Sociology and Political science

Article based on paper presented as part of Panel 24: ‘Looting, Refusing, Negating, Embodying’ ‘Critical Refusals’ Fourth Biennal Conference of the International Herbert Marcuse Society, University of Pennsylvania, 27-29th October 2011

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Chap 1 (pages 1-24) excerpted from the book, Venezuela´s Polarized Politics:  The Paradox of Direct Democracy Under Chavez. Ana L.Mallen and Maria Pilar Garcia-Guadilla . First Forum Press. Lynne Rienner Publishers, Inc. 2017.
How Participatory democracy led to profound polarization in Venezuela

This interview of Àngel Ferrero with sociologist József Böröcz (Rutgers University) was carried out for the newspaper El Salto and first appeared there in Spanish on the 7th of April 2018. LeftEast reprints the English original with the kind permission of the author. For the Spanish version, click here: https://www.academia.edu/36351803/Las_pol%C3%ADticas_de_Orb%C3%A1n_ya_se_han_extendido_m%C3%A1s_all%C3%A1_de_las_fronteras_de_Hungr%C3%ADa

In this study, I set out to explore the role media plays in reinforcing national identity and belonging. Through this study I aim to contribute to the wealth of literature on the sociology of nationalism, particularly in relation to media. I decided to conduct a media analysis of newspaper coverage on the recent Independence Referendum in Scotland. My main focus in this study was to explore how newspaper coverage re-presented national identity in Scotland, and how these identities tied into the referendum debates. I aim to highlight in this paper, the pivotal role that newspaper discourse plays in reproducing and reinforcing distinct national identities.
I offer a main hypothesis in this thesis which serves to challenge ideas and theories around nationalism in Scotland. This research uncovers some of the complexity of the media and nationalism in Scotland. A number of studies of Scottish media, maintain that Scotland’s media can assume the label of ‘semi-autonomous’. These studies maintain that the media in Scotland offer distinct national flaggings that differ from the media in the rest of the United Kingdom. However this study argues this may be the case during ‘average’ or ‘normal’ periods of media coverage, but during this event the Scottish media served to promote and reproduce British national identity. This study shows how three discourse strategies were adopted in newspaper coverage to reproduce belonging to the British nation, which I have labelled as follows: The Constructive Strategies of ‘Our Patriotism’, The Perpetuation Strategies of the ‘Nationalist Threat’ and The Detachment and Distance of Newspaper Coverage. Each of the three linguistic strategies were used frequently and routinely in the coverage analysed, and each on its own, and as a collective served to further promote identification with the British nation. These findings prompt a rethinking of the role that media plays in nation building, particularly in relation to stateless-nations such as Scotland.  The findings of this study help to open doors for the potential of further understanding why Scotland decided to vote No in the referendum, and help to forge a way for a better understanding of media, nationalism and stateless nations.

This book analyses the institutional development that the Peruvian state has undergone in recent years within a context of rapid extractive industry expansion. It addresses the most important institutional state transformations produced directly by natural resources growth. This includes the construction of a redistributive law with the mining canon; the creation of a research canon for public universities; the development of new institutions for environmental regulation; the legitimation of state involvement in the function of prevention and management of conflicts; and the institutionalization and dissemination of practices of participation and local consultation.

This review article goes back to shed light on an article that was written and published since 24 years. It reconsiders various aspects of the crisis that Algerian society went through. In so doing the author tries to bring out the strengths and weaknesses, providing readers with an astonishingly objective and rigorous account of the article.

