Six Dynasties

Using the example of the song “Lord Amidst Clouds” (Yunzhong jun) from the “Nine Songs” (Jiuge) chapter of the Songs of Chu(Chuci), this study examines how commentators from the Han to the Qing dynasty engaged with interpretations of their predecessors at the micro level of their commentaries in a non-canonical textual environment. To go beyond the macro level overviews provided by commentary histories of the Chuci, the interpretations of Wang Yi (2ndcent.), the Five Ministers (7th–8thcent.),  Zhu  Xi  (1130–1200),  Wang  Yuan  (d.  1565),  and  Lin  Yunming  (1628?–1697)  are  compared  line  by  line  in chronological order to better understand their motives for writing new commentaries, their exegetical techniques, and their exegetical  decisions.  The  broader  question  underlying  this  study  is  whether  it  is  possible  to  determine  which  parts  of  the understanding  of  the  song  remained  controversial  as  opposed  to  what  was  accepted  as  understanding  over  the  period  of commentary production.本研究以《楚辭·九歌》中的《雲中君》為例，探討從漢代到清代評注者在非經典語境中如何辯證地看待前代評注，並對《雲中君》進行微觀層面的細緻解讀。為突破現有《楚辭》學史提供的宏觀敘事框架，本文按照時間順序對王逸（2世紀）、五臣（7–8世紀）、朱熹（1130–1200年）、汪瑗（卒於1565年）以及林雲銘（約1628–1697）的解讀進行逐行比對，深入分析其新詮釋的動機、釋文技巧及釋經決策。本研究旨在探討在時代變遷中，《雲中君》某些內容的解讀是否持續存在爭議，還是逐漸形成了較為一致的詮釋傾向。這一研究不僅為理解《楚辭》評注傳統的歷史演變提供新的見解，同時也為古代文學作品的詮釋研究提供了新的方法論視角。

This paper systematically surveys the shared artistic issues that arose in both poetry criticism and creative practice in the Wei, Jin and the Northern and Southern dynasties and continued through the Tang and Song dynasties and up to the present time. In this way the long-standing artistic tradition of tiwu 体物 (embodying objects) in Chinese classic poetry, which has long been neglected or disparaged, is uncovered. Furthermore, by analyzing the historical relationship that Chinese classical poems had, principally, with ci 词 (a form of Chinese lyric poetry) and prose, but also with painting, the author hopes to establish a connection between Chinese classical poetry and the artistic goal of “embodying objects” which was prevalent throughout the Wei, Jin and the Northern and Southern dynasties and the Tang and Song dynasties. In this way it will be possible not only to identify a spirit of poetry that involves both artistic competition and scientific rationality, but also recognizes t...

Self-exegesis or auto-commentary (zizhu) represents the author’s conscious, active control over the meaning and reception of their work and blurs the boundary between author and reader, text and paratext. Although not unique to the Chinese tradition, self-exegesis has been prevalent in classical Chinese poetry from the late eighth century onward. Indeed, one of the formal features that distinguish classical poetry from modern vernacular poetry is that the latter is largely devoid of authorial annotations. This article reconstructs a history of auto-commentary in medieval poetic writings through the eighth century and examines the implications of adding exegetical notes to one’s own writings.
自註是作者對於其作品的意義和接受所作的有意識的、主動的控制，模糊了作者與讀者、文本和副文本之間的界限。自註並非中國傳統所獨有，但自八世紀晚期起，它在詩歌創作中日益流行，以致中國古典詩歌與現代白話詩歌在形式上的一個主要區別就在於後者缺乏詩人的自註。本文重構中古詩歌傳統中作者自註的歷史，並討論自註對解讀詩人作品的意義和影響。

