Social Movements (Political Science)

The limits of the planet and of natural  resources  impede  pursuing  the  modern  project  based  on  permanent
growth  and  represent  a  major  challenge  for  humanity.  Drawing on an  agency-centred  approach,  this paper addresses two two  major  questions:
‘Who are the social actors who challenge the normative orientation at the core of modernization and promote alternative values and practices that may contribute to the rise of a global age, or may embody glimpses of a global age society?’ and ‘Can we grasp some dimensions of life and society in the global age  by studying current social movements?  ’

We live in an age of movement. More than at any other time in history , people and things move longer distances, more frequently, and faster than ever before. All that was solid melted into air long ago and is now in full circulation around the world like dandelion seeds adrift on turbulent winds. We find ourselves, in the early twenty-first century, in a world where every major domain of human activity has become increasingly defined by motion. 1 We have entered a new historical era defined in large part by movement and mobility and are now in need of a new historical on-tology appropriate to our time. The observation that the end of the twentieth century and the beginning of the twenty-first was marked by an increasingly " liquid " and " mobile modernity " is now something widely recognized in the scholarly literature at the turn of the century. 2 Today, however, our orientation to this event is quite different. Almost twenty years into the twenty-first century we now find ourselves situated on the other side of this heralded transition. The question that confronts us today is thus a new one: how to fold all that has melted back up into new solids. 3

Sus banderas están en las movilizaciones callejeras, sus militantes trabajan en los barrios, sus dirigentes obtienen cargos en intendencias, bancas en las legislaturas y en el Congreso. Adhirió al kirchnerismo e integró sus gobiernos, pero en los mismos años demostró en la calle el rechazo a algunas de sus políticas. Denunció activamente el ajuste neoliberal del macrismo, pero negoció con sus funcionarios y logró más poder en el manejo de planes sociales. Algunos de sus seguidores marchan en reclamo por la situación laboral tras una imagen de San Cayetano; otros lo hacen en apoyo a la legalización del aborto.

El Movimiento Evita es una de las organizaciones sociales más grandes, discutidas y singulares de la Argentina, y un participante activo de su escena política. De alto perl público, enorme capacidad de movilización y agenda política propia, el Evita –que nació como tal en 2006- logró arraigo en cientos de barrios populares de casi todas las provincias, consolidó su capacidad de generar fuertes lazos entre los militantes –incluso de crear y “educar” cuadros políticos-, evitó siempre las discusiones ideológicas, hizo y deshizo alianzas sin haber sufrido una ruptura en más de una década de existencia.

Este libro –el primero en explorar en profundidad y especícamente al Movimiento Evita- recorre los orígenes, la identidad y las estrategias políticas del Evita y se pregunta qué implica el acceso a cargos de gestión en el Estado para un movimiento que hizo una bandera de la autonomía y que, como dice su líder Emilio Pérsico, quiere representar a “los últimos de la fila”. ¿Se burocratiza? ¿”Traiciona” sus ideales? ¿Se puede estar a la vez en la calle, en los barrios y en el Estado?

A través de entrevistas a decenas de integrantes del movimiento –desde sus líderes más importantes, como Pérsico, el “Chino” Navarro y Leonardo Grosso, entre otros, a militantes de base-, y mediante un trabajo etnográfico en locales, merenderos, congresos y movilizaciones, Francisco Longa construye un retrato equilibrado y persuasivo de un espacio político díscolo, plebeyo, verticalista y pragmático, que con sus particularidades ilumina el siempre dinámico mundo de las organizaciones sociales en la Argentina.

