Social Conflict

"Andreas Philippopoulos-Mihalopoulos opens the book with his latest contribution to his comprehensive project of re-theorising spatial justice with a piece titled ‘Spatial Justice in a World of Violence’. Through a close reading
of the photographic series Fortunes of War, Life Day by artist Eric Lesdema,
Philippopoulos-Mihalopoulos is interested in how these images reveal peripheral
spaces at the edge of violence which impose an ethic of spatial responsibility on the
viewer in the act of turning away and looking elsewhere. While no acts of explicit
violence are shown in the images, we are left with no doubt that violence is ubiquitous
along the spatio-temporal continuum. This continuum of violence between
bodies raises questions of complicity and responsibility. Do we submit to a state
of affairs in which space is saturated with the everyday and immobilised violence
of the ‘engineered atmosphere’ – or is it also possible for bodies to withdraw from
the atmosphere, through ruptures and folds within the continuum? Such a notion
raises the ethical possibility of the ‘emergence of spatial justice’." Chris Butler and Edward Mussawir (eds)

This paper contributes to the science of crowd dynamics and psychology by examining the social psychological processes related to the relative absence of "hooliganism" at the Finals of the 2004 Union Européenne de Football Association (UEFA) Football (Soccer) Championships in Portugal. Quantitative data from a structured observational study is integrated with data from a questionnaire survey of a group associated ubiquitously with 'hooliganism' -namely England fans. This analysis provides support for the contention that the absence of 'disorder' can be attributed in large part to the non-paramilitary policing style adopted in cities hosting tournament matches. Evidence is presented which suggests that this style of policing supported forms of non-violent collective psychology that, in turn, served to psychologically marginalise violent groups from the wider community of fans. The study highlights the mutually constructive relationships that can be created between psychological theory, research, policing policy and practice, particularly in relation to the successful management of 'public order'. The paper concludes by exploring some of the wider implications of this research for theory, policy, the management of crowds, social conflict, and human rights more generally.

"Cos’era Udine agli occhi di un cividalese del Quattrocento, se non una ‘neonata’ irriverente? Partendo da questa domanda provocatoria, il saggio delinea lo sviluppo e la storia di Cividale durante il Medioevo da un’angolatura diversa: quella del conflitto latente che la contrappose a Udine per la maggior parte del tempo.

Come sottolinea il titolo del saggio, si tratta di un percorso che inizia in età tardo antica, quando ‘Forum Iulii’ strappò ad Aquileia la palma di capitale, e si conclude al tramonto del Medioevo, quando quella che ormai si chiamava ‘Civitas Austriae’ cedette il primato a Udine.

Dapprima come ‘forum’ romano, quindi come ducato longobardo, e più oltre, in età carolingia, quando è attestata l’esistenza di una scuola capitolare, nei secoli centrali del Medioevo Cividale del Friuli crebbe fino a divenire la sede prediletta dei patriarchi aquileiesi. E fu proprio il rapporto con alcuni presuli – in particolare da Bertoldo di Andechs Merania in poi – a contrapporre l’antica ‘città ducale’ alla nuova ‘terra’ di Udine. Un continuo rivaleggiare che non si esaurì nemmeno con la sottomissione a Venezia (1419-21) e che, anzi, inseguì i primati già nella decorazione delle insegne che celebravano la Serenissima."

Breve postfazione ad un'analisi sociologica dei movimenti giovanili degli anni '60