Scientific debate about the genre of the Orkhon-Yenisei inscriptions Аbstract. This paper attempts to define the genre of the Orkhon-Yenisei Old Turkic inscriptions. The Orkhon-Yenisei inscriptions, found in the territory of modern Mongolia, attracted researchers' attention in two directions. First, the interest was shown in scientific field, and then in the field of fiction. Along with the historiography, the Orkhon-Yenisei inscriptions have been studied from a cultural point of view, as well as from the point of view of literary criticism. Today Azerbaijani, Turkish and Russian scientists still dispute about the genre of the Orkhon-Yenisei written monuments. Different views have been expressed on the genre of the Orkhon-Yenisei written monuments. The researchers emphasize The Old Turkic written monuments emphasized the fact of the presence of researchers in the rhythm of folk poetry and "weighty verses". Taking into consideration the feature of narrative written in verses and the connection with a folk poetry, a number of researchers define these inscriptions as poems in prose (F.E. Korsh, Amid Abid). Other authors note that the inscriptions are "a small literary work" (Vasfi Mahir Gochatürk). Furthermore, the inscriptions are considered "a small literary work", "common Turkic historical heroic poems", "epitaphs", "graveyard poetry", "a separate genre", "prose texts", "historical legend", "prose in verses" etc. The Orkhon-Yenisei inscriptions manifest themselves as a mixture of prose and poetry, which is characteristic of the Turkic epic. We find the perfect example of this tradition in the epic Kitabi Dede Gorgud, a common Turkic monument. That is, a combination of prose and poetry. The Yenisei epitaphs, the Orkhon "Bangu stones" attract attention as the direction in which the Orkhon-Yenisei inscriptions will study the poetics of ancient Turkic literature. Although the Orkhon-Yenisei monuments were studied as texts of poems, epitaphs, epics, chronicles, stories, novels, stories, etc. Orkhon-Yenisei monuments should not be considered as an example of epitaphs. The Orkhon-Yenisei Inscriptions is a historical-documentary novel of poetry, combining genre features of different genres. The existence of such novels of poetry as the Orkhon-Yenisei inscriptions created the conditions for the creation of meaningful novels of poetry during the Eastern Renaissance. The creation of a novel of verses by Nizami Ganjavi in the XII century confirms this.

In this paper, from the perspectives of feminism, through the analysis of Li Bai's inheritance and innovation of palace-style poetry in his creation, the author puts forward two techniques and their symptom in the three poems of Qingping Tune: inheriting the sensationalization of palace-style poetry and innovating in the mythological and legendary techniques of palace-style poetry. Based on these two techniques, the unconsciousness of the fetish and goddess mythological fantasy is revealed from the "blankness" of the image itself, so as to achieve the research effect of a comprehensive analysis of the female discipline ideology in the aristrocrats' patriarchal courtly literature.

二徐真君為福建道教與民間信仰中的重要神祗，生前為南唐藩王徐知証、徐知諤兄弟，其信仰活動綿延至宋元並於明代達到頂峰。《徐仙翰藻》乃二徐真君降筆乩示的結集，包含各種文體當中值得留意的是此書的文學性，特別是辭賦乩文中的騷怨書寫本文將從文學與文化分析兩條進路，探究《徐仙翰藻》內容和形式上如何移用屈騷傳統至宗教語境中，作為二徐真君建構和維繫信仰之效用。
The Hsü Brothers, as known as the Perfected Lords of Abundant Mercy and Spiritual Succor in Taoist cannon, are two of the eminent deities of Fukien Taoism and local cults. Hsü Brothers refer to the spirits of Hsü Chih-cheng and Hsü Chih-o, who were the princes of Southern T'ang. The religious belief in the Hsü Brothers lasted from Southern Tang to Yüan dynasty, and then peaked in Ming dynasty. Hsü-hsien Han-tsao (Literary Materpieces of the Hsü Immortals) is a spirit writing book attributed to the Hsü Brothers in different styles, and is noteworthy for its literary features, especially the Li Sao-like sorrow writing in the works composed in Ci and Fu style. This essay is a literary and religious study of Hsü-hsien Han-tsao, exploring its content and characteristics which inherit the Chu Ci tradition, and then utilize it in the context of constructing and sustaining the religious belief.

