Smuggling

Local consequences of the Trianon Peace Treaty have not been researched thoroughly. This study describes the everyday life of rural people on both sides of the Eastern part of the new border between Hungary and Czechoslovakia. Based on research in Hungarian and Czech archives and with the help of newspaper articles, the author illustrates the difficulties of re-establishing the old familial and economic ties between villages that were separated by the border. Many activities of the borderland people were illegal. The paper discusses how authorities responded to these offences. Besides long and small distance traffic and the problems of dual landowners, illegal crossing, contraband, and border incidents are also part of the analysis. Contrary to all hardships, the border remained permeable in the interwar period.

In the past 25 years, an interest in "informal economies" has grown across the social sciences, encompassing economic activities not (successfully) regulated by government. Archaeology has paralleled this interest primarily through studies of household and craft production; much of this work presumes rather than proves state control over quotidian exchanges. The smaller number of works on the riskier endeavors of piracy, smuggling, and prostitution, which we review here, underscores how weak the formal/informal duality is in application over the longue durée: Most markets are gray, not black or white. Instead of discussing the problematic category of the informal economy, we focus on illegal and illicit economies while demonstrating that the relationship between government and economy is highly variable, politically volatile, and socially embedded. We identify emerging trends in archaeology and address the hesitation to read archaeological deposits for clandestine activities by eliciting the distinct forensic patterns they leave in the material record.

El contrabando durante los últimos años ha ido ocupando cierto protagonismo dentro del debate económico, social y político a nivel nacional; este negocio ilegal pasó de estar en manos de unos cuantos comerciantes de la frontera, a estructuras criminales que financian el terrorismo. Actualmente, la DIAN estima que cada año ingresa al país mercancía de contrabando por un valor que oscila los US$6.000 millones, lo cual está generando un gran vacío de recursos económicos a la sociedad colombiana. Este documento expone tres hipótesis para abordar el tema del contrabando en la zona de frontera con Ecuador: la primera hace referencia a que éste es un fenómeno de carácter cultural; la segunda menciona que a partir de las fallas y ausencias de las instituciones, se afianzan unos comportamientos ilegales y delictivos; la tercera, una manera diferente de abordar el tema, es que el contrabando es un híbrido que se ha adoptado y ha capturado a las instituciones presentes en dicha región. El documento es el resultado de varias visitas efectuadas por el autor a la frontera entre Colombia y Ecuador en representación de la Dirección de Impuestos y Aduanas Nacionales (DIAN), durante los meses de enero y mayo del año 2013.

Written Here, Published There offers a new perspective on the role of underground literature in the Cold War and challenges us to recognize gaps in the Iron Curtain. The book identifies a transnational undertaking that reinforced détente, dialogue, and cultural transfer, and thus counterbalanced the persistent belief in Europe’s irreversible division. It analyzes a cultural practice that attracted extensive attention during the Cold War but has largely been ignored in recent scholarship: tamizdat, or the unauthorized migration of underground literature across the Iron Curtain. Investigating the transfer of underground literature from the ‘Other Europe’ to Western Europe, the United States, and back illuminates the intertwined fabrics of Cold War literary cultures. Perceiving tamizdat as both a literary and a social phenomenon, the book focuses on how individuals participated in this border-crossing activity and used secretive channels to guarantee the free flow of literature. The image that emerges of this largely unknown cultural encounter transcends continuing perceptions of the artificial East-West divide, revealing that tamizdat contributed to the recreation of a transnational literary community.

The Syrian conflict has transformed the economy of Jordan’s northern border region. The changes have been painfully felt in Ramtha, 10 kilometers (6.2 miles) away from the Syrian city of Daraa. Ramtha was a prime destination for Syrian goods imported formally or informally. Petty cross-border trade, especially informal trade, was not only the basis of the city’s economy but also the foundation of an implicit contract between the authorities and locals. The state allowed such trade because it supplemented local revenues, enhancing social stability. This saved the state from investing resources that would have been needed to create jobs. By undermining this understanding, the Syrian conflict provoked growing local discontent.

