the course of the twentieth and early twenty first century. Secondly, we contend that the same four tensions have taken on new forms, potentially affecting how intellectuals engage with the public. To develop this point, we focus on recent technological developments that enable novel intellectual interventions in the public sphere, in particular interactive online blogging and micro-blogging platforms.

Keywords: intellectuals, public intellectuals, Dreyfusard intellectuals, social media, blogging, positioning theory

"

Este trabajo procura responder dos preguntas centrales: ¿Hasta qué punto el acceso y la participacion legítima de los autores latinoamericanos en el campo academico internacional responde a una division internacional del trabajo academico que es replicada y fortalecida a nivel local? Y ¿en qué medida la presencia periférica de autores latinoamericanos en las publicaciones periódicas internacionales cristaliza un régimen de desigualdad academica? Al observar la presencia de autores latinoamericanos en un periodico internacional y sus prácticas especí cas de autoría y publicacion, se ofrece un analisis de los limites y posibilidades de la internacionalizacion de la sociologia latinoamericana en el contexto de la desigual division internacional del trabajo académico.
Palabras claves: geopolítica del conocimiento | sociología latinoamericana | publicacion internacional

Martín, Eloísa 2013: “(Re)producción de desigualdades y (re)producción de conocimiento. La presencia latinoamericana en la publicación académica internacional en Ciencias Sociales”, desiguALdades.net Working Paper Series 59, Berlin: desiguALdades.net International Research Network on Interdependent Inequalities in Latin America.
The paper was produced by Eloísa Martín during her fellowship at desiguALdades.net from 11/2012 to 02/2013.

This chapter surveys the career of the Egyptian filmmaker Yousry Nasrallah (born 1952). Through an analysis of the eight feature-length films he directed between 1988 and 2012, it considers the relationships between his social background and biography, his pursuit of autonomy from the economic interests of mainstream film production, and the ways his films challenge social norms.

If you would like a copy of this chapter, please email me at [email protected] and I'll be glad to send it to you.

История интеллектуалов во Франции приобрела статус самостоятельного направления в рамках исторической науки относительно недавно, в середине 1980-х гг. Отказавшись от традиционных подходов истории идей и истории философии, новая субдисциплина заимствовала методы у политической истории и социологии. К началу 1990-х гг. во французской историографии сложились два доминирующих направления, методологическое различие которых в подходе к интеллектуалу обусловлено тем, что они появились в разных школах и тяготеют к разным научным областям. В политической истории интеллектуалов, представленной главным образом в работах Ж.-Ф. Сиринелли и М. Винока, основной характеристикой интеллектуала считается политическая «ангажированность», при изучении которой упор делается на анализ интеллектуальных кружков и сетей и их вовлеченности в публичное пространство полиса. Вторым направлением является социальная история интеллектуалов, в рамках которой к историческим сюжетам применяется методологический аппарат критической социологии П. Бурдьѐ, которая развивается под эгидой К. Шарля и Ж. Сапиро. Социологический подход позволяет рассматривать интеллектуала как агента, занимающего определенное положение в социальной структуре и поле интеллектуального производства, чьи действия могут быть объяснены в терминах борьбы за символический капитал. Выбор между широким определением интеллектуала – социологическим – и более узким – политическим – свидетельствует о продолжении соперничества между социологией и историей в поле социальных наук. В предлагаемой статье рассматриваются методологические различия этих двух направлений и способы их преодоления, а также перспективы истории интеллектуалов в контексте транснациональной и интеллектуальной истории. Особое внимание уделено проблеме определения понятия «интеллектуал» на основе указанных подходов.

Ключевые слова: история интеллектуалов во Франции, историография, социальная история, новая политическая история, междисциплинарность, компаративная история, история идей.

History of intellectuals has acquired the status of an independent sub-discipline in the field of history in the middle of the 1980s and became a florescent field of research in France. Arising in opposition to the traditional approaches of history of ideas and history of philosophy, history of intellectuals has adopted the theories and methods
of political history and sociology. In the early 1990s, two competitive approaches emerged within the field. The political approach mainly proposed by J.-F. Sirinelli and M. Winock was aimed at studying the phenomenon of the French intellectuals through the analysis of their political engagement. C. Charle and G. Sapiro developed the social
approach to the intellectuals, considering their interactions in the intellectual field using the terms of Pierre Bourdieu. The sociological approach proposes to examine the phenomenon of the intellectual through the analysis of his position in the intellectual field of cultural production and through the consideration of his actions in terms of the struggle for the “symbolic capital”. The choice between the broad sociological definition of the intellectual and the narrower political one highlights and continues a long-term rivalry between sociology and history in the field of social sciences. The article analyzes methodological differences of the two approaches and points out the research perspectives of the above-mentioned sub-discipline. Attention is paid to the problem of the definition of the “intellectual” and its resolution in the framework of both approaches.