Between the mid-first century BCE to the early-fourth century CE significant political, economic, and social changes occurred in the Deccan. The emergence of the Sātavāhana (ca. 50 BCE-225 CE), Western Kṣatrapa (ca. early-first century CE-415 CE), and Ikṣvāku (ca. 225 CE-315-25 CE) dynasties signified a new period of Deccan history. The Sātavāhana dynasty ruled the Deccan for approximately two-hundred and seventy-five years and during this period of political consolidation the Deccan transitioned from an aggregate of local nodes of power and production into an interconnected geographic and economic zone. Prior to the Sātavāhana dynasty there is minimal evidence for political consolidation, extensive trade networks, a moneyed economy, and urban centers in early historic Deccan. By the end of the Sātavāhana period, epigraphic and numismatic evidence shows regional interconnections through commercial interactions had developed and archaeological excavations revealed an increase in urban centers throughout the Deccan. After the decline of the Sātavāhana dynasty, the Ikṣvāku dynasty arose in the eastern Deccan along the Krishna River valley and deltaic areas. Their capital was located at the urban center of Nāgārjunakoṇḍa and the extent of their kingdom was much more localized than the Sātavāhanas. The Western Kṣatrapas ruled the region of Avanti in western South Asia and the southern parts of Gujarat from their capital at Ujjain. Geographically, Western Kṣatrapa territory was located north of the Deccan, but from the mid-first century CE until the mid-second century CE these rulers competed with the Sātavāhanas for control of land and trade routes in the western Deccan. The following map shows the geo-political features of early historic South Asia. The Deccan comprises the entire swath of central South Asia. The

Between the mid-first century BCE to the early-fourth century CE significant political, economic, and social changes occurred in the Deccan. The emergence of the Sātavāhana (ca. 50 BCE-225 CE), Western Kṣatrapa (ca. early-first century CE-415 CE), and Ikṣvāku (ca. 225 CE-315-25 CE) dynasties signified a new period of Deccan history. The Sātavāhana dynasty ruled the Deccan for approximately two-hundred and seventy-five years and during this period of political consolidation the Deccan transitioned from an aggregate of local nodes of power and production into an interconnected geographic and economic zone. Prior to the Sātavāhana dynasty there is minimal evidence for political consolidation, extensive trade networks, a moneyed economy, and urban centers in early historic Deccan. By the end of the Sātavāhana period, epigraphic and numismatic evidence shows regional interconnections through commercial interactions had developed and archaeological excavations revealed an increase in urban centers throughout the Deccan. After the decline of the Sātavāhana dynasty, the Ikṣvāku dynasty arose in the eastern Deccan along the Krishna River valley and deltaic areas. Their capital was located at the urban center of Nāgārjunakoṇḍa and the extent of their kingdom was much more localized than the Sātavāhanas. The Western Kṣatrapas ruled the region of Avanti in western South Asia and the southern parts of Gujarat from their capital at Ujjain. Geographically, Western Kṣatrapa territory was located north of the Deccan, but from the mid-first century CE until the mid-second century CE these rulers competed with the Sātavāhanas for control of land and trade routes in the western Deccan. The following map shows the geo-political features of early historic South Asia. The Deccan comprises the entire swath of central South Asia. The

Based on Yang Xuanzhi's account of the burned-down Luoyang city during the Northern Wei dynasty and contemporary archeological discoveries, this paper tries to decipher the pre-Luoyang memory and imperial identity of the Northern Wei royal family that are embedded in the urban planning of Luoyang city by understanding the reformation of Buddhist politico-religious policy through both a historical approach and literary analysis. Buddhism played a crucial role in the Northern Wei's campaign of establishing their rulership as a legitimate one from the Chinese perspective. Buddhist temples became structures where commoners interacted on a daily basis, and, in these interactions, the Xianbei rulers managed to bring multiple factors into balance: Northern Wei imperial and Chinese identities and the tension between preserving the ancestral memory and merging the Northern Wei regime into a Chinese political context.