Walter Hollstein è professore emerito in Sociologia politica pres-so l'Università di Berlino. Autore di numerose monografie sui movimenti culturali giovanili e premio lettera-rio tedesco per la storia dei movimen-ti alternativi. Relatore del Consiglio d'Europa, i suoi libri sono stati tra-dotti in italiano, giapponese, finlan-dese, croato, inglese, olandese. Pubblicato per la prima volta in lingua italiana nel 1969, Underground. Sociologia della contestazione giovanile, ha fornito le coordinate teoriche per la comprensione della semiotica della contestazione giovanile e l'interpretazione delle tendenze politico-ideologiche che hanno interagito dentro e contro la cultura occidentale del secolo scorso. A quarant'anni dalla sua pubblicazione Underground non ha smesso di dialogare con il presente: Walter Hollstein ha illustrato quanto «l'idea di una razionalità storica totale e una specificità, se non proprio di classe quantomeno di percezione psicologica, hanno favorito un processo di auto-identificazione dei gruppi giovanili e di autonomia del soggetto in uno spazio collettivo, nell'underground metropolitano, nei centri accademici, presentando davanti agli occhi degli osservatori una popolazione fluttuante, un contesto magma-tico in cui il territorio giovanile appare, nei flussi comunicativi e nella miriade di forme aggregative e solidali, apparentemente distin-to e correlato, capace di causare un indebolimento dei meccanismi di riproduzione sociale, una scollatura dei rapporti inter-generaziona-li e depauperamento dei criteri che regolano l'organizzazione della polis. In prevalenza goliardico-controculturale e studentesco, nel movimento degli anni Sessanta è dunque prevalsa la ricerca di una identità giovanile, una identità possibile di movimento perché sradi-cata da ogni tipo di rapporto di appartenenza, una, perché no, riposta all'atomizzato e anonimizzato ruolo che le spinte della modernizza-zione intendevano riservare al nuovo soggetto sociale». Dalla prefazione di Luca Benvenga

Two experiments analyzed social conflicts based on A. P. four relational models: communal sharing, authority ranking, equality matching, and market pricing. Because each model has a distinct logical structure, it was hypothesized that social conflicts in which participants used incommensurate models would lead to more extreme reactions than would conflicts in which both participants used the same model. Participants (N = 178 for Study 1, N = 132 for Study 2) in both experiments read 16 interpersonal scenarios in which an expectation based on one of the four models was contradicted by a negative outcome based on one of the four models. In neither experiment was the incommensurability interaction hypothesis supported. However, exploratory analyses indicated a significant main effect for equality matching and a significant interaction for communal sharing. The results are interpreted as providing qualified support for the role of relationship structures in conflict.

This paper considers festivals as place-contingent cultural politics and examines them as political instruments and promotional products at the same time. Conflicts between globalization, tradition, and place identity are discussed by examining the Kangnung Dano festival in Korea. Findings suggest that the contested meaning of place leads to the reconstruction of regional identities and the reframing of symbolic identities. Kangnung Dano is read as a ''cultural framework'' reflecting simplistic and dualistic classifications of festivals into sacred and secular, public and private, and social conflicts and cohesion through place identification. The paper proposes that regional identity has been dynamically constructed and is re-constructing due to contested meanings of place.

More than a decade after Latin America's most recent turn to democracy, unchecked police violence and torture continue and in some cases have increased. This study examines police killings in 19 Brazilian states from 1994 to 2001 and finds that democracy has not substantially reduced these types of human rights violations, for two reasons. First, underlying social conflict has continued

La conflictividad laboral no puede ser comprendida solamente a partir de datos cuantitativos, aun cuando se reconozca la utilidad que presta en la investigación y en los estudios sectoriales sobre la materia. El contexto actual de las relaciones laborales requiere de una comprensión del fenómeno del conflicto mucho más profunda. Se propone una revisión del concepto de conflictividad, incorporando en su estudio variables cualitativas e instrumentos que hoy día están a disposición de los investigadores del área de la administración y los recursos humanos. Se sugiere una metodología mixta, tanto cuantitativa como cualitativa para el estudio de la conflictividad, apoyándose tanto en datos de conflictividad como en el análisis de esta.

Only when the conflict transforms us, will we be able to transform the conflict.

This paper presents a basic set of criteria to consider when generating dialogic environments. From there he shares an experience of dialogic environment (Memorialab) used to process traumatic experiences related to the social and personal consequences of the Basque conflict.