This article draws on a unique dataset of more than eleven hundred postdeportation surveys to examine migrants' experiences with coyotes (human smugglers) along the U.S.-Mexico border. Our focus is on migrants' satisfaction with the services provided by their most recent smuggler and whether they would be willing to put family or friends in contact with that person. We find a distinct difference between people's expectations for their own migratory experience compared to what they would be willing to subject loved ones to. expectations of comfort and safety are decidedly low for oneself; but for loved ones, a more expressive, qualitative assessment shapes their willingness to recommend a coyote: qualities such as trustworthiness, honesty, comportment, and treatment come to the fore. News coverage focusing on the deaths of smuggled migrants often portrays coyotes as nefarious and exploitative, but the migrant-smuggler relationship is much more complex than suggested by th...

This chapter focuses on informal trafficking of daily consumption goods between Israel and the West Bank since the redeployments of the Palestinian Authority’s security forces in summer 2007. Through the study of these traffics and the strategies of the actors who organize them, we first assess the capacity of the Palestinian Authority to territorialize its control over Palestinian autonomous enclaves. Second, through the analysis of the content of these informal transactions, we intend to grasp the new forms of economic regulations that emerge, beyond formal exchanges, between the Palestinian economy and the Israeli economy.

Ce chapitre analyse l’évolution des trafics informels de biens de consommation courante entre Israël et la Cisjordanie depuis les redéploiements des forces de sécurité de l’Autorité palestinienne supervisés par le Général Dayton au cours de l’été 2007. A partir de l’examen de ces trafics et des stratégies développées par leurs promoteurs, il évaluera d’abord la capacité de l’Autorité palestinienne à territorialiser son contrôle dans les enclaves palestiniennes. L’étude de l’évolution du contenu de ces transactions permettra ensuite de cerner les nouvelles formes de régulation qui émergent entre l’économie israélienne et palestinienne, au-delà des échanges formels.

This article examines the impact of the Continental Blockade upon a local fishing and agricultural economy in the Mediterranean by focusing on the illicit trades that flourished on Stromboli. The island became a strategic location for smuggling between the warring kingdoms of British allied Naples and French ruled Sicily. This paper argues that the Blockade allowed Stromboli to join the network of maritime traffic that had been dominated by the two biggest islands in the archipelago. Although equally integrated into agriculture and fishing, women participated in the fraudulent sale of prize goods but were excluded from large-scale smuggling operations.

"When I Wear My Alligator Boots examines how the lives of dispossessed men and women are affected by the rise of narcotrafficking along the U.S.-Mexico border. In particular, the book explores a crucial tension at the heart of the “war on drugs”: despite the violence and suffering brought on by drug cartels, for the rural poor in Mexico’s north, narcotrafficking offers one of the few paths to upward mobility and is a powerful source of cultural meanings and local prestige.

In the borderlands, traces of the drug trade are everywhere: from gang violence in cities to drug addiction in rural villages, from the vibrant folklore popularized in the narco-corridos of Norteña music to the icon of Jesús Malverde, the “patron saint” of narcos, tucked beneath the shirts of local people. In When I Wear My Alligator Boots, the author explores the everyday reality of the drug trade by living alongside its low-level workers, who live at the edges of the violence generated by the militarization of the war on drugs. Rather than telling the story of the powerful cartel leaders, the book focuses on the women who occasionally make their sandwiches, the low-level businessmen who launder their money, the addicts who consume their products, the mules who carry their money and drugs across borders, and the men and women who serve out prison sentences when their bosses' operations go awry."

In the developing world and unstable regions, illicit non-state actors often become involved in planning activities such as providing basic services, managing land use, and organizing the real estate market. This paper will look at the scholarly and journalistic conversations surrounding criminal groups engaged in planning activities that are traditionally seen as the government’s province. The first section of the paper will explain the rationale for treating criminal 1 groups as planners and provide an overview of existing literature on criminal planning. The second section will propose a typology of illicit non-state actors based on their structure, planning involvement, and relationships with the formal government, finding commonality among these disparate groups. It will discuss three broad types of criminal planners—traffickers, mafias, and militant groups—using the examples of Brazilian trafficking gangs and militias, the Medellín cartel, Indian mafias, ISIS, and Hezbollah. The third section will look at two forms of criminal involvement in planning: first, as a replacement for an absent government, and second, as an obstacle to government planning. Both are designed to assert and maintain the criminal group’s territorial and social control, and they rarely exist independently of each other. In fact, they are usually intertwined, creating complex symbiotic relationships between official and unofficial authority.