摘要

本文以佐藤慎一郎為個案，探討日本在冷戰時期的「中共觀察」。佐藤的經歷相當特別。戰爭結束前他具有「中國經驗」，擔任過滿洲國民政部文書科屬官、大同學院教官，後來成為總務廳參事官，敗戰後於1947年歸返日本。1959年，佐藤在拓殖大學任教，開始一連串地「中共觀察」。這位昔日的「支那通」貫穿戰前與戰後，成為「中國問題研究家」，也是日本有關「反共」言論的代表。1967 年的香港左派騷動結束，他以拓大教授名義，連續三年前往香港訪問中國內地逃脫的難民；此外，當「日中邦交正常化」時， 還公然抨擊日本田中內閣的親共外交。出版多本有關分析中共農業集體化及人民公社著作的佐藤，甚至主張中國的文化正統在臺灣。要理解冷戰時期佐藤慎一郎的言論，吾人似乎無法迴避其思想延續性，包括他戰前對華有關農村破產與再建的思考。因此，藉由佐藤之例，本文希望增添文化冷戰的一頁新史。

關鍵詞： 香港、 日本、 戰後中日關係、 文化冷戰、 佐藤慎一郎


Abstract

This article examines the writings on China and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) by the late Shinichiro Sato (佐藤慎一郎; 19051999). His works are of great interest to historians in large part because of his unique experiences. Prior to and during the Second Sino-Japanese War, Sato served, in turn, as an official of the Manchurian Ministry of Civil Affairs, an instructor at the Tatung Academy, and a counselor of the Department of General Affairs. He left Manchuria and returned to Japan in 1947, following Japan’s surrender at the end of the war. In 1959, after assuming a teaching position at Takushoku University, Sato began writing a series of essays known as the CCP Observations. The old China hand had now become a staunch anti-communist. Beginning in 1967, in his role as professor of Takushoku University, Sato visited Hong Kong for three consecutive years, where he interviewed refugees from mainland China. When the Joint Communique of the Government of Japan and the Government of the People’s Republic of China was signed on September 1972, Sato was openly critical of the pro-communist stance of the Tanaka cabinet in Japan.

I argue in this paper that to understand Sato’s works written at the height of the Cold War, including his critiques of China’s agricultural collectivization efforts and its people’s communes, we must also look at his writings from prior to the Cold War, for there is a great deal of continuity in his thought. He was sharply critical of traditional China, and his criticisms of Cold War China were an extension of his former views. According to Sato, traditional Chinese culture was embodied in Taiwan after the Kuomintang (KMT) government relocated to the island; hence, he was critical of aspects of Taiwan as well.

Keywords: Hong Kong, Japan, Sino-Japanese relationships after World War II, Cultural Cold War, Shinichiro Sato

The Longmen Twenty Statues Inscriptions, as representative works of Weibei calligraphy, are a significant cultural heritage of China and an important symbolic cultural landscape of Longmen Grottoes. During the development of Chinese calligraphy, Weibei calligraphy not only inherited the calligraphy characteristics of the official script but also laid the foundation for the development of regular script in the Tang Dynasty. In the background, there are also some problems today. Many visitors today are not fully aware of the potential symbolism of Weibei calligraphy and tend to overlook the Longmen Twenty Statues Inscriptions. To address this issue, The research objective is to systematically analyse the cultural value, social background, historical evolution process, and cultural perception of Chinese tourists through the literature review. Moreover, the paper summarizes the image symbolism of the Longmen Twenty Statues Inscriptions. The possibility of enhancing tourists' perception through image symbolism is put forward as a conclusion.