The central contention of this article is that early nineteenth-century Irish landlords were constrained in their ability to control their estates by the prospect of peasant resistance. The apex of that resistance took the form of what are generically known as whiteboy movements, and this article examines the impact of one particular such movement, the Whitefeet, active in the East Midlands and SouthEast in the early 1830s. The article argues that two forms of landlord versus tenant conflicts can be identified: an absolute form, in which landlords (or subletting rentiers called middlemen) behaved as if they had absolute rights over their properties and were the victims of retaliatory violence; and a negotiated form, in which landlords (or their agents) proceeded in a more restrained, and piecemeal fashion, and compromised in the face of opposition. The fact that the magistracy, at least in some instances, condemned the practitioners of absolute conflict would suggest that more measured approaches were the socially accepted norm, precisely because of the potential for retaliatory violence. The article will conclude with a discussion framing the foregoing in terms of moral economy. It will be argued that the balance between landlord power and tenant resistance created a grudging acceptance of respective rights.

Humans as social beings often have to perform complex social cognitive tasks while under stress (e.g., during a social conflict). Previous research has established that the brain regions responsible for social cognitive tasks are target regions for stress hormones. However, little experimental research has been done testing the acute effects of stress on social cognition. Here, we investigated whether stress exposure and the ensuing glucocorticoid (i.e., cortisol) elevations affect social cognition. Thirty-two men and 32 women were exposed to either a psychosocial stress or a non-stressful control test before assessing their social cognition using the Reading the Mind in the Eyes Test (RMET) and the Movie for the Assessment of Social Cognition (MASC). Results showed differential effects of stress-induced cortisol responses among men and women for the MASC, but not the RMET. Among men, high cortisol responders displayed elevated MASC scores compared with low cortisol responders. Moreover, for stressed men a positive association between the magnitude of the cortisol responses to the stressor and MASC scores emerged. Among women, enhanced MASC scores were found for low cortisol responders relative to high cortisol responders and non-stressed controls. A strong negative association between cortisol reactivity and MASC scores was found among women. These results imply sex specific effects of glucocorticoids on social cognition and partially support the idea of sex differences in biobehavioral stress responses, with men engaging in fight-or-flight responses while women may react to stress with tending and befriending behavior.

The article attempts a comprehensive review of the human security concept in order to question its utility for both research and policy-making. It notes the term’s interdisciplinary and extensively normative content that have facilitated its evolution into a successful security discourse. On the other hand, human security’s wide appeal has as a side-effect an extended conceptual polysemy inhibiting the cumulation of knowledge and the development of a relevant theory. Absence of conceptual clarity has also complicated its policy implementation. The article attempts to break the deadlock and move the debate forward by using the work of John Gerring and Paul A. Barresi on concept formation as an organizing device.

Una de las principales preocupaciones del Acuerdo final para la terminación del conflicto y la construcción de una paz estable y duradera (2016) es garantizar, mediante estrategias de seguridad, los derechos económicos, sociales, culturales, políticos y ambientales de las poblaciones y territorios que, especialmente, se vieron afectados por el conflicto armado. Bajo este presupuesto, el objetivo del artículo es analizar los aspectos relacionados con la seguridad humana, medio ambiente y paz territorial en el Acuerdo final, con el fin de plantear algunas consideraciones acerca de su implementación. La metodología empleada fue el Análisis del Discurso Político (ADP) para sustentar que el Acuerdo final es un discurso político y, como tal, es susceptible de ser analizado empíricamente. La principal conclusión es la necesidad de implementar una política de seguridad en sentido amplio que tenga como centro la persona y las comunidades. Dicha seguridad se encuentra expresada en el punto de la reforma rural integral y, parcialmente, en el punto de la solución al problema del narcotráfico. Como conclusión, se plantea la necesidad de implementar dichos puntos con un enfoque de seguridad ampliada, especialmente, pero combinada con la seguridad tradicional limitadamente, sin que se traslapen para evitar nuevas violencias en los territorios.