The Design Politics of the Passport presents an innovative study of the passport and its associated social, political and material practices as a means of uncovering the workings of 'design politics'. It traces the histories, technologies, power relations and contestations around this small but powerful artefact to establish a framework for understanding how design is always enmeshed in the political, and how politics can be understood in terms of material objects. Combining design studies with critical border studies, alongside ethnographic work among undocumented migrants, border transgressors and passport forgers, this book shows how a world made and designed as open and hospitable to some is strictly enclosed, confined and demarcated for many others-and how those affected by such injustices dissent from the immobilities imposed on them through the same capacity of design and artifice.

This book will take you through the past, the present and into the future of the flagship institution of the international customs community: the World Customs Organization (WCO).

Our purpose is to present to you, in a comprehensive, orderly and synthetic manner, the enormous contributions that this prestigious and recognized institution has been making to the secure growth of world foreign trade.

In the development of the text, special consideration has been given to the instruments relevant to day-to-day customs work and which constitute the flagships of the WCO (the Harmonized System Convention, the Revised Kyoto Convention, the SAFE Framework of Standards, among many others), as well as to those issues which are currently of particular relevance to the WCO, to those issues that are currently of special interest to the world Customs community (Cross Border Electronic Trade, Trade Facilitation, the Future Customs Agenda, to mention but a few), trying to reconcile the various practical aspects of Customs operations with their theoretical underpinnings.

In short, these pages will be of great interest to all foreign trade operators, in particular to customs officials, customs brokers, carriers and international forwarding agents, managers of importing and exporting companies, as well as to all those (professionals and students) who wish to deepen their knowledge of the exciting world of Customs and International Trade.

Cross-Border Trade (ICBT) plays a critical role for Uganda and the DRC. It acts as (i) an essential source of livelihoods for traders and their families on both sides of the border; (ii) a crucial source of foreign exchange, with knock-on effects on employment creation and income; and (iii) an important source of food security and the supply of other products in the border region, by linking up various markets across the border.

These effects play out on a number of levels: (i) locally, ICBT supplies goods for the towns and areas along the Uganda–DRC border; (ii) nationally and regionally, ICBT provides goods to the wider region, on both sides of the border; (iii) globally, more resourceful traders operate on a global scale, importing goods to the borderland from Dubai, Hong Kong, Singapore, Indonesia, and Malaysia. Over the last 10 years, ICBT between Uganda and the DRC has intensified. Informal exports from Uganda have almost doubled, from USD 143.2 million in 2010 to USD 269.8 million in 2018. This intensification is also reflected on a political level: in recent years, there have been a range of bilateral initiatives to improve relations and enhance cross-border trade, such as the removal of non-tariff trade barriers.

While women constitute the majority of ICBT traders, they make less profit than men. This has to do with more limited access to credit, less time (due to household tasks), and the fact that more profitable goods – such as fuel or cigarettes – carry with them risks of harassment or violence from men. Youth also play a central role in ICBT and are explicitly mentioned as a target audience in political initiatives on cross-border trade. The COVID-19 lockdown measures implemented in March 2020, and particularly the closure of borders, had a profound impact on ICBT in the Uganda–DRC borderlands. As ICBT mainly operates between small-scale traders with fragile supply chains, these measures led to an almost complete standstill of trade. The measures further enhanced pre-existing fragilities and inequalities of the trade, notably:
• Women were disproportionally affected by the pandemic and containment measures: they are mostly engaged in small-scale trade with low profit margins and have a less diversified income base.
• There were many complaints about the behavior of Ugandan security officials in the enactment of the lockdown policies.

This article analyses the European anti-smuggling agenda as an anti-policy that derives legitimacy from fighting ‘bad things’, in terms that mask political disagreement. By juxtaposing the agenda to the experiences and understandings of those whom such measures affect most directly – people migrating without authorisation to the EU – it uncovers the productivity of anti-smuggling and the political contestations surrounding it. Based on a qualitative analysis of 257 interviews carried out with 271 people who travelled – or sought to travel – across the Mediterranean Sea by boat using smuggling networks, the article highlights the complicity of governing authorities and officials with smuggling networks and practices, as well as the diversity and ambivalences of relationships between smugglers and the smuggled. Going further, the article points to the specific ways in which anti-smuggling is contested by those on the move, which expose a central political disagreement over the legitimacy of mobility across borders.