Key words: French history of intellectuals, historiography, new political history, social history, interdisciplinarity, comparative studies, history of ideas.

ABSTRACT
This article investigates how Gabriele D’Annunzio’s The Triumph of
Death brings together Nietzsche’s ideas and Wagner’s music and
interweaves them with the motifs of literary Decadence and the
author’s own particular sexual politics. The novel is an experimental
text striving to be a Gesemtkunstswerk, an integrated work that
incorporates music, painting, poetry, regional folklore, and private
thoughts about personal and national power. I discuss the novel’s
themes of violent sexuality and the anxiety of powerlessness and
explore their implications for the fascist political aesthetics in which
D’Annunzio played a pioneering role.

This book offers an analysis of the identity of the contemporary intelligentsia. It delves into the world of young Polish intellectuals and activists striving to find more profound justifications for their actions. It is the outcome of extensive research and aims to shed light on the identities and ethos dynamic of people active in the public sphere. These intellectuals are cultural heirs of the old intelligentsia and bearers of its ethos. The author analyses their perspectives on the intelligentsia and the accompanying values and practices. The book shows how the representatives of the intellectual elites perceived their social roles and public functions. It also determines the patterns of public engagement they follow.

This article examines the dilemma of exiled Arab intellectuals and their relationship to home in the work of the Syrian novelist, journalist, and feminist, Ghada al-Samman. It argues that for Samman, a writer of multiple exiles, home and exile are dialectically related, making the contributions of intellectuals in these spaces similarly dialectical. That the life of exiled intellectuals is a circle that remains incomplete as long as they are unable to return to home. The article traces three different and recurring thematic components in Samman’s writings: First, how she problematizes and refines the notion of intellectual “commitment”. Second, how and why Samman considers “safe harbors” impossible to find either at home or in exile. Third, how exiled intellectuals in Samman’s writings constantly struggle between the gap between theory and practice. The article conducts a close analytical reading of two of Samman’s major works Laylat al-milyar: Riwaya and al-Qabila tastajwibu al-qatila. The first is one of Samman’s most celebrated novels in the Arab world and the third part of her trilogy on the Lebanese civil war, published in 1986. The second is a collection of journalistic interviews with Samman conducted by Arab journalists, writers, and poets from different countries largely in the 1970s. Paired together, these works offer rich insights on Samman’s philosophy in relation to the dilemmas of Arab intellectuals.

This article offers a new explanation for the sudden rise in popularity of French existentialism, in particular of Sartre’s version, in the mid-1940s. It develops a multidimensional account which recognises both structural and cultural factors. The explanation differs from, and more fully addresses the complexity of the situation than, the two most prominent existing explanations: namely Anna Boschetti’s Bourdieu-inspired account and Randall Collins’ network-based approach. It is argued that, because of specific socio-political circumstances, the intellectual establishment became tainted and lost legitimacy, with its aesthetic and philosophical views now regarded as outdated if not politically dangerous. This hiatus brought unprecedented publishing opportunities for a new philosophical current, and skilful public performances by the main protagonists helped its ascendancy. Most importantly, existentialist writers colluded with de Gaulle in portraying a cohesive and defiant French nation; and their philosophy, especially in its notion of responsibility, enabled sections of French society to assimilate and make sense of the recent past, whilst drawing a line underneath it so as to move forward.

Key words: Sartre, sociology of philosophy, sociology of ideas, public intellectuals, cultural trauma

RESUMEN
La obra sociológica de Francisco Ayala, prácticamente desconocida, sobrepasa el interés meramente historiográfico. Al estudiar sus obras —algunas de las cuales presentamos en este texto— encontramos ideas, conceptos y teorías que muestran una admirable viveza. Nuestro objetivo ha sido, pues, doble; por un lado ofrecer una interpretación general de Ayala como sociólogo en el marco de la tradición sociológica española; por otro lado, señalar algunas de sus ideas más relevantes, así como atender al juego sociología-literatura que encontramos a lo largo de su obra.

Palabras Clave: Francisco Ayala; Sociología y Literatura; Sociología española; Historia de la sociología; Historia de la
sociología española; Sociología de la sociología.