Il metodo e l’oggetto dell’osservazione “ 21
La sociologia è un mondo di relazioni “ 23
Le paure di una società in crisi. Conflitto tra libertà e sicurezza “ 27
Lo spazio attorno all’Europa si restringe e il mondo appare
più minaccioso “ 33
Mediterraneo Anima mundi “ 35
Mediterraneo periferia del Terzo Millennio? “ 39
2000: Pochi ricchi e molti poveri “ 45
Piccoli pacifisti crescono: la natura di un fallimento “ 51
Il fascismo telematico “ 55
Radici: Tarantella e Pink Floyd “ 61
L’economia di guerra e la guerra dell’economia “ 65
Terrorismo. L’attacco alla libertà “ 69
Medioriente. La cortina di fuoco “ 73
La frammentazione del mondo e dell’uomo “ 79
La ribellione silenziosa: precariato e nichilismo “ 81
7
In cerca di risposte forti alle paure della vita pag. 85
Barack Obama, solo un nuovo Presidente
o Presidente di una nuova Era? “ 89
La crisi e i “Consumatori consumati” “ 93
Crisi, manovre e mercati fantasma “ 97
Finirà la crisi? Il capitalismo “liquido” “ 101
Il “mondo senza poveri” di Muhammad Yunus “ 105
La storia recente e precaria dei diritti civili e umani “ 109
L’ignoranza partorisce mostri “ 113
L’Italia: popolo di santi, nani e ballerine “ 117
Stato gendarme. L’evoluzione del capitalismo
e il nuovo ordine mondiale “ 119
Una sinistra smarrita nella crisi “ 123
Il Muro globale “ 127
A proposito di primarie e democrazia “ 131
Belpaese: economia assistita e welfare “delegato” “ 135
E se la mafia gestisse anche l’aria? “ 139
Controllori e controllati. L’Italia è un paese liberale? “ 141
Comunisti, mangiapreti e laicità “ 145
Massoneria deviata... ma da chi? “ 151
L’antropologia del potere violento “ 155
Non abituarsi alla violenza. La storia come terapia “ 159
Il Sessantotto con gli occhi delle donne italiane “ 163
La storia perduta: un eterno presente che ci fa paura
e ci rende aggressivi “ 169
Inchieste e censura: il Re è Nudo! “ 175
Calabria: pessimo laboratorio nazionale “ 181
8
Il linguaggio, il sesso ed il potere pag. 185
Il dissenso dei governati “ 187
La solitudine: ossimoro antropologico “ 191
Il linguaggio della politica “ 203
Questione femminile e ritorno al privato “ 207
La potenza come centro antropologico “ 211
La violenza come linguaggio.
Persone, corpi e figure “invisibili” “ 215
Discriminazione e sub cultura della violenza “ 219
Nuovo Umanesimo. Quando il nome non significa “ 223
Forte come un uomo. Ovvero il sesso del Potere “ 229
Anche la storia ha un sesso “ 233
Il linguaggio come lavoro collettivo “ 237
Governare la complessità a partire dagli spazi urbani “ 241
Lavoro: il grande inganno globale “ 245
Il revisionismo non è ricerca storica ma ideologia “ 249
Siamo un pubblico impaurito “ 253
Nota finale “ 257
Bibliografia “ 261

Cet article vise à faire une lecture analytique, objective des violences politiques au Cameroun à la loupe de la crise anglophone de 2016-2017 à travers une mobilisation d'outils à la fois sociologiques et politologiques. Abstract This paper aims at doing an analytical and objective reading of political violence in Cameroon through the Anglophone crisis of 2016-2017 thanks to a mobilization of both sociological and political science tools.

The article tries to predict the post Corona world from the social, economical and political perspective. It tries to explore the probable changes in human society due to expected economic disaster and indicates that fascism would gain their momentum again. But the situation indicates a golden opportunity for socialism to comeback again. The current socialistic kind of state welfare pattern of the countries shows more chance for socialism to penetrate among people. Even if the present capitalist democracy prevails it needs a lot of changes to corroborate with the changed scenario which again also would be more socialistic in nature. The paper also focuses on the importance of social media in organization of mass opinion.

Se o proveito das divisões disciplinares entre as Ciências Sociais pode ser questionado de um modo geral, não temos dúvida de que no Brasil a Ciência Política tem sido especialmente pouco beneficiada pela imposição de fronteiras temáticas, esquemas teóricos e abordagens metodológicas canonizados. A repetição de certos autores e temas nas ementas das-disciplinas de Política‖, como se costuma dizer, em cursos de graduação em Ciências Sociais e áreas afins e, muito em especial, em programas de pós-graduação em Ciência Política, é fato conhecido. Embora válido e produtivo, entrar no detalhe das razões que explicam o relativo autocentramento da disciplina no contexto científico brasileiro não constitui interesse fundamental deste livro. Em vez disso, optamos por expediente diverso. O conjunto de textos que compõem esta obra propõe-se a discutir problemáticas contemporâneas do-fenômeno da política‖ a partir de ângulos, via de regra, ignorados pelos estudos colocados sob a chancela da Ciência Política ou pautados por sua agenda. Apoiadas em pesquisas empíricas recentes e com base em temáticas e em recortes mais ou menos específicos, estas discussões procuram enfrentar alguns eixos principais de questões. E o primeiro e mais central desses eixos pode ser resumido na concepção segundo a qual a dimensão política do mundo social não se reduz a atividades, espaços, atores ou racionalidades oficialmente reconhecidos como-políticos‖. Tal ponto de partida teórico permite, por sua vez, uma série de descentramentos na construção de objetos e no desenvolvimento de enfoques e métodos de apreensão da chamada realidade social e política. Como não poderia ser diferente, um primeiro descentramento toca em cheio em uma das questões mais controversas das Ciências Sociais-a racionalidade na ação social. A estratégia adotada pelos autores foi evitar a discussão meramente escolar acerca das recorrentes oposições como materialismo x idealismo, ator x estrutura, sujeito x objeto, material x simbólico, coletivo x individual, consciente x inconsciente