The rise and decline of Atlantic piracy has been used to gauge the level of commercial, administrative, naval, and diplomatic control that Britain exercised in the Atlantic. Indeed, historians have suggested that by 1730, Britain had eradicated piracy in the region. These studies credit a governmental campaign of law enforcement and moral persuasion for a revolutionary shift in public attitudes against piracy. A close examination, however, reveals that piracy flourished in Atlantic waters well into the nineteenth century, and that Britain’s command of the region was not nearly as thorough as some have suggested. Old practices and beliefs regarding piracy’s legality and propriety persisted in the face of imperial attempts to effect change—Britons continued to regard “armed commerce” as wholly conventional and legitimate. Piracy was eventually ushered out of the Atlantic indirectly and inadvertently, not through forceful confrontation at sea and port, but in response to the reduced profitability of contraband.
  Britain’s ineffective anti-piracy campaign reveals the limits of British power at sea, but also on land, vis-à-vis its constituents. Violence and property losses at sea were useful to authorities in their efforts to articulate differences between the illegitimate violence of pirates and smugglers, and legitimate force wielded by the government. And yet, the government’s attempts to extend its jurisdiction beyond coastal waters, monopolize violence, and sanction some forms of maritime commerce while delegitimizing others, were consistently resisted, ignored, and thwarted by large swaths of British society on both sides of the ocean. British subjects retained an archaic and localist conception of society, state, and law, and resisted legal and bureaucratic structures put in place by landed governments to facilitate state building. 

  The chronological discrepancy regarding the passing of piracy and the resultant misconception regarding Britain’s control of the Atlantic are products of historians’ modernist definition of piracy. This anachronistic understanding of piracy obscures the continued activity of pirates in the Atlantic during the “long eighteenth century” and gives credence to the presumptions of eighteenth-century governments to monopolize the use of force at sea.

This research project focuses on the complexities of the illicit tea trade as it relates to the American Revolution. I examine the role of tea smugglers in the Boston Tea Party and and how smugglers were behind much of the tensions that ultimately led to the Boston Tea Party. This research will bring to light the influence of this extensive illicit trade and how a common, everyday beverage fueled a revolution. 

The Oslo Accords (1993-1999) delineated administrative borders within the territory of the West Bank, separating it into Areas A, B and C, in addition to Jerusalem. Restrictive occupation policies, combined with the imposition of the Israeli tax system under the remit of the Paris Economic Protocols, force the Palestinian private sector to constantly search for solutions in order to conduct trade and manage their business interests, operating in a distorted environment unlike that governing the private sector in other countries. This, in turn, has resulted in distorted economic and trade relations within the Palestinian economy, that are harmful to its markets and the public Treasury.
On the other hand, in the wake of the second Palestinian Intifada (2000-2004), Israel imposed a segregated border regime, characterized by a “colonial geography” encompassing Israeli spatial planning and confining Palestinian population centers to specific, and scattered, geographical areas. Israel has established settlements deep in Palestinian areas, creating an enabling spatial environment for illegal trade relations between Palestinian and Israeli merchants that constitute an unregulated and uncontrolled economy. Settlements have been designed to provide an infrastructure for these relations, creating unregulated border trade. In other words, there are Palestinian economic players who have adapted to this complex geographic system and have developed practical skills on to how to circumvent and take advantage of its loopholes.
This paper highlights the role of geographical realities in the West Bank, and the creation of ‘grey’ and ‘in-between’ zones that facilitate the circumvention of trade laws and regulations. These provide a fertile ground for profit-making. The paper also outlines the most important methods used by Palestinian merchants to benefit financially from border trade, taking advantage of their knowledge of the geography of colonialism and of the differences between multiple legal systems within the West Bank. This profit is not unilateral as such activities also result in profits for Israeli merchants in the settlements. Indeed, if there were no gains for the Israeli side of the transactions, the profitability of these dynamics would not have been in this form, or on this scale.

Listing of subscribers to Schull and Durrus Catholic Churches, West Cork, Ireland early 19th century.  Shows network of local persons of consequence adn their background one in particular James O'Sullivan, Esq., Roaring Water House, merchant, ship owner one time smuggler.