ABSTRACT
Francisco Ayala’s sociological work, almost unknowed, exceed an hitoriographical interest. Studying his works —we introduce some of them in this text— we find ideas, concepts and theories that are still alive. We have a double objective; by one hand,
we offer a general interpretation of Ayala as a sociologist in the context of the spanish sociological tradition; by other hand, we
remark some of his most importants ideas, and we pay attention to the sociology-literature game that we find in his work.

Key Words: Francisco Ayala; Sociology and Literature; Spanish sociology; History of sociology; History of spanish sociology; Sociology of sociology

This article is one of the first to employ positioning theory to analyse an intellectual product. After introducing the theory itself, it explores how Sartre’s book Réflexions sur la question juive enabled him to locate himself within, as well as intervene in, the socio-political and intellectual context at the time.  Using the text, Sartre positioned himself as an authoritative public intellectual; that is, a generalist, drawing on his vast cultural resources to speak out about a wide range of important societal issues with moral conviction. He also positioned himself within the tradition of the Dreyfusard notion of the intellectual - that is, as an intellectual who engages with contemporary social and political issues and who is a defender of progressive Republican notions whilst remaining an independent voice - with the qualification that he expressed disquiet about the French Republican notion of citizenship. Drawing on these insights, the article ends discussing glaring omissions in Sartre’s Réflexions sur la question juive, making sense of them in the light of the socio-political context of the mid-1940s in France. The article shows the fruitfulness of positioning theory for analysing intellectual interventions whether they are in the form of books, essays or articles.

Key words: Sartre, perfomativity, positioning theory, intellectuals, Jews, anti-Semitism

This conversation between a private security guard, Dharmendra Panchal, and  Irfan Ahmad serves as a window to understand contemporary India from the perspective of an “ordinary” or “common” man, an ardent and articulate supporter of the current ruling party and its worldview. At the centre of this conversation is the salience of Hinduism in politics, not only at the national level but also internationally. Addressing such issues as the visibility and assertion of Dalits (ex-untouchables) in the public realms, inter-caste and inter-religious marriages, prostitution, development, technology, corruption, terrorism, the notions and practices of war, the United Nations and the current world order, in this conversation Panchal describes his worldview according to which the current dark time of Kaliyuga marked as it is by untruth (adharma) is about to end. The advent of
Kalkī, future avatar of god Vishnu, will end the present Kaliyuga and herald the age of truth (Satya Yuga) which Panchal saw actualized well in his own lifetime. The new age of truth led by Hindus will establish a righteous and prosperous order at domestic as well as at the world level. Panchal skilfully connects the Hindu metaphysical postulates to the empirical world of politics to present a description and narrative that invite analytical attention.

This article unpacks reasons why the Propaganda Model represents a critical sociological approach to understanding media and society, explores the model’s potential within the sociological field, and considers the trajectory of its reputational reception to date. The article also introduces the three central hypotheses and five operative principles of the Propaganda Model and suggests that the model complements other (competing) approaches that explore the relationship between ideological and institutional power and discursive phenomena.

Transformacja oraz związana z nią nadzieja powrotu do Europy nie unieważniły problemów wynikających z położenia geograficznego – w pewnych wymiarach nawet je uwypukliły – nie unieważniły automatycznie wyzwań, przed którymi stoi warstwa wykształcona w półperyferyjnym kraju. Inteligencja, zarówno jako elita podtrzymująca pewien etos, jak i ogół osób wykształconych, może być uznana za stosunkowo trwały element polskiego społeczeństwa i jego kultury. Paradoksalnie jej istnienie jest zarówno oznaką nowoczesności (…), jak i cywilizacyjnego zapóźnienia.

[English below] Artykuł jest propozycją powrotu do pojęć fetyszyzmu i reifikacji jako klasycznych, ale nadal aktualnych narzędzi krytycznej teorii społeczeństwa. W ramach szeroko pojętej analizy nowoczesności wskazywały one na odwrócenia, w których środek zastępuje cel, a obiektywizujące miary redukują niewspółmierne jakości. W tekście zostają zestawione koncepcje, które można uznać za źródła teorii fetyszyzmu i urzeczowienia, a także ich klasyczne i nowsze sformułowania w pracach Marksa, Lukácsa i Deborda. Wskazane w tytule pojęcia odniesione są do pracy intelektualnej, której rola we współczesnym kapitalizmie jest zarazem centralna i podporządkowana. W końcowej partii tekstu zaproponowane zostaje pojęcie intelektualisty totalnego jako kogoś, kto poprzez roszczenie do krytyki i formę swojej twórczości sprzeciwia się urzeczowieniu pracy intelektualnej i jej redukcji do działalności technicznej i zekonomizowanej.