The massacre of almost 50 Maidan protesters on February 20, 2014 was a turning point in Ukrainian politics and a tipping point in the conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. This mass killing of the protesters and the mass shooting of the police that preceded it led to the overthrow of the pro-Russian government of Viktor Yanukovych and gave a start to a civil war in Donbas in Eastern Ukraine, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. A conclusion promoted by the post-Yanukovych governments and the media in Ukraine that the massacre was perpetrated by government snipers and special police units on a Yanukovych order has been nearly universally accepted by the Western governments, the media, and many scholars. The Ukrainian government investigation identified members of the special company of Berkut as responsible for killings of the absolute majority of the protesters, but did not release any evidence in support, with the exception of videos of the massacre.
              The question is which side organized the “snipers’ massacre.” This paper is the first academic study of this crucial case of the mass killing. It uses a theory of rational choice and a Weberian theory of instrumental rationality to examine actions of major actors both from the Yanukovych government, specifically various police and security forces, and the Maidan opposition, specifically its far right and oligarchic elements, during the massacre.
          The paper analyzes a large amount of evidence from different publicly available sources concerning this massacre and killings of specifics protesters. Qualitative content analysis includes the following data: about 1,500 videos and recordings of live internet and TV broadcasts from mass media and social media in different countries(some 150 gigabytes), news reports and social media posts by more than 100 journalists covering the massacre from Kyiv, some 5,000 photos, and nearly 30 gigabytes of publicly available radio intercepts of snipers and commanders from the special Alfa unit of the Security Service of Ukraine and Internal Troops, and Maidan massacre trial recordings. This study also employs field research on site of the massacre, eyewitness reports by both Maidan protesters and government special units commanders, statements by both former and current government officials, estimates of approximate ballistic trajectories, bullets and weapons used, and types of wounds among both protesters and the police. This study establishes a precise timeline for various events of the massacre, the locations of both the shooters and the government snipers, and the specific timeline and locations of nearly 50 protesters’ deaths. It also briefly analyzes other major cases of violence during and after the “Euromaidan.” This study includes two video appendixes.
            This academic investigation concludes that the massacre was a false flag operation, which was rationally planned and carried out with a goal of the overthrow of the government and seizure of power. It found various evidence of the involvement of an alliance of the far right organizations, specifically the Right Sector and Svoboda, and oligarchic parties, such as Fatherland. Concealed shooters and spotters were located in at least 20 Maidan-controlled buildings or areas. The various evidence that the protesters were killed from these locations include some 70 testimonies, primarily by Maidan protesters, several videos of “snipers” targeting protesters from these buildings, comparisons of positions of the specific protesters at the time of their killing and their entry wounds, and bullet impact signs. The study uncovered various videos and photos of armed Maidan “snipers” and spotters in many of these buildings. The paper presents implications of these findings for understanding the nature of the change of the government in Ukraine, the civil war in Donbas, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine.

During the last few years in Bulgaria, as well as in other parts of the world, we are witnessing a proliferation of social movements. As far as the current global crisis is defined as predominantly economic and financial crisis, it puts to question neoliberalism as the doctrine with a minimalist vision of the state intervention and deregulation of public goods. What can be seen in social movements around the world, as well as in Bulgaria, are the demands for stronger state with citizen participation and restricted influence of privileged (financial) lobbies on political decision­making. The article presents data collected through in­depth interviews and anthropological observation of protest mobilizations in Bulgaria, analysed with the methodology of grounded theory, to form three core categories: representative democracy and political parties, participation, deliberation. The data show a strong preference for forms of citizen control and a return to established forms of representative democracy in a fraction of the protesters by the end of the studied period.

Arqueológicamente se diagnostica las luchas indígenas por el territorio en el sur del Tolima; genealógicamente, se analizan formas de resistencia emergentes, especialmente, del «Gran Resguardo de Ortega y Chaparral», como prácticas y formas discursivas fundadas en reivindicaciones de Manuel Quintín Lame, que propiciaron la conformación de un movimiento social. Como metodologías, la arqueología describe y muestra lo efectivamente dicho por Quintín Lame y sus difusores; la genealogía permite análisis críticos, alternativos –no autorizados, ilegítimos– de múltiples fuerzas que atraviesan y tensionan los discursos, para visibilizar aquello que tendenciosamente se procura que no sea visto, por los implicados en el hecho. Palabras clave. prácticas y formas discursivas; movimiento social de resistencia; territorialidades indígenas; fuerzas que tensionan discursos.

This thesis examines the central driver of recent mobilizations to be the need felt by society to seek a reinterpretation of democracy. This need for change is seen to emerge due to the damages caused to the social fabric by the impact of economic globalization. It is argued that every social movement has its own particular reasons. However, in the current globalization era, everything is connected to each other and drivers of recent social movements are dependent on the ‘legitimation crisis’ of the political economy. This aspect is focused through a case study on the Gezi Park movement as part of the recent wave of social movements. While investigating these aspects, it appears necessary to go beyond the new social movement theory in order to observe accurately this even newer wave of mobilizations. These issues must be addressed, and if they would be, it is argued that recent social movements can be the pioneers of an honorable social and political system in the future.