本文藉由梳理「三年一祫，五年一禘」系列經說，按照諸說立論的時序先後，觀察兩漢經師立論的背景及動機，釐清鄭玄以前數百年的「訩訩爭論」。研究顯示：此說源自《公羊》「五年而再殷祭」，歷經韋玄成「壹禘壹祫」、匡衡「間歲而祫」，到劉向出現「三年一祫，五年一禘」；後經張純建議，遂成東漢禘祫定制。惟章帝於建初七年禘，與《春秋》禘於八年不合，引起何休、鄭玄重探禮制的契機。何休專持《公羊》義，提出「禘祫從先君數」、「遭禘則禘，遭祫則祫」。鄭玄據《周禮》立說，通釋《春秋》及三《傳》，主張「三年喪畢而祫於大祖。明年春，禘於羣廟。自爾之後，五年而再殷祭，一祫一禘」。然兩說都無法徵驗於《春秋》經傳，於是「訩訩爭論」，延續至今。

本文從陳立《白虎通疏證》輯補「三年一禘」闕文出發，藉由梳理「三年一禘」系列經說，按照諸說出現的時序先後，探究當時經師建構經說的理據及論述，以衡定陳立所輯是否正確。研究顯示：「三年一禘」濫觴於劉歆錯綜《國語》、《禮記》等禮說所創的「大禘終王」。在班固〈五行志〉所引《左氏》說，以及賈逵對於《左傳》的解說中，可追蹤「三年終禘」的成說歷程。最後，杜預「遂以三年為常節」，「三年一禘」的經說，於焉產生。據此反觀《白虎通義》，可知白虎觀會議之際，不可能出現「三年一禘」的經說，故陳立輯補，未必妥當。

本文以辨析文獻的方法，試圖恢復西漢「堯後火德」說的成立經過。進而發現：此說不僅是「漢為火德」、「漢家堯後」的複合命題，並且「漢家堯後」亦可分作「傳國之運」、「劉姓世系」兩部分。就「漢為火德」而言，乃劉向改造鄒衍學說而成；以「傳國之運」來說，最早由昭帝時的眭弘提出。其後劉歆融合「堯後」、「火德」兩說，建構出《世經》的古史系統。另外，劉向以漢室親族、職任宗正的身分，回溯「劉姓世系」至戰國初期。到了新莽、光武之際，儒生才於《左傳》中增添「其處者為劉氏」一語，確認堯帝和劉姓的血緣譜系。至於儒者立論的證據，完全都可以在司馬遷所著《太史公書》中找到相應資料，可知《史記》正是西漢儒生建構「堯後火德」的主
要參考。

Fairfield University is a Jesuit University, rooted in one of the world's oldest intellectual and spiritual traditions. More than 5,000 undergraduate and graduate students from 36 states, 47 foreign countries, the District of Columbia and Puerto Rico are enrolled in the University's five schools. In the spirit of rigorous and sympathetic inquiry into all dimensions of human experience, Fairfield welcomes students from diverse backgrounds to share ideas and engage in open conversations. The University is located in the heart of a region where the future takes shape, on a stunning campus on the Connecticut coast just an hour from New York City.

Bifaji 筆法記 by Jing Hao 荊浩 (ca. 855–915) is one of the most critical writings on painting in the Chinese art tradition. It reflects the shifting artistic trends of the late Tang and Five Dynasties periods from portraits to landscapes and from color to ink and wash. The emphasis on zhen (眞, “genuineness”) as an aesthetic goal in Bifaji is an essential feature in its discourse on the nature of painting. This essay explores the concept of zhen as an ideal state of pictorial reality in Bifaji. Illuminating the meaning of zhen is vital to understanding Jing Hao's and his contemporaries' artistic aspirations. Considering its aesthetic connotations reveals zhen in Bifaji to be multivalent, involving a number of qualities required for the creation of a landscape painting, from the observation of nature to the method of brush technique. To elucidate the aesthetic ideals of Bifaji, this paper examines the relationship between the concept of zhen and other key terms such as qiyun (氣韻, “...