Abstract
This paper proposes a return to notions of reification and fetishism as classical, but still valid tools of critical social theory. In broadly conceived frame of analysis of modernity, these notions pointed to processes of inversion, in which the aims were substituted by means and objectivistic measures reduced disproportionate qualities. In the text several conceptions are set together: both the ones, that can be understood as sources for theories of fetishism and reification, and their classic and more contemporary expositions in the works of Marx, Lukács and Debord. The notions indicated in the title are applied to intellectual work, which plays a role in contemporary capitalism that is at the same time central and subordinated. In the final part of the text the notion of total intellectual is proposed: it is meant to describe someone, who by claims to critique and form of one’s creations objects to reification of intellectual work and its reduction to technical and economised activity.

This research, conducted by the author when a Senior Researcher at Newcastle University, UK, was funded by a UK governance organisation to help them assess, integrate and improve their understanding of the governed population.

ABSTRACT: Governance organisations have been urged to develop more holistic evidence-based approaches with partners to better deal with issues affecting the governed population. This presupposes an understanding of the population, yet there has been little research work addressing how governance organisations come to understand their governed population, nor how this understanding can be improved upon within such organisations.

This case study examined in-depth how understanding of a governed population was developed within one UK local governance organisation and it explored how such understanding might be developed and improved through more holistic and evidence-based organisational learning within the organisation and its governance partnerships.

The research methodology involved placement within the governance organisation, participant observations on several projects and innovative initiatives, observations within, across, and outside the organisation, and also interviews with varied key stakeholders.

The study examined:

- stakeholder engagement and networks
- current and varied understandings of the population
- mechanisms actually used for developing understandings
- the influence of context on organisational learning

and analysed these to arrive at a recommendations to improve organisational understanding of the governed population.

In the case studied, significant strengths were found: including innovative past learning trials for development, extensive ongoing networking activities, and many varied and accumulating quantitative datasets available across partnerships.

However, entrenched organisational approaches and practices constrained the development of holistic evidence-based understanding, for instance: the absence of systematic maintained collective learning processes; weak recording and forgetting of understandings; methodological exclusion of stakeholders from the development of understanding; the relative neglect of qualitative data, explanations, investigations, interpretations, and reflexivity; and also implicit organisational acceptance of such limitations and low aspirations.

Nonetheless, untapped opportunities existed to enable change including: latent practitioner knowledge and innovative management champions, the desire for improvement and raised aspirations within learning networks, and the development potential of alterative learning approaches.

It was concluded that more holistic evidence-based understanding was possible, but required new learning approaches beyond those then in use in both local government or academia.   

Recommendations are made to utilise and develop improved organisational learning approaches trialed and reported in the case study.

It is argued that the case study findings, conclusions, and recommendations may be applicable to other similar local governance organisations and partnerships that seek to better understand local populations, services and interventions.

The work was also submitted for, and awarded, an MPhil (at Newcastle University, supervised by Prof. Patsy Healy)

www.studiasociologia.ro http://www.studia.ubbcluj.ro/ [email protected] Studia S o c io l og ia is the peer-reviewed journal of the Faculty of Sociology and Social Work, published bi-annually (June and December) as part of the Studia Series of the "Babeş-Bolyai" University.

Este libro analiza la interacción entre el nacionalismo y la política de la historia en la Argentina del siglo XX. Ambos conceptos, el de "nacionalismo" y el de "política de la historia", son objeto de debate, pero el segundo es más sencillo de definir. La mayoría de los historiadores coincidiría en afirmar que el conocimiento histórico es un medio fundamental en las luchas por el poder político. De allí se sigue que, consciente o inconscientemente, las interpretaciones de la historia suelen producirse, difundirse, apropiarse y utilizarse para fines políticos. Con "política de la historia" se remite a las formas en que se escribe y moviliza la historia con el objeto de afectar la distribución del poder político en una sociedad. Desde luego, las ideologías en cuyo nombre se hace ello varían, pero como las narrativas, los mitos y los símbolos históricos son la materia a partir de la cual se interpretan las identidades nacionales, muchas políticas de la historia se hallan integradas en los debates sobre qué constituye aquello que podríamos llamar los rasgos esenciales de un Estado-Nación determinado. Dicho de otro modo, no toda política de la historia es nacionalista, pero todos los nacionalismos profundizan en el pasado de la Nación como base de reivindicaciones políticas actuales.