Loadenthal, Michael. “Cells, Communiqués and Monikers: The Insurrectionary Networks of Anti-State Attack.” In Routledge Handbook of Radical Politics, edited by Uri Gordon and Ruth Kinna, 326–40. New York, NY: Routledge, 2019.

Abstract:
Spanning over a century, the insurrectionary spirit of anarchism has been on the forefront
of direct, unmediated attacks on the state and capital. Insurrectionary praxis is based on an ethic of informality, clandestinity and temporality, and as a result, its cells exist in secret only as long as deemed necessary for a particular action. Unlike social movement organisations and above-ground campaigns, the cells that populate the insurrectionary milieu are not something to ‘belong to’ but something to ‘act through’; a momentary assemblage of likeminded individuals united for a particular attack by voluntary association and through shared affinity.

While the modern cell networks gained visibly in Europe around the millennium,
their rapid replication has led to similarly styled formations in dozens of countries from the Americas to Asia. This franchised replication is aided by the use of adoptable monikers – static labels used to associate an attack with others, and to ideologically tag them as insurrectionary. Oftentimes, these are acronyms whose names communicate the politics of the attackers, such as the Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI), Conspiracy of Cells of Fire (CCF), International Revolutionary Front (IRF) as well as older, not explicitly insurrectionary monikers such as the Animal Liberation Front (ALF) and Earth Liberation Front (ELF). The use of moniker-linked attacks, which form into a campaign of sorts, is a distinctive feature of the insurrectionary cells. For example, in June 2013, a Greek of the FAI cell bombed a vehicle belonging to a prison director overseeing the incarceration of comrades. This attack marked ‘act one’ of the Phoenix Project, and would be followed by thirteen additional attacks, spanning eight countries out over a twelve-month period. The Phoenix Project highlights the strength of the adoptable moniker, as through its usage, an arson targeting an Indonesian hotel and the sabotage of Italian fuel pumps can be united into a shared, global effort, and not understood as disparate acts of lone wolves. This chapter will explore how the insurrectionary anarchist networks utilise the cell model, the communiqué and the adoptable moniker to allow for the creation of a globally dispersed, decentralised, open involvement movement united in its rejection of capitalism, the state and those who would seek to control it.

This paper looks at the Fair Trade Movement, its background with the failure of the Doha Development Round, aid policies, and food price volatility with a focus on small farmers and the food crisis of 2008. The paper concludes by looking at the Banana Plantations in the Windward Islands and suggests improvements for the Fair Trade Movement.

Kraj dvadesetog veka je obeležila promena epohalne svesti koja je, između ostalog, podrazumevala i promenu shvatanja političkih opcija levog i desnog spektra. U kontekstu savremenog srpskog društva koje je formirano na nasleđu građanskih ratova podjednako kao i na kapitalističkoj transformaciji, desni ekstremizam postaje legitimna politička opcija. Cilj ovog rada je da istraži narativ o mestu žene iz perspektive Srpskog pokreta Dveri, jedine parlamentarne desne stranke koja je značajan deo svoje političke agende posvetila ženskom pitanju. Analizom narativa o mestu žene pokušaću da ukažem na to kako se retorika desnih političkih partija menja, kooptirajući feminističke politike u cilju privlačenja što većeg broja potencijalnih glasača, pri čemu tradicionalno shvaćena desnica postaje desnica sa ženskim licem.

Ključne reči:
desnica, levica, desni ekstremizam, ideologija, materinstvo, Srpski pokret Dveri, feminističke politike, mesto žene, studije roda

Kategoria kultury obywatelskiej stanowi jedno z pojęć służących do opisu współczesnej rzeczywistości społeczno-politycznej W ujęciu klasycznym (civic culture) jest ona definiowana jako kombinacja trzech podstawowych typów kultury politycznej: parafialnej, poddańczej i uczestniczącej (Almond, Verba, 1963) Jako przeciwwagę dla "klasycznego" modelu kultury obywatelskiej (określanej jako "lojalna"-allegiant culture) w ostatnich latach wprowadzono kategorię asertywnej kultury obywatelskiej (assertive culture, Dalton, Welzel, 2014) Celem niniejszego artykułu jest odpowiedź na pytanie o możliwości opisania współczesnych ruchów protestu za pomocą kategorii asertywnej kultury obywatelskiej Innymi słowy jest to pytanie o przydatność dotychczasowej definicji kultury obywatelskiej do zobrazowania przeobrażeń zachodzących we współczesnej sferze publicznej, a w szczególności w  obszarze oddolnej aktywności społecznej. Przeprowadzone analizy pozwalają zgodzić się z tezą mówiącą o potrzebie redefinicji „klasycznej” definicji kultury obywatelskiej w kierunku modelu asertywnego, z zastrzeżeniem dotyczącym zaufania pomiędzy członkami opisywanych ruchów. Punktem odniesienia dla postawionego
w artykule problemu są ruchy protestu, będące od kilku lat coraz częstszym „aktorem” w przestrzeni publicznej.