This study adopts a qualitative approach to deconstruct the meaning of followership. Interviews were conducted with employees in various industries to examine how individuals socially construct their roles as followers and to explore followership schemas and contextual influences that relate to these constructions. Results suggest that while some individuals socially construct definitions around passivity, deference and obedience, others emphasize the importance of constructively questioning and challenging their leaders. With regard to personal qualities that are thought to make followers effective, major themes such as obedience, expressing opinions, and taking initiative were found to be most disparate across different groups of followers. Results also revealed that contextual factors may affect both followership constructions and behavior in the follower role. These findings have important implications regarding a need to examine the construct of followership in leadership resea...

The overexploitation of natural resources and the increasing number of social conflicts following from their unsustainable use point to a wide gap between the objectives of sustainability and current resource management practices. One of the reasons for the difficulties to close this gap is that for evolving complex systems like natural and socioeconomic systems, sustainability cannot be a static objective. Instead sustainable development is an open evolutionary process of improving the management of socialecological systems, through better understanding and knowledge. Therefore, natural resource management systems need to be able to deal with different temporal, spatial and social scales, nested hierarchies, irreducible uncertainty, multidimensional interactions and emergent properties. The co-evolutionary perspective outlined in this paper serves as heuristic device to map the interactions settled in the networks between the resource base, social institutions and the behaviour of individual actors. For this purpose we draw on ideas from complex adaptive systems theory, evolutionary theory and evolutionary economics. Finally, we outline a research agenda for a co-evolutionary approach for natural resource management systems.

The April 2016 four-day “war” in the area of the Nagorny Karabakh conflict, as well as the developments that followed, have unveiled a whole stratum of serious problems in “stable” Armenia, including ones relating to defence issues. The aftermath of these events will continue to strongly influence internal processes in all three state entities: Armenia, the unrecognized Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, and Azerbaijan. This article aims to analyse some long-term consequences of the 2–5 April 2016 events in terms of their influence on Armenian internal political and social developments. The political transformations ongoing currently in Armenia can be best described as a “palace coup d’état”: they have been initiated by a ruling elite which benefited from general population’s low levels of public participation and social mobilization. In the absence of a charismatic leader and strong leadership in general, a tangible programme of action, or unity among the different components of civil society, the ruling elite retains the capacity to influence the varying reconstitution of groups and to alleviate, through small-scale concessions, tensions in Armenian society.

"Nuestra Constitución expresa claramente el anhelo de los españoles por colaborar en el fortalecimiento de relaciones pacíficas entre todos los pueblos de la Tierra.
Este deseo de concordia, un rasgo inconfundible de la España democrática, se sustenta en tres pilares básicos: justicia, libertad y seguridad.
Estos tres elementos, consagrados en la Carta Magna, son fundamentales para mantener una paz social y un orden político justo, que salvaguarden la dignidad de la persona, sus derechos, el libre desarrollo de su personalidad y el respeto a la ley.
Para ser real, este anhelo de paz necesita un compromiso por parte de todos los sectores de la sociedad con la labor que desarrolla la institución destinada a preservar esa paz: las Fuerzas Armadas. Este apoyo social responsable, que se logra con tiempo y constancia, debe reposar en un elemento esencial, la Cultura de Defensa."

"Our Constitution clearly expresses the desire of the Spaniards to collaborate in strengthening peaceful relations between all peoples of the Earth.
This desire for harmony, a distinctive feature of democratic Spain, is based on three basic pillars: justice, freedom and security.
These three elements enshrined in the Constitution, are critical to maintaining social peace and a just political order, which safeguard the dignity, rights, free development of his personality and respect for the law.
To be real, this yearning for peace needs a commitment from all sectors of society in the ongoing work of the institution to preserve the peace: the military. This social support responsible, that comes with time and perseverance, must be based on an essential element Cultural Defense. "

Since the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, in response to internal and external political pressures, the practice of democratic principles is recognized in most Sub-Saharan African states as the best method of good governance. The recognition of the positive value of the rule of the majority in social organization has become in this particular moment of Sub-Saharan African history the best way to promote the development of people in need of social Justice, peace, fellowship, freedom and good common life.