The central question addressed by this thesis is: what political roles can intellectuals play as agents of security? It attempts to answer this in two stages. First, by developing a typology for thinking about the political roles that intellectuals can play in periods of transition. Second, by using this typology to analyse the roles played by three groups of intellectuals during South Africa’s transition from apartheid. The three groups analysed are: the Afrikaner Broederbond (Bond); the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA); and the Cape Areas Housing Action Committee (CAHAC).
Part I starts with an overview of the Critical Security Studies (CSS) perspective on three fundamental questions: What is security? Whose security are we talking about? And, what constitutes a security issue? Part I then seeks to fill a gap in the literature by thinking through the political roles that intellectuals can play as agents of security. After providing a brief etymology of the term ‘intellectual,’ it is argued that a neo-Gramscian perspective offers a useful way of thinking about the roles intellectuals can play, especially in the construction and reconstruction of political order and defining what counts as ‘common sense’. While a neo-Gramscian perspective provides security analysts with a sophisticated conceptual tool-kit, it provides only general answers to questions about the roles of intellectuals. Part I therefore concludes by developing a typology for thinking about the roles played by intellectuals in a manner germane to Security Studies. This typology suggests that, in relation to their particular audiences, intellectuals engage in a process of reflection; provide interpretations of the political world; construct visions of possible futures (both desirable and undesirable); and engage with potentially significant audiences to turn their preferred vision into reality.
In Part II this typology is deployed in conjunction with Gramsci’s distinction between traditional and organic intellectuals to analyse the political roles played by three groups of intellectuals during South Africa’s transition: the Bond, as an example of the organic intellectuals of Afrikaner nationalism; the SAIIA, as an example of Gramsci’s traditional intellectuals; and the CAHAC, as an example of the organic intellectuals of the liberation struggle.
The Conclusion reflects upon the findings of Parts I and II by briefly discussing three further questions. What does this thesis add to received accounts of South Africa’s transition? How do the three groups of intellectuals differ on the fundamental questions of CSS? And, how might critical intellectuals contribute to emancipatory change?

Određenje intelektualca kreće se između doslovnosti i bezobalnosti; od definicije prema kojoj je reč o svakom čoveku koji intelektualnim radom zarađuje za život, do uverenja da se njegove granice pružaju do svih onih koji iz različitih profesija intervenišu u javnu sferu. Status intelektualaca oscilira između krajnosti – treba li da budu autsajderi ili integrisani, angažovani ili izdvojeni, konformisti ili pobunjenici, disidenti ili članovi elite, nužno kritički orijentisani ili ne? U knjizi se nudi sagledavanje dilema koje okružuju poimanje intelektualca i onih atributa koji mu se (ne)opravdano pripisuju. Pisana je sa idejom da ponudi nejednoznačno, ali razumljivo štivo o poziciji i ulozi intelektualca u društvu.

The Jewish intelligentsia and Russian Marxism I. Communism and intellectuals 2. Party affiliation Russia 3. Socialist parties 4. Jews in Russia I. Title 30 1 .5'g2 JN65g8.A I ISBN 0-333-23206-2 This book is sold subject to the standard conditions oj' the Net Book Agreement vi vii (1. THEORETICAL PROSPECTUS I 2. CLASS AND ETHNIC STRUCTURE TO 1905 9 A. The Jewish Community in Pre-capitalist Poland 9 B. The Decline of Serfdom and the Development of Capitalism in Russia I3 C. Peasant and Working Class Unrest '7 D. The Jews Between Feudalism and Capitalism 23 E. Jewish Workers 30 3. THE EMBEDDING PROCESS A. Classification B. Declassification C. Reclassification 4. STRANGERS AND REBELS A. The Jewish Question B. The Role of the Intelligentsia C. The Agents and Character of the Revolution 5. ROOTLESS COSMOPOLITANS? Notes

Petrarch stands at the top of Mount Ventoux and proclaims his longing to return home. His soul turns toward Italy. Yet Petrarch has no “home” as such, and Italy does not exist at this time except as a post-imperial territorial designation. There certainly is no Italian nation. How can we understand these paradoxes? How does Petrarch’s passion relate to the question of nation formation? Through an exploration of Petrarch’s emotional responses to Italy, and by tracking his variable senses of space and time, this essay explores the tensions expressed by a deracinated intellectual caught between two different but contemporaneous ontological formations: the traditional and the modern. Here, the concept of “the traditional” is not treated as being the same as “the pre-modern.” Rather the essay works with a post-binary method of ontological valences or orientations. The colliding valences of Petrarch’s evocations are used to illustrate the ways we can open up alternative lines of inquiry into a crucial period in the life of Italy. The essay seeks an alternative to the mainstream tendency to either to make contentious overstatements or to slide into overcautious interpretative ambiguity.