This essay posits American journalism as a particular realm of public knowledge production, inflected with its own professional practices as well as the way in which those practices subjugate technologies of representation. Taking the Arab Spring of 2011 as a case study in journalistic knowledge production, this article analyzes three epistemological conditions underscoring the Arab Spring’s development as an object of knowledge: the use of social media tools within the practice of journalism, the representational authority of the individual reporter, and the articulation of journalistic knowledge to broader institutions of liberal democratic power. While these are by no means the only possible themes of investigation, by looking at how journalistic practices rendered the Arab Spring sensible and worthy of public consideration, this essay hopes to reveal them as temporally and technologically contingent, but also linked to the values of liberal democracy that undergird journalism’s role in American public life.

It is well---known among historians that hard times do not in themselves create social movements. Modern history is replete with instances of collective hardship that have not generated movements for social change. Often such hardship has the opposite effect: it weakens and demoralizes people, directing their energies into the struggle for survival rather than political reform. However, in exceptional circumstances oppression may indeed spark genuine and sustained movements for change. The question of what these circumstances are is the main subject of this paper. Specifically, I will look at, first, the civil rights movement in Mississippi during the early 1960s, and second, the labor struggles of the Mayans in Morganton, North Carolina in the 1990s. I will compare these two progressive efforts and relate them to the Italian anarchist movement in the Northeast during the early 1900s. The result of this analysis will be a partial understanding of the conditions under which radical social movements form and thrive.

Inspired by the pioneering work of Robert R. Williams and Axel Honneth, this article offers a new lens through which to consider Hegel's infamous 'rabble problem.' By rethinking the conflict between the rabble and the State as a conflict between intersubjective and institutional recognition-generating a failure of reciprocal recognition-I suggest that there is embedded in Hegel's right of necessity a right of resistance that the rabble may justifiably claim in their struggle for recognition. The existence of the rabble, I ultimately suggest, is therefore not an inevitable consequence of the State, but an indication that the State has itself failed to concretize the universal consciousness of Spirit.

"[...] Allora riportiamo con coraggio e fino in fondo il punto di vista di classe, anche nelle nostre analisi e soprattutto nelle nostre raccomandazioni militanti. Rovesciare il punto di vista attraverso cui guardiamo a questi processi di trasformazione del lavoro e di sviluppo dell’economia digitale. Iniziamo a dirlo con forza: la difesa dell’efficienza del sistema economico non spetta all’organizzazione sindacale o al lavoro, ma alla sua controparte. Ai sindacati dovrebbe interessare la rappresentanza degli interessi dei lavoratori. Per far emergere un punto di vista di parte. Il loro."

[English follows]
Ce chapitre pose la question du degré de rupture ou de continuité entre les mouvements de l'extrême droite contemporaine et le fascisme historique. Pour ce faire, nous commençons par retracer la matrice idéologique d'un groupe d'extrême droite québécois -- la Fédération des Québécois de souche -- à partir de l'analyse des principales catégories d'acteurs prises pour cibles dans les articles du magazine Le Harfang, publié par l'organisation depuis 2012. Nous analysons ensuite la manière dont ces catégories s'articulent ensemble pour former un cadre qui structure une certaine vision du monde  et motive l'action politique (ce que nous appelons la « matrice idéologique »). Cet exercice nous permet, dans une troisième partie, d'établir des liens clairs entre la matrice idéologique de l'extrême droite contemporaine et celle de groupes ultra-nationalistes et ultra-conservateurs, proches du fascisme, actifs au Québec dans les années 1930. En somme, nous constatons qu'en tant que mouvement et système de pensée, l’extrême droite contemporaine  présente davantage de points communs avec l’extrême droite historique que ce qu'on pourrait parfois être amené à penser.
Lien vers l'ouvrage complet: http://classiques.uqac.ca/contemporains/helly_denise/Retablir_l_ordre_peur_mefiance_haine/Retablir_l_ordre.html