Building on research analyses of Black Lives Matter media portrayals, this inquiry uses a two-wave panel survey to examine the effects news coverage has on the evaluation of the core ideas from the Black Lives Matter social movement agenda. Results show that conservative media use increases negative evaluations; models suggest this relationship works as a multidirectional feedback loop. Mainstream and liberal media consumptions do not lead to more positive views about Black Lives Matter’s core ideas.

Дан анализ коммуникационной политики аптечных сетей-конкурентов, вовлеченных в конфликт. Особенности коммуникации базируются на описанных тенденциях развития российского аптечного рынка. Изучаются этапы развития конфликта, используемые технологии разрешения конфликта, особенности взаимодействия со СМИ, контролирующими органами, комментарийная политика участников конфликта.
An analysis of the pharmacy networks’ communications in the conflict is given. Features of communication are based on the described trends of the Russian pharmacy market. The stages of conflict, the conflict resolution technologies, the features of interaction with the media, the controlling authorities, the commentary policy of the conflict’ participants are studied.

Agenda pembangunan DKI Jakarta untuk menarik minat investor asing dan peningkatan ekonomi masih banyak yang belum terlaksana. Tindak lanjut rencana tersebut adalah kebutuhan lahan pemerintah dan pasar yang cukup luas. Namun keberadaan pemukiman kumuh yang menjadi kantong-kantong kelompok masyarakat miskin tidak tersinergi dalam proyek pembangunan tersebut. Maka pemerintah secara agresif melakukan penggusuran demi tercipatanya ketersediaan lahan i .

El Gobierno gallego ha desarrollado en los ultimos anos una normativa especifica para el fomento de produccion de energia electrica mediante el aprovechamiento de la biomasa forestal primaria. La valorizacion energetica de la biomasa forestal se presenta, por parte del regulador, como una interesante iniciativa con la que avanzar en la reduccion de las emisiones de CO2 y SO2, con-tribuir a la limpieza del monte, servir como herramienta en la prevencion de los incendios forestales, mejorar la autosuficiencia energetica, dinamizar el rural e impulsar al sector maderero. Por otra par-te, desde diversas instituciones y agentes se estan mostrando posicionamientos criticos con el modelo de produccion electrica disenado por la Xunta de Galicia e incluso con los puntos de partida de la produccion de electricidad a partir de la biomasa. Este articulo analiza el marco regulador de la produccion de energia electrica a partir de la valorizacion energetica de la biomasa forestal primaria, centra...

Environmental Critique of Reason: Thought and action for sustainability has its genesis and its development at the interface of the practices of teaching, research and participation of the author in historical and political Brazil and Latin America processes. Both procedures, think and act when they constitute the main objective of this book are faced with the history of knowledge built on territories of epistemological border conflicts and disputes arising from the sense of nature (environment) and society. For this reason, the book is presented in two complementary parts: the first suggests that environmental thinking is built on the tensioning regions of logic and cultural processes. The second part focuses on the practices and challenges of social actors, faced with obstacles and conflicts arising from multiple modernities.

Crítica da Razão Ambiental: Pensamento e ação para a sustentabilidade tem sua gênese e seu desenvolvimento na interface das práticas do ensino, da pesquisa e da participação do autor nos processos históricos e políticos do Brasil e da América Latina. Ambos procedimentos, pensar e agir, ao se constituírem no principal objetivo deste livro se defrontam com a história do conhecimento construído em territórios de fronteira epistemológicos e nos conflitos decorrentes das disputas de sentido sobre natureza (meio ambiente) e sociedade. Por esse motivo, o livro se apresenta em duas partes complementares: a primeira sugere que o pensamento socioambiental se constrói nas regiões tensionadas das lógicas e dos processos culturais. A segunda parte foca nas práticas e nos desafios dos atores sociais, confrontados com os obstáculos e conflitos decorrentes de modernidades múltiplas.