Un día, cuando su grupo-compromiso considera que se reunen ciertas condiciones domésticas e internacionales, el Presidente de un país transmite masivamente un mensaje a sus gobernados.  Lo hace, típicamente en cadena nacional y a la hora de mayor rating televisivo.  Con la solemnidad que amerita la ocasión, ahí anuncia que se aparta, desde ese momento y durante un periodo indeterminado de tiempo, de la legalidad hasta entónces vigente.  Dá a conocer que suprime a los otros dos poderes (legislativo y judicial), y que declara abolido el órden constitucional conforme al cuál él mísmo tuvo acceso a la silla presidencial.  Aunque nunca lo llama de esta manera, en realidad proclama que, a partir de ese instante, está llevando a cabo lo que en las ciencias sociales se conoce hoy en día como un autogolpe de estado.
¿Cómo se conceptualiza, un autogolpe de Estado? ¿Qué es lo que sucede antes, durante y despues del autogolpe?  ¿Cuáles son las fases y etapas, por los que pasa un autogolpe de Estado?  ¿Cuándo es, desde la perspectiva del grupo que prepara un autogolpe, el momento preciso para darlo? ¿Cuáles son los elementos del discurso presidencial que se emplea y difunde, cuando empieza a ejercer la titularidad del Ejecutivo, luego de su primer triunfo electoral?  ¿Qué argumentación emplea públicamente el presidente autogolplista, para justificarlo, en el momento en que lo está dando? 
El cometido del presente documento estriba en iniciar la construcción de una teoría de alcance intermedio que, con fundamento en la literatura académica existente a nivel mundial al principiar el año 2002, responda a las interrogantes planteadas.  Concretamente, en él se exponen los resultados de un proyecto de investigación orientado a identificar y caracterizar los periodos y etapas del manejo ideológico efectuado por el ejecutivo de los estados nacionales peruano y ruso, en ambos casos conducentes a un severo debilitamiento de la esfera parlamentario-legislativa de la última década del siglo XX

This article aims to show how experts in European law shaped the direction and content of European public policy in the area of criminal justice. Putting policy experts at the core of our analysis allows us to examine the meso level of policy-making processes directly, where we can study the actors that played a concrete role in providing political and technical solutions during the draft- ing and adoption of European decisions. Our research focuses specifically on magis- trates and senior civil servants who were actively involved in formulating and adopting the instruments of judicial co-operation (the Eurojust unit and the Euro- pean Arrest Warrant). Through a sociological analysis of individual and collective actions of these legal professionals, we can explain how this branch of the EU was institutionalized and achieved its current form.

KEY WORDS Criminal matters; Eurojust; European Arrest Warrant; legal experts; judicial co-operation; policy-making.

The Emirate of Abu Dhabi has spent millions to create an agency solely dedicated to protecting the physical facilities that provide Abu Dhabi with wealth and essential utilities. A large portion of that sum has been spent on training, but much of it was spent on ineffective programs based

The political landscape in Sweden has undergone considerable changes in recent decades The number of political parties in the Swedish parliament has increased from five to eight, and the socio-economic issues of the traditional political right–left scale has been challenged by socio- cultural issues relating to lifestyle and identity. Notably, the notion of Swedish exceptionalism and the particularities of its welfare state is lingering despite findings pointing in the opposite direction e.g. with the increased electoral support for the radical right, and its ethno-nationalist and anti-immigrant rhetoric. The corporatist model has been challenged by new forms of poli- tical authority, participation and representation. New political actors, such as social movements and civil society actors, think tanks and policy professionals, are becoming increasingly engaged in political processes. The long-term trend suggests that traditionally marginalised groups, such as the young, women and groups of migrant background, are represented in decision-making forums to a higher degree than before. Yet, current conditions need further analysis. In this article, we provide a background to Sociologisk Forskning’s special issue on the political landscape of the parliamentary election in 2018.

El presente artículo busca una posible explicación al fenómeno de rupturas en los partidos políticos chilenos en el debilitamiento de la convención colaborativa en las élites partidarias. Se considera el supuesto de que la conformación de élites partidarias corresponde a una forma de operación de los liderazgos dentro de un marco colaborativo que son los partidos. Como forma de verificar este planteamiento se analizaron tres casos de desagregaciones partidarias entre los años 2007 a 2009.

Książka Aviezera Tuckera The Legacies of Totalitarianism. A Theoretical Framework wpisuje się nurt prac, które podejmują kwestię zwycięstwa liberalnej demokracji w krajach o totalitarnej przeszłości i postsowieckiej dominacji po 1989 roku. W tekście analizuję problemy, które można wskazać w kontekściesugestii autora, że dysydenci (i kategoria życia w prawdzie) odgrywali istotną rolę nie tylko w obaleniu komunizmu (realnego socjalizmu), lecz także pełnią ją w utrzymaniu zdobyczy liberalnej demokracji w krajach Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, która obecnie ma być zagrożona demonami populizmu, nacjonalizmu, ksenofobii. Zasadnicze pytanie mojego tekstu dotyczy kwestii, czy byli dysydenci potrafili stworzyć dobre i funkcjonalne państwa, czy też nowe elityzdezerterowały, pozostawiając instytucje państwowe na łup pasożytujących na nich nomadów, co prowadzi do sprzeciwu obywateli. Kwestia ta dotyczy, jak się wydaje, nie tylko krajów tego regionu, lecz także całej Europy.