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This chapter raises the question of the degree of rupture or continuity between movements of the contemporary far right and historical fascism. To do this, we begin by retracing the ideological matrix of an extreme right group - the Fédération des Québécois de souche - through the analysis of the main categories of actors targeted in the pages of their magazine. We then analyze how these categories articulate together to constitue a framework that sustain a certain ontology that motivates political action (what we call the "ideological matrix" ). This exercise allows us, in a third part, to establish clear links between the ideological matrix of the contemporary far right and that of ultra-nationalist and ultra-conservative groups, close to fascism, active in Quebec in the 1930s. In short, we find that as a movement and system of thought, the contemporary far right may have more in common with historic fascism than we might sometimes be led to believe.
Follow the link for the full version of the book: http://classiques.uqac.ca/contemporains/helly_denise/Retablir_l_ordre_peur_mefiance_haine/Retablir_l_ordre.html

Introducción
Esta ponencia busca reintroducir el estudio de la lucha de las organizaciones de trabajadores desocupados (y de la economía popular) en los primeros años de la administración presidencial de Mauricio Macri (2015-2019). El análisis propuesto se focaliza en la demanda de una legislación de emergencia social. Aquí se promueve una revisita actualizada de los estudios en torno a la acción colectiva de los trabajadores desocupados e informales a partir de la descripción y el análisis de la lucha de sus organizaciones ante esta demanda. 
Entendemos que este proceso de lucha tiene dos características particulares. La primera es la articulación establecida con la Iglesia Católica y los intentos sistemáticos de vinculación con las centrales sindicales. La segunda es continua demanda de las organizaciones de trabajadores desocupados tanto al Poder Ejecutivo como al Legislativo.
El proceso de lucha es descripto a partir de una periodización que contiene tres momentos. Durante el primer momento se establece la articulación entre las tres organizaciones centrales de este proceso y se le da entidad a la demanda del proyecto de emergencia social. El segundo momento -en el cual el proyecto de ley es aprobado con modificaciones significativas - se caracteriza por una fuerte interacción con los poderes del Estado. Finalmente, el tercer período se identifica con las luchas enfocadas en la reglamentación de la ley emergencia social.
La base empírica de esta investigación se encuentra en 213 noticias publicadas en periódicos nacionales acerca de la lucha por la emergencia social. El rango temporal que incluye este estudio es desde agosto de 2016 hasta marzo de 2017.

During the 18th century, visitors would come and attend the British Parliament sessions in order to understand how a representative assembly could technically function, because politics is not only about ideas, but also a lot about practices and techniques. A great deal has been written on the circulation of political ideas during the 19th century, and on the part played by exiles, refugees and military volunteers in this intellectual mobility. However, less is known of what constitutes, in the end, politics: not only ideas, but practices, the material implementation of politics. How does one debate, vote, or demonstrate? What is political representation? How does one “start” a political party, and run it? All the political engineering, of the 19th century, the period of the birth of modern politics, has been the result of an intense circulation of exiles, which, along with bringing in new ideas, borrowed new ways of “making politics”. This is what this book contemplates through a wide range of examples showing how exile turned out to be, during the century of the revolutions, the laboratory of a new political grammar and of political practices resulting in the cross-fertilization between host countries and exiled communities.

Activists are struggling for open, democratic societies across the globe with access to few resources and little support. The concentration of existing support often comes from external actors—foreign governments, foundations, nongovernmental organizations, and private individuals—yet there has been insufficient research on how activists experience this support, until now. Understanding Activism breaks new ground by combining first-person accounts from activists with quantitative data across closed, semi-closed, and closing societies in order to understand the current support available to activists in contrast with what activists actually want.

Understanding Activism provides critical insights into practices that can be adopted across civil society to ensure more effective support to nonviolent movements at the forefront of securing inclusive, participatory democracies.