Факторы формирования жизненного пути профессиональных династий 1) Башкирский филиал Федерального государственного бюджетного учреждения науки Федерального научно-исследовательского социологического центра Российской академии наук ул. 50-летия Октября, д. 20, стр. 1, г. Уфа,

The cliff tomb was a distinctive regional burial form that lasted for centuries in the southwestern region of China. However, the origin of cliff tombs and the genetic relatedness among the co-buried individuals remain elusive. Here, we successfully identified four individuals from the scatted bone fragments in a single cliff tomb in the Sichuan Basin by using ancient DNA and physical anthropology analyses, and retrieved genomic data for the four individuals, to our best knowledge, the first ancient genomic data from the region. Our findings provide direct evidence supporting the Central Plains of China hypothesis for the people who practiced cliff tombs and further suggest that cliff tombs burial practices may also originate from the Central Plains of China, as supported by ancient DNA, archaeological and historical attestations. We successfully reconstructed the family tree of the four individuals and provided concrete evidence that individuals buried in the same cliff tomb are from a nuclear family rather than the long-hypothesized extended family, suggesting that genetic kinship plays a significant role for burial customs in the Sichuan Basin.

This essay reviews zhang Longxi's A History of Chinese Literature. The book covers Chinese literature from its very beginning to modern times. It emphasizes texts' literary and aesthetic qualities when evaluating and historicizing literature. The book demonstrates the importance of canons in literary history, using Chinese tradition as an example. therefore, it also brings the Chinese tradition into the broader framework of world literature. reading Zhang's concise historical overview of Chinese literature, we can better understand the interplay between literary tradition and the individual talent. Zhang Longxi has skillfully combined the writing of a history of literature with literary criticism in this book. Zhang's successful attempt informs literary scholars of possible paradigms of compiling literary history in a post-cultural-studies theoretical context.

Moğollarda soylu kadınları her zaman siyasi, ekonomik ve sosyal hayatta önemli roller oynamışlardır. Ayrıca, kadının soyu kocasının ve çocuklarının siyasi ve askeri kariyerleri için hayati bir öneme sahip idi. Daha da önemlisi, bu gelenek, Moğol İmparatorluğu yıkıldıktan sonra Orta Asya ve Hindistan"da kurulan devlet ve imparatorluklarda yüzyıllarca devam etmiştir. 14. yüzyılda Moğol hanedanlıkları yıkıldıktan sonra, özellikle Cengiz Han"ın Altın Soyundan gelen kadınlar ile evlilik, hükümdar olmak isteyen emirler için en önemli meşruiyet kaynaklarından biri olmuştur. Türk devlet sistemi içinde de soylu kadınlar çok önemli olmasına rağmen, bu durum en azından Moğollarda olduğu gibi süreklilik arz etmemiştir. Türkler ile karşılaştırma yapıldığında, Moğollarda ana soyu her zaman daha önemli olmuş ve kadınların siyasi olarak daha aktif olmuşlardır. Türkler ve Moğollar aynı coğrafyada, benzer sosyal ortamda benzer politik ve ekonomik yapılara sahip olmalarına rağmen, kadının konumu neden farklılıklar gösteriyor? Bu makalede bu soruya cevap bulabilmek amacı ile başta Cengiz Han"ın Altın soyunu dayandırdığı Alan-Goa hikâyesi ve Türk hanedanlıklarının soylarını dayandırdıkları Oğuz Kağan destanları karşılaştırmalı incelenecektir.