The main aim of this study is to explore the role of social identity in inter-group discriminatory behavioral patterns among the religious groups of Shiite and Sunni in the capital city of Pakistan. The theoretical framework of social identity proposed by Tajfel and Turner was utilized to look into socio-cognitive processes influencing the inter-group settings. For selection of the respondents from both religious groups, purposive sampling technique was utilized. The gathered data in the study was looked into with respect to the social identity theory. The results of the study suggested that socio-cognitive processes of social categorization, social identification and social comparison in the individuals resulted in discriminatory patterns in the inter-group relations among the Shiite and Sunni religious schools of thought. The data also illustrated that additional factors of international actor’s involvement, state policies, socialization process and real/ perceived deprivation inf...

Abstract: What accounts for low-intensity intergroup violence? In this paper, we explore the micro-level determinants of low-intensity sectarian violence in Northern Ireland, which has marked the post-1998 peace agreement period. We use original cross-sectional time series violence data for the 2005-2012 period at a disaggregated sub-national level, the ward, and a wide variety of social and political indicators. In particular, we assess the impact of within-ward ethnic composition, on the one hand, and the ethnic composition of neighboring wards, on the other. We find that the number of intergroup violent events peak in wards where there is parity between groups, and in predominantly Catholic (Protestant) wards that border predominantly Protestant (Catholic) wards. The rationale is that violence takes place where groups have both opportunities to perpetrate sectarian violence and strategic incentives to do it. The paper makes several contributions: it demonstrates that violence is ...

Mi tezih dohtorá / Nere doktore-tesia / Mi tesis doctoral / My PhD Thesis.

Autor como Juan Porras Blanco del libro digital ‘Negación’ punk en la sociedad vasca. Investigación socioantropológica de un simbolismo liminal. Leioa (Bizkaia, EH): Euskal Herriko Unibertsitateko Argitalpen Zerbitzua / Servicio Editorial de la Universidad del País Vasco, 2005; 474 páginas. Serie Tesis Doctorales.

SINOPSIS

El movimiento punk surgió a finales de los setenta en una sociedad confundida, desencantada y sumida en un nuevo orden mundial donde parecía que las nuevas generaciones de jóvenes poco o nada tenían que decir. Cuando este movimiento llegó a Euskal Herria sufrió, sin embargo, una peculiar adaptación que hizo que su discurso permeara en todos los ámbitos y su influencia se extendiera hasta el día de hoy. La situación política convulsa, una lengua milenaria y un espíritu tribal hicieron escribir al punk una de las páginas más curiosas y entrañables de la historia reciente del País Vasco.

SYNOPSIS

The punk movement emerged in the late seventies in a confused, disillusioned and mired society in a new world order where it seemed that the new generations of young people had little or nothing to say. When this movement arrived to Euskal Herria/Basque Country suffered, however, a peculiar adaptation which made its speech permeate all areas and its influence extended until today. The turbulent political situation, a millenary language and a tribal spirit made the punk movement write one of the most curious and beloved pages of the recent history of the Basque Country.
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En relación con esta tesis doctoral, también soy autor -como Huan Porrah- del libro Negación punk en Euskal Herria. Tafalla (Nafarroa): Txalaparta argitaletxea, 2006; 408 páginas. Libro con copyright que aún está en venta:
http://huanporrah.edublogs.org/2006/11/17/libro-negacion-punk-en-euskal-herria/