Кваліфікаційна наукова праця на правах рукопису ФІЛІППОВ СТАНІСЛАВ ОЛЕКСАНДРОВИЧ УДК 343.3:[351.746.1]:343.9(043.3) ДИСЕРТАЦІЯ КРИМІНОЛОГІЧНІ ЗАСАДИ ПРОТИДІЇ ТРАНСКОРДОННІЙ ЗЛОЧИННОСТІ 12.00.08-кримінальне право та кримінологія; кримінально-виконавче право (081-Право) Подається на здобуття наукового ступеня доктора юридичних наук Дисертація містить результати власних досліджень. Використання ідей, результатів і текстів інших авторів мають посилання на відповідне джерело С. О. Філіппов Науковий консультант Орловська Наталія Анатоліївна доктор юридичних наук, професор Хмельницький-2019

Summary
- Algeria, Tunisia, and Morocco have struggled since independence to exert effective control over large sections of their borders. Armed with tools that predate the Arab Spring, they now face a brave and complex new world—one in which the borders, rather than the protecting states, are a challenge and a threat.

- Smuggling in the Maghreb is long standing. The bulk of it historically involved food, fuel, and tobacco. This has changed over the last decade, however. Drug, weapon, and human traffickers are now forging new routes through the region.

- Terrorist groups in the region are benefiting from the contraband economy, the culture of low-level corruption, and the porous borders such practices engender.

- Efforts to limit smuggling actually increase radicalization, given that heightened border enforcement limits livelihood options, sparks grievances, and can increase the reach of radical ideologies.

- Across the region, border security capacity is uneven and responses are poorly
coordinated.

- Regional governments have invested in more troops, improved training, or new technology—or have evinced a desire to do so. Border management systems differ

- The gaps in capacity in the region and the political disagreements that stymie effective cooperation have raised the risks to the region and increased the likelihood

- Border security in North Africa hinges not only on national capabilities but also on international cooperation. When systems exist side by side but do not coordinate or collaborate, they create security vacuums and opportunities that can be and are exploited by militant actors in the region.

- Old approaches that focus exclusively on bilateral cooperation are no longer appropriate. What is needed to address the new threats in the region—issues about which all North African states are concerned—is a multilateral, cross-border approach.

The OHB of Refugee and Forced Migration Studies - edited by Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, Gil Loescher, Katy Long and Nando Sigona - has now been published in paperback and is available to purchase with a 30% discount with the code on this flyer. 53 excellent chapters by leading academics, policy makers and practitioners.

Durant la guerre civile espagnole (1936-1939), la politique de « non-intervention » adoptée par les États européens se traduit par un embargo international sur les armes. Celui-ci n’empêche pourtant pas les deux camps de bénéficier d’un soutien en hommes et en armes. Pour contrer l’appui de l’Allemagne et de l’Italie au général Franco, la République espagnole bénéficie d’une mobilisation antifasciste, aide que la presse de droite présente comme étant l’œuvre des « rouges » ou des « marxistes ». Outre les envois de matériel de guerre soviétique, le camp du « Frente Popular » est aidé par des militants de tous bords. Analyser cet appui au prisme du politique est toutefois insuffisant. La motivation idéologique de l’intervention soviétique est en effet discutable. Quant aux militants qui organisent le trafic d’armes, ils doivent, faute de compétences nécessaires, collaborer avec des intermédiaires hostiles à leur cause.