Heritage processes vary according to cultural, national, geographical, and historical contexts. This volume is unique in that it is dedicated to approaching the analysis of heritage through the concepts of social movements. Adapting the latest developments in the field of social movements, the chapters examine the formation, use and contestation of heritage by various official, non-official and activist players and the spaces where such ongoing negotiations and contestation take place. By bringing social movements into heritage studies, the book advocates a shift of perspective in understanding heritage, one that is no longer bound by (at times arbitrary) divisions such as those assumed between the state and people or between experts and non-experts.

REVIEWS
“This book significantly contributes to our understanding of the complexities of heritage in Asia. It broadens our horizons to look at issues of governance, state-society relations, and the institutional ways memory and material culture are politically negotiated. It reveals heritage as a series of movements, unpacking, elaborating and critiquing what that term means in different social settings. An exciting contribution to the examination of heritage in Asia.” • Tim Winter, University of Western Australia, Professor of Critical Heritage studies, Author of Geocultural Power: China’s Quest to Revive the Silk Roads for the Twenty First Century

“The book is a wake-up call for heritage practitioners who still too easily think of the material past as a static and unmediated record of times past. Heritage Movements in Asia reminds us that the heritage expert is only one among numerous players competing to inscribe meaning on the traces of the past embedded in the ground we all live on. As this book vividly illustrates, heritage activism, whether in the form of mass mobilisation or more intimate engagements, is what gives the material past its dynamism.” • Denis Byrne, Author of Counterheritage: Critical Perspectives on Heritage Conservation in Asia

“Looking at heritage processes through the lens of social movements, this volume adds a meaningful contribution to the growing literature of critical heritage studies.” • Neel Kamal Chapagain, Director of the Centre for Heritage Management, Ahmedabad University

Artiklis analüüsitakse Narvale tähelepanu pöörumist riigi keskvõimude poolt, mis võib erineval viisil väljendada, kuid kindlalt aktiviseerub ühes pingete või kriisiga kohapeal ning seejärel pigem vaibub. Vaatluse all on kaks näidet: 1993. aasta autonoomia referendum ning 2015. aastal alanud arutelu Narva kui võimaliku Vene Föderatsiooni sihtmärgi ja kohalike lojaalsuse ja identiteedi osas.

Resumo: Num Estado de Direito, a luta política entre os vários grupos, que defendem ou atacam interesses de classe, económicos, profissionais, geracionais, de género, ou outros, embora regulada, é uma constante. Governos, empresas e cidadãos, individulamente ou em grupo, lutam pelos seus objectivos estabelecendo relações de poder. Os media sempre tiveram um papel instrumental neste contexto e o novo media do séc. XXI – o ciberespaço – não é excepção. As características estruturais e funcionais deste instrumento criaram novas condições para a mobi-lização e participação políticas, reavivando a crença na acção libertadora da téc-nica. Por outro lado, nenhuma outra tecnologia promoveu tanta concentração de poder nas grandes empresas da indústria digital, ou criou semelhantes condições para a vigilância activa dos cidadãos por parte dos Estados. Este artigo reune algumas reflexões sobre a importância do ciberespaço como dimensão de poder. Abstract: The political struggle among groups defending or attacking class, economic, professional, generational, gender or any other interests, although regulated, is a constant. Governments, businesses and citizens, individually or as a group, fight for their porpuses by establishing relations of power between them, the media had always played an instrumental role with this regard and the new media of the 21st century – the cyberspace – is no exception. The structural and 1 Entregue: 2.3.2015; aprovado: 30.5.2015.

Este trabajo estudia la protesta estudiantil en 2011. En la primera parte se analizan las movilizaciones del estudiantado y en las tres siguientes se estudia
la estructura de oportunidad política (EOP), las estructuras de movilización y
los marcos de la acción colectiva y discursos políticos. El ciclo de protesta se explica, en buena parte, por una EOP favorable debido al apoyo que consiguió
el movimiento en diversos sectores sociales y en algunos de la clase política. Sin embargo, tal grado de movilización no se habría producido sin la Mesa Amplia Nacional Estudiantil (MANE), que aglutinó las principales organizaciones estudiantiles y, al plantearse como un espacio amplio, fue desbordada por el enrolamiento de estudiantes no organizados. El éxito del movimiento fue coronado por unas estrategias discursivas, basadas en la reivindicación de la educación como derecho, que contrarrestaron la argumentación del Gobierno y articularon a su lucha diversos actores.

Miben volt igaza és mit rontott el Geréb Ágnes? Pályakép, stratégiák és elméleti keret a magyarországi szabadszülés-mozgalom történetében.