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Between the mid-first century BCE to the early-fourth century CE significant political, economic, and social changes occurred in the Deccan. The emergence of the Sātavāhana (ca. 50 BCE-225 CE), Western Kṣatrapa (ca. early-first century CE-415 CE), and Ikṣvāku (ca. 225 CE-315-25 CE) dynasties signified a new period of Deccan history. The Sātavāhana dynasty ruled the Deccan for approximately two-hundred and seventy-five years and during this period of political consolidation the Deccan transitioned from an aggregate of local nodes of power and production into an interconnected geographic and economic zone. Prior to the Sātavāhana dynasty there is minimal evidence for political consolidation, extensive trade networks, a moneyed economy, and urban centers in early historic Deccan. By the end of the Sātavāhana period, epigraphic and numismatic evidence shows regional interconnections through commercial interactions had developed and archaeological excavations revealed an increase in urban centers throughout the Deccan. After the decline of the Sātavāhana dynasty, the Ikṣvāku dynasty arose in the eastern Deccan along the Krishna River valley and deltaic areas. Their capital was located at the urban center of Nāgārjunakoṇḍa and the extent of their kingdom was much more localized than the Sātavāhanas. The Western Kṣatrapas ruled the region of Avanti in western South Asia and the southern parts of Gujarat from their capital at Ujjain. Geographically, Western Kṣatrapa territory was located north of the Deccan, but from the mid-first century CE until the mid-second century CE these rulers competed with the Sātavāhanas for control of land and trade routes in the western Deccan. The following map shows the geo-political features of early historic South Asia. The Deccan comprises the entire swath of central South Asia. The

J ust over a year ago, Jane and Leopold Swergold surprised and delighted the Bellarmine Museum of Art with a gift of four Han and Tang pottery objects from their stellar collection of ancient Chinese art. We were, of course, thrilled to accept their generous donation, which not only filled an important gap in the museum's permanent collection but also catalyzed a series of enriching conversations about Chinese art and culture at the museum; conversations that culminated in Immortality of the Spirit: Chinese Funerary Art from the Han and Tang Dynasties, on view at the Bellarmine from April 12-June 6, 2012. This exhibition was envisioned by the museum as a platform not only for highlighting the Swergolds' remarkable gift but also enhancing our visitors' understanding of ancient Chinese funerary art by placing such objects in a broader cultural context. Thus the Bellarmine's Sichuan Qin Player, Pair of Green Glazed Grooms, and Figure of a Soldier are accompanied in our galleries by nine related objects, all of which were generously lent to the museum by the Swergolds for this show. The care with which the Swergolds' collection was assembled is evinced both by its exceptionally high quality and by its remarkable internal coherence. Their fine holdings equally bear witness to the vast stores of knowledge they have accumulated over the course of the past two decades, as the Swergolds developed into world-class connoisseurs (a favorable term, derived from the French verb connaître, that suggests expansive knowledge and nuanced understanding) of Chinese art. The depth of their learning (Mrs. Swergold, who taught Interior Design at Fairfield University for over twenty years, wrote her MA thesis on Chinese tester beds, while Mr. Swergold has served as a trustee at the Smithsonian Institution's Freer-Sackler Galleries in Washington, DC, currently sits on the Collections Committee of the Harvard University Museums and organized and directed Treasures Rediscovered-Chinese Stone Sculpture from the Sackler Collections at Columbia University, an exhibition which premiered in Manhattan in the spring of 2008 before traveling to the Ringling Museum of Art in Sarasota, Florida,

過去對於臺灣北部的道教傳統主要關注的是散布於城鎮中的道壇，及其為 地方宮廟所提供的臨時性齋醮儀式服務。然而，部分臺灣北部道壇道士卻選擇 與地方宮廟合作，以後者為長期駐守的據點，來為宮廟信徒提供儀式服務。這些 道士大多同時具備正一道士與閭山法師兩種身份，駐廟期間所提供的服務則多 為閭山驅邪儀式。這類儀式自有其神學預設，不僅與道教齋醮科儀有所區別，也 非地方宮廟必要之服務項目，卻因社會變遷逐漸受到地方宮廟接受，成為後者的 因應之道。本文擬以臺灣北部「道法二門」道壇道士駐廟的情形，用以考慮這 群同時具備閭山法師與正一道士兩種身分的儀式專家，如何通過與地方宮廟的 不同模式的合作，提供信眾儀式服務，擴大其影響力，甚至協助後者在面對社會 變遷、逐漸失去地方性的同時，得以順利轉型，從而能適應「現代化」社會。此 外，本文也希望能夠以此說明，這樣的合作方式其實是三種具有不同神學觀念與 儀式象徵的宗教傳統結合、互動的過程;由於面對共同的信徒，「道法二門」道 士與地方宮廟經營者的合作卻又不可避免地存在隱而不顯的競爭關係。