Recent work by scholars on the early colonial history of the Congo basin has made reference to the subject of customs and contraband. Their work has focused mainly on how smuggling networks operated across the borders of the Congo Free State (CFS). As a result of this perspective on traffickers, the role of Leopold’s administration has tended to be oversimplified. Illicit trade is usually presented as an issue that the Free State attempted, but failed, to curb. This representation of the colonial attitude towards trafficking is at odds with the general literature on contraband, which paints a rather different picture of the relationship between the state and smugglers. Rather than trying to stop trafficking, states usually tolerated contraband and had no knowledge of the majority of trafficking operations. Smuggling was tolerated because monitoring and taxing cross-border trade effectively was not considered to be cost-effective or was thought to be impossible. State rule also had to be negotiated in border regions with local elites who monopolized most local economic resources: a further reason why trafficking was often tolerated. States were unaware of most trafficking because the same officials that were supposed to monitor cross-border trade were usually involved in smuggling themselves.
By focusing on customs and contraband in the M’Bomu basin this article aims to fill in the gaps in current research on smuggling and border control in the CFS. Firstly, I examine to what extent colonial agents were involved in trafficking. Secondly, the article investigates whether Leopold’s administration was aware of smuggling and how far illicit commerce was tolerated. Finally, the article tries to explain why the Free State dealt with contraband as it did. I explore to what extent customs practices in the M’bomu borderland were based on a cost-benefit analysis and how far the attitude towards contraband might be explained by the negotiation of colonial rule with local elites.
This article demonstrates that the Free State and its agents were involved in trafficking in various ways. The CFS established a system of rule and exploitation that encouraged European officials to smuggle for the benefit of the state. Whether Leopold’s men and their African soldiers also trafficked on their own account is less clear. We do have a lot of information about the contraband activities of the sultans who ruled and exploited the majority of the M’Bomu basin in Leopold’s name. The Free State understood little about the smuggling that went on in the M’Bomu basin. Gradually, however, there was growing awareness amongst colonial officials. Nevertheless, tolerance usually prevailed with only a few futile measures taken to curb contraband. The CFS was convinced that the cost of controlling the uncontrollable M’Bomu border would exceed the benefit. Nevertheless, this cost-benefit analysis only partly explains the colonial attitude towards smuggling. This article argues that the Free State and its agents were involved in trafficking and were either unaware of contraband or tolerated illicit commerce because colonial rule in the M’Bomu basin was organized so as to extract as much revenue as possible, as fast as possible, and at the lowest possible cost. The pressure to maximize revenue led the Free State to establish a system of rule and exploitation that encouraged its local agents to extract a surplus by all means possible, including through trafficking. At the same time the M’Bomu region had to be ruled and exploited at the lowest possible cost. The very limited administration was unable to detect, understand or curb trafficking. Moreover, administering the M’Bomu basin at the lowest possible cost forced the Free State to outsource the rule and exploitation of the majority of the borderland to local rulers. These local rulers, however, had large stakes in cross-border trade and continued to smuggle on a wide scale despite their incorporation into the colonial administration. Because colonial rule was negotiated with the local elite, their smuggling had to be tolerated.

The Routledge Handbook of Smuggling offers a comprehensive survey of interdisciplinary research related to smuggling, reflecting on key themes, and charting current and future trends. Divided into six parts and spanning over 30 chapters, the volume covers themes such as mobility, borders, violent conflict, and state politics, as well as looks at the smuggling of specific goods-from rice and gasoline to wildlife, weapons, and cocaine. Chapters engage with some of the most contentious academic and policy debates of the twenty-first century, including the historical creation of borders, re-bordering, the criminalisation of migration, and the politics of selective toleration of smuggling. As it maps a field that contains unique methodological, ethical, and risk-related challenges, the book takes stock not only of the state of our shared knowledge, but also reflects on how this has been produced, pointing to blind spots and providing an informed vision of the future of the field. Bringing together established and emerging scholars from around the world, The Routledge Handbook of Smuggling is an indispensable resource for students and researchers of conflict studies, borderland studies, criminology, political science, global development, anthropology, sociology, and geography.

Bu çalışmada, Kaçakçılıkla Mücadele Kanununda düzenlenen tütün ve alkol ürünlerinin kaçakçılığına ilişkin suçlar her yönüyle incelemeye tabi tutulmuştur. Günümüzde ülkemizde uygulanan vergi politikaları ile döviz kurlarında meydana gelen dalgalanmalar nedeniyle tütün ve alkol ürünlerinin piyasa fiyatları toplumsal alım gücüne oranla yüksek seviyelerde seyretmektedir. Bunun bir sonucu olarak da bu ürünlere yönelik kaçakçılık ve taklitçilik suçları failler bakımından cezbedici hale gelerek, suç sayılarında ciddi artışlar görülmektedir. Çalışmada, söz konusu suçların hem maddi hukuk ve hem de muhakeme hukukuna ilişkin yönleri ayrıntılı olarak ele alınmıştır. Konu anlatımı Yargıtay içtihatları ile zenginleştirilerek teori ve uygulamadaki tartışmalı alanlara ışık tutulmaya çalışılmıştır. Söz konusu suçlar için kanunda öngörülen ceza miktarlarından ötürü bu suçlara ilişkin kanun yolu incelemesi uzun vadede Yargıtay’dan ziyade bölge adliye mahkemeleri tarafından yapılacağından, bazı hususlara ilişkin olarak Yargıtay’ca belirlenen esasların uygulamada birliğin sağlanabilmesi için bölge adliye mahkemelerince de benimsenmesinde yarar bulunmaktadır.