A vezér elbukott, a háborút megnyerték: az otthonszülés mára legális, de csak kevesen férnek hozzá, a kórházi szülészet pedig borzasztó ütemben javul, ha egyáltalán. Geréb Ágnes lehetett volna ügyesebb, de nem lehetett volna sokkal sikeresebb. Munkaszervezés és ellenállási stratégiák, szakmai érdekérvényesítés és bírósági huzavona: Geréb Ágnes pályaképe a kilenecvenes évek legjellemzőbb vonásait viseli magán.

Ez a cikk eredetileg a Kettős Mércén jelent meg.

This chapter focuses on the role of social media in galvanizing street protests, demonstrations, and other forms of democratic participation associated with the Iranian Green Movement, and examines how Iranian activists framed relevant events, norms, values, ideologies, issues, narratives, and symbols on Twitter, Facebook, YouTube, and other websites.  The political, social, economic, and technological circumstances in Iran that triggered the Green Revolution and eventually contributed to its apparent demise are investigated.  In particular, the chapter explores how movement activists utilized social media to enunciate their political demands and mobilize supporters – both within Iran and around the world.  Attempts by activists to achieve a frame alignment between the Green Movement and relevant indigenous (national) and transnational discursive concepts are examined.  The chapter proposes that the use of collective action frames in social media was instrumental initially in mobilizing the Green Movement and contesting the dominant frames of the regime, but ultimately proved to be insufficient and even counterproductive at times in sustaining the necessary levels of popular support to topple the regime from power.

This paper examines the tensions and benefits that emerge from the nexus between social movements and ‘support organisations’, in particular those using a rights-based approach and offering legal services, working together on socio-economic rights advocacy, research and litigation in South Africa. It argues that some of the critiques cloud the real potential of such relationships, as well as their complexity. Between praxis and paralysis there is in fact a broad spectrum of highly nuanced and negotiated relationships among legal organisations and social movements.

منذ أكثر من سبعين عاما، من قرار التقسيم وإلى اليوم، والشعب الفلسطيني يقاوم الاحتلال، سعيا وراء استعادة أرضه وحقوقه والتحرر، والعيش في دولة مستقلة. ولقد تنوعت أشكال المقاومة من حيث التنظيم الهيكلي والإداري؛ من مقاومة فردية إلى مقاومة مجموعة إلى مقاومة على مستوى مناطق في فلسطين، إلى أن ظهرت الفصائل الفلسطينية المعروفة في تاريخ المقاومة الفلسطينية. وكما هو معروف فإن من أوائل الفصائل الفلسطينية المقاومة كانت حركة فتح وتلتها الجبهة الشعبية وفصائل أخرى عديدة وانتهت بظهور حركة حماس. ولقد تنوعت الفصائل وتعددت بتنوع الأيدلوجية أو الداعمين لها، وعوامل أخرى ليست محل النقاش في هذه المقالة.
لكن جميع هذه الفصائل ظلت فصائل مقاومة، وإن تحول بعضها إلى العمل السياسي، والدخول في تسويات مع الكيان الإسرائيلي.

This chapter traces the birth, rise, and evolution of political movements in Bahrain throughout the long twentieth century, taking as its starting point the beginning of direct British presence in the local political scene in 1900, and ending with the aftermath of the mass protests that engulfed the islands in 2011. It highlights four intersecting dichotomies that have characterized these political movements across time: trans-sectarian versus ethnosectarian, national versus transnational, reformist versus revolutionary, and public versus underground. It sheds light on the importance of externally imposed structural factors on local developments on the island, including British colonial absolutist rule, the discovery of oil and the subsequent fluctuation in the commodity's global prices, and the rise of American hegemony. Taking its cue from the work of the autonomistas, the analysis also highlights the central role that political movements have played in shaping the actions and reactions of the state. The state's attempts to contain these movements, and the contestation between the two sides, played a central role in shaping the contours of both state and society across Bahrain's long century.

Megumi Chibana translated into Japanese the "Teaching for Maunakea: Kiʻai Perspectives” forum from Amerasia Journal. The translated article published in a magazine entitled Ekkyo Hiroba. This magazine has targeted readers and customers in East Asia interested in social movements, literature, and other creative and critical activities in Okinawa. This volume's theme was "Politics of Islands."