Introducción
Esta ponencia busca reintroducir el estudio de la lucha de las organizaciones de trabajadores desocupados (y de la economía popular) en los primeros años de la administración presidencial de Mauricio Macri (2015-2019). El análisis propuesto se focaliza en la demanda de una legislación de emergencia social. Aquí se promueve una revisita actualizada de los estudios en torno a la acción colectiva de los trabajadores desocupados e informales a partir de la descripción y el análisis de la lucha de sus organizaciones ante esta demanda. 
Entendemos que este proceso de lucha tiene dos características particulares. La primera es la articulación establecida con la Iglesia Católica y los intentos sistemáticos de vinculación con las centrales sindicales. La segunda es continua demanda de las organizaciones de trabajadores desocupados tanto al Poder Ejecutivo como al Legislativo.
El proceso de lucha es descripto a partir de una periodización que contiene tres momentos. Durante el primer momento se establece la articulación entre las tres organizaciones centrales de este proceso y se le da entidad a la demanda del proyecto de emergencia social. El segundo momento -en el cual el proyecto de ley es aprobado con modificaciones significativas - se caracteriza por una fuerte interacción con los poderes del Estado. Finalmente, el tercer período se identifica con las luchas enfocadas en la reglamentación de la ley emergencia social.
La base empírica de esta investigación se encuentra en 213 noticias publicadas en periódicos nacionales acerca de la lucha por la emergencia social. El rango temporal que incluye este estudio es desde agosto de 2016 hasta marzo de 2017.

This article attempts to present the unity as well as the difference between Hegel's and Dewey's social philosophical approaches to struggles for recognition. It argues that interpreting Dewey's Lectures in China as a commentary on Hegel sheds new light on Dewey's social philosophy as a recognition theoretical whole. Furthermore, the resulting "experimentalist" account of recognitive relations, norms and values might turn out to present a fruitful perspective in contemporary discussions on recognition.

Signal detection theory has evolutionary foundations in which our ancestors who were able to detect signals of aggression survived, while those who could not were extinguished. The purpose of this study is to examine the detection of conflict escalation signals in a domestic argument in a married couple as a consequence of history with prior victimization and perpetration of violence.  The purpose of this study is threefold: 1. escalation detection differences between a trained special victim’s detective and untrained individuals, 2. escalation detection for individuals with domestic violence victimization, and 3. physiological arousal during escalation detection.  A series of hypotheses and research questions tested untrained people’s signal detection abilities with a trained, special victim’s unit police investigator as a consequence of male and female-initiated conflict.  Untrained viewers reported fewer aggression signals than the police investigator.  A repeated measures general linear model using two measures of physiological arousal revealed significant effects on electrodermal activity while watching escalating conflict as a function of victimization history.  Results are discussed in terms of signal detection and excitation transfer theories towards explaining responses to escalating conflict.

In 2001, in response to an Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) agreement with China regarding conduct in the South China Sea, Odgaard (2001) optimistically described the cooperation as the beginning of a "new order". Odgaard remarked that, "The dispute highlights differences in the approach of the two entities to the balance of power, diplomacy, and international law…[and] the seeds of a new order emerge, representing a compromise between the security practices employed by China and Southeast Asia" (Odgaard, 2001, p. 292). As recent events have demonstrated,