In this study, all aspects of the crimes related to the smuggling of tobacco and alcohol products regulated in the (Turkish) Anti-Smuggling Act are examined. Today, due to the tax policies implemented in our country and the fluctuations in exchange rates, the market prices of tobacco and alcohol products are at higher levels compared to the purchasing power of the society. As a result of this, it becomes attractive for the perpetrators to commit smuggling and counterfeiting crimes of these products. In the study, besides the substantive law elements and special appearance forms of the crimes in question, the issues related to the law of procedure are also discussed in detail. While the subject is being explained it has been enriched with the Yargıtay (Court of Cassation) case law and the controversial areas in theory and practice have been shed light on. In the long term since the judicial review regarding these crimes will be carried out by the regional courts of appeal rather than the Court of Cassation because of the amount of penalties stipulated in the law for the crimes in question,, it is beneficial for the regional courts to adopt the principles determined by the Court of Cassation in practice in order to ensure the unity in practice.

La sempre maggior presenza di donne nelle diverse configurazioni dei processi migratori non è ancora accompagnata da una più grande attenzione alle loro problematiche specifiche e alle dinamiche che caratterizzano i loro movimenti migratori.
L’articolo analizza la dimensione femminile nella migrazione irregolare, nella tratta e nel traffico di esseri umani come tentativo per superare la visione neutra rispetto al genere che ha prevalso nel tempo e che non fa emergere le particolarità dell’esperienza femminile. Le considerazioni esposte nel testo mettono in luce la necessità di una maggior equità verso le donne e richiamano l’esigenza di adottare l’approccio di genere sia per l’analisi dei fenomeni migratori che per la loro trattazione.

The Syrian war has caused about a million refugees to seek protection in Europe. This mass migration determines the life or death of each Syrian undertaking the risky pilgrimage and impacts the cultural, political, and security conditions of host and transit countries. Unfortunately, a lack of direct evidence from the field has spawned speculation, misinformation, and ultimately myth-based policymaking toward the Syrian refugee issue. In response to this informational deficit in public rhetoric and policymaking, a seven-person research team was deployed from Jordan to Germany, especially across the Balkans Route, from May to December 2016 to conduct: in-depth structured interviews with Syrian refugees ; quantifiable surveys; and interviews with security, policy, and humanitarian experts. The results debunk five myths about the refugee crisis. Specifically, we find substantial evidence that (1) most refugees are fleeing not only the Assad regime, but also the armed opposition; (2) refugees are not thoroughly vetted crossing into EU countries despite recent countermeasures; (3) refugees generally view smugglers as allies and security officials as adversaries; (4) efforts to halt terrorists from crossing into Europe mainly punish the most vulnerable refugees; and (5) refugees struggle to integrate into Europe, but seldom for cultural reasons.

This article analyses in depth a Spanish case connected to the financing of DAESH through antiquities trafficking. There is a worldwide debate on this issue, boosted every time that a case of this nature pops up. Criminal networks use the legislation for their benefit. These are some of the points which this paper deals with. (Last update 20/06/2018)

For the past decade, service providers across several member states
have raised concerns that the hardening stance on migrant smuggling at the political level could impact the day-to-day service provision of everyday humanitarian actors. This chapter presents the results of a study commissioned by the European Parliament to explore this phenomenon. The study collated desk-based research mapping law and policy frameworks across several EU member states, available data on prosecution and conviction rates, and questionnaires targeting civil society organisers, service providers, cities, national governments and ship owners.This chapter begins by outlining the humanitarian exception provision envisaged by the Facilitators’ Package before considering the impact that it has on individuals and organisations providing access to humanitarian assistance, public services and fundamental rights to irregular migrants on the ground. Several significant shortcomings in current efforts to monitor and measure this impact are also explored

Este artículo pretende explicar por qué los habitantes de la frontera noreste de la Nueva España no eligieron la rebelión armada como estrategia principal para confrontar el poder colonial. Sugiere, por el contrario, que los pobladores de dicha región aprovecharon las ventajas de vivir en una frontera imperial para contrabandear y establecer redes de comercio ilegal con distintas naciones de indios y estadounidenses de Luisiana y otras provincias. Mediante el contrabando, los norestenses buscaron evadir las restricciones comerciales de la Nueva España. También se describen las rutas, los participantes y el funcionamiento de este comercio ilegal.