and holds a JD degree from Cornell Law School. His research interests include the construction of race and nationality in imperial and postwar Japan, citizenship in comparative perspective, and critical theory. He is currently writing a dissertation about the Kim Hui-ro trial and the status of Koreans in Japan in the 1960s and 1970s.

Two characters, reading Shisong 石頌, Stone Hymn, are engraved on a rocky cliff at Mount Tie, in the northern outskirts of the city of Zoucheng 鄒城 in Shandong Province. 1 These two characters, written in a stately archaistic seal script, form the title above the text of the Stone Hymn. Its field of script on the slanting granite 2 surface under the open sky is 17 meters long and 4 meters wide (Figure 5.1). The characters are arranged in twelve columns with 52 characters each. There are, however, some exceptions in this grid: columns five and eight have 53, and column two has 54 characters, while column ten has only 43 characters, because the hymn proper begins with a new column. 3 As the rock has been exposed to the elements for more than fourteen hundred years, many characters are now effaced and hard to make out. Figures 5.2-3 show a rubbing taken in 2008. 4 It is so large, that it had to be hung beneath the ceiling, when it was exhibited in the Museum für Ostasiatische Kunst in Cologne in 2009 (Figure 5.4). In spite of its enormous size, the text of the Stone Hymn is dwarfed by the sutra engraved to its right (east). This, a passage from the Great Collection Sutra (Dajijing 大集經), has an overall height of more than 51 meters. The Stone Hymn is one of its three colophons. 1 Measurements:shi 85 x 76 cm, song 72 x 77 cm. 2 I thank Rainer Altherr for the mineralogical identification which is "biotite-hornblende granodiorite." 3 Even today, the number of characters in the columns is in dispute. A list of each columnwith the uncertainty: 52 or 53 for column 3gives Aikawa (2003, 150). See also Aikawa (2004). Wang Jun 王鈞 writes in Wang Jun and A Tao (1990, 2): largest column (11) 52 characters, shortest column (10) 43 characters. Lai Fei (2007, 112) writes: 43-52 characters per column, but counts 54 characters in column 2. Our own counting is evident from the line breaks in the transcription of the text below. 4 Museum für Ostasiatische Kunst Köln and Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften (2009, 63).

The period of the Six Dynasties (3rd-6th centuries A.D.) was one of the most decisive epochs in the history of Chinese calligraphy. Several new developments began during this period which shaped the course of calligraphy for centuries to come: calligraphy was elevated to an art form that was practiced by the educated elite, calligraphic pieces were for the first time collected as works of art, theoretical treatises on calligraphy began to be written, and the last three types of script that had developed, the fully cursive draft script (ts'ao-shu the semi-cursive running script (hsing-shu and the regular script (k'ai-shu ceived their final formulation; no new types appeared thereafter. Among the many masters of the Six Dynasties period Wang Hsi-chih (303-361)1 and his son Wang Hsien-chih (344-388) are celebrated above all. Known as the Two Wangs (erh Wang they became the paragons of all Chinese calligraphers. Even during their lifetime the Two Wangs were admired for their art. For about two centuries, however, their tradition was confined primarily to South China. It was only after the reunification of China at the end of the sixth century that their style began to become more widespread and was established as a standard throughout the empire. Especially T'ai-tsung the second T'ang emperor, forcefully propagated the style of Wang Hsi-chih during his reign (626-649). From this time on the calligraphy of the Two Wangs and especially that of Wang Hsi-chih came to be regarded as classical. It served as the basis for a coherent stylistic tradition that dominated the history of Chinese calligraphy for more than a millenium.