Au printemps de 1917, au milieu de l’inquiétude et du découragement général, les prix de toutes les denrées connaissent une hausse vertigineuse. L’hiver glacial continue jusqu’en avril, les vivres arrivant aux Halles sont insuffisantes. La demande augmente, l’offre diminue. Les femmes, devenues soutiens de famille, ne s’en sortent plus.  L’allocation versée par l’État aux femmes de mobilisés ne compense pas l’augmentation des prix. Malgré leur inexpérience en la matière, les ouvrières parisiennes, —munitionnettes et midinettes, comme la presse les appelle— puis celles des provinces affrontent le patronat pour demander la réévaluation de leur salaire. Des grèves éclatent un peu partout. Le mouvement touche d’abord les ateliers parisiens, puis les grands centres industriels du pays tout entier. La Loire connaît rapidement des grèves dont les journaux, tenus en bride  par une censure vigilante,  ne rendent presque pas compte. Cependant leur ampleur est telle que la presse ne peut longtemps passer sous silence ce que tout le pays voit ; dans leur correspondance, les soldats demandent à leurs proches des nouvelles des conflits sociaux en cours à l’arrière: sans argent, comment va-t-on nourrir la famille ? Si la grève échoue, ou si la femme soutien de famille perd son emploi, que va-t-on devenir ?
Mais lorsque les grèves ne concernent pas les grandes villes, la situation est tout autre. Bien aidés par la Censure, les journalistes ignorent les foyers mineurs du mécontentement qui ébranle la nation. Plus d’un conflit reste aujourd’hui enseveli dans l’oubli, à moins que des archives privées n’en réveillent le souvenir et permettent d’explorer un monde méconnu, comme celui des ouvrières en lutte durant l’affreux hiver 1917-1918, dans les confins de la Loire, à Saint-Julien-Molin-Molette.

The concept of public space has a long history and very different meanings. In particular, the conceptions of political theory and philosophy differ from those heralded by urban planners and sociologists, fueling some confusion about the ‘public space’ applications. In this contribution, this complexity is put under tension with the type of planetary urbanization we were used to before the arrival of the covid19. We will end with a reflection on the possible effects that the pandemic has on the city and on its public space.

A MINUSTAH (Missão das Nações Unidas para estabilização no Haiti) contou com a liderança militar do Exército Brasileiro, de 2004 a 2017, e teve como objetivo restabelecer a segurança e a normalidade institucional no Haiti após sucessivos episódios de turbulência política. Apesar da atuação de instituições, como as Forças Armadas, o Ministério das Relações Exteriores e do Governo Federal chamarem mais a atenção da mídia e dos analistas, a participação brasileira na MINUSTAH vai mais além do que a presença de entidades estatais. O envolvimento brasileiro na missão contou também com atores não estatais, da sociedade civil, que estavam, e ainda estão, presentes na tentativa declarada de pacificar e reconstruir o país caribenho. Um exemplo é caso da ONG brasileira Viva Rio, que desenvolve projetos de pacificação e mediação de conflitos urbanos nas comunidades de Porto Príncipe desde 2006. Apontada como um ator importante e um exemplo de iniciativa singular do modelo brasileiro de construção da paz, a Viva Rio ganhou destaque nas análises que se propuseram a explicar a participação brasileira na tentativa de reconstruir o Haiti. Com efeito, o objetivo deste trabalho é examinar a atuação da ONG Viva Rio no Haiti no contexto de uma missão de paz liderada pelo Exército Brasileiro. Argumentamos que, através da análise do caso da Viva Rio, podemos compreender algumas dinâmicas concretas sobre a participação brasileira na MINUSTAH de maneira mais precisa. A hipótese defendida é de que, por meio dos programas sociais e da prestação de serviços, a Viva Rio colabora para conquistar “mentes e corações”, pacificando a população das comunidades de Porto Príncipe. Os programas sociais e de mediação de conflitos ajudam a construir e aprimorar uma rede de governança que tem como principal objetivo administrar a sociedade civil e controlar as comunidades pobres de Porto Príncipe.

Do social cohesion activities change the attitudes of the participants? This paper uses intergroup contact theory to explore attitude change resulting from contact with out-group(s) in social cohesion activities. Results from a pre-test/post-test design with fifty-five participants in two bicommunal camps in Cyprus show how attitudes change at the immediate end of these activities; an analysis of fourteen participants’ comments after one, thirteen, and twenty-five months provides a medium- to long-term assessment of attitude change. Not all participants were completely positive towards the other community before they took part, as assumed by some. There is clearly space for impact in terms of attitude change. Social cohesion activities represent indispensable tools for reducing prejudice and improving relationships between former enemies in post-conflict countries.