Silvia Federici

El 1917 Max Weber va parlar del “desencant del món”. A grans trets, assenyalava la
desaparició de la religiositat a conseqüència de la racionalització produïda per les
formes d’organització social derivades, sobretot, del progrés científic i tecnològic.
Quasi un segle després, la pensadora Silvia Federici (1942) llançà un repte: tornar
a encantar el món. Ho feia en un article que ara clou el seu darrer llibre, Re-enchanting
the World: Feminism and the Politics of the Commons (2018), en versió al català
d’Aurora Ballester per a Tigre de Paper.

Préface à la traduction française de l'ouvrage de Silvia Federici : Beyond the periphery of the skin, Par-delà les frontières de la peau. Repenser, refaire et revendiquer le corps dans le capitalisme tardif, 2020, Paris : Divergences, pp 7-20.

En este artículo parto de Calibán y la Bruja, obra de la historiadora italiana Silvia Federici, para señalar una serie de insuficiencias en los principales paradigmas teóricos en torno a la modernidad y la opresión. En primer lugar, abordo la figura moderna de "la Bruja" en relación a la opresión de género y, a continuación, profundizo en la figura de "Calibán" en relación a la opresión racial. Para ello me sirvo de la obra martiniqueño Frantz Fanon y de algunas reinterpretaciones posteriores de la misma. Sostengo que el arquetipo caribeño de Calibán representa al colonizado al tiempo que oculta a la colonizada. Reivindico la invisible figura de la "calibana" como puente a una teoría de la opresión más compleja y descolonizada.

En el presente trabajo nos proponemos reponer y analizar las críticas que Silvia Federici levanta en su libro Calibán y la bruja contra la formulación estratégico-productiva del poder que desarrolla Michel Foucault en su libro La voluntad de saber. Para ello, en primer lugar, desarrollaremos esquemáticamente el desplazamiento realizado por Foucault de un enfoque sobre el poder "jurídico-discursivo" a uno "estratégico-productivo" en el primer tomo de la Historia de la sexualidad. En segundo lugar, abordaremos los lineamientos generales de Calibán y la bruja, para construir un marco donde insertar las críticas de Federici al filósofo francés. En tercer lugar, rastrearemos dichas críticas, concentrándonos específicamente en a) la especificidad del cuerpo femenino como particularidad histórica olvidada por Foucault; b) la propuesta de recuperar en el análisis el carácter represivo del poder; c) el objetivo de recuperar la intención de las relaciones de poder. Para ello, utilizaremos como hilo conductor el abordaje que la autora realiza del cuerpo en el capítulo "El gran Calibán", nutriéndolo ocasionalmente con sus críticas teóricas desarrolladas previamente. Finalmente, elaboraremos una conclusión donde buscaremos evaluar la pertinencia de las críticas de Federici hacia los trabajos foucaultianos. Palabras clave: Brujas, poder, capitalismo, Federici, Foucault.

Revolución en punto cero (2013) de Silvia Federici es sin duda uno de los libros más importantes dentro de los debates políticos sobre el tema de la reproducción. Nacida en Italia, Federici es activista feminista, profesora emérita de filosofía política y estudios de género en la universidad Hofstra en Nueva York, y autora de una obra indispensable como Calibán y la bruja (publicada por primera vez en 2004 y traducida al español en 2010). Federici vuelve a sacudir nuestros supuestos sobre el capitalismo con una reexaminación tanto feminista como marxista, que centra nuestra mirada en los espacios de vida que han sido históricamente marginalizados por estar fuera del trabajo remunerado.

Avec HOMO INC. OPORATED, Sam Bourcier poursuit la réflexion menée dans la trilogie des Queer Zones. Mariage, procréation, travail, patrie, les bons homos ont basculé dans la sphère de la reproduction et de la production. Que reste-t-il du sujet politique LGBT lorsqu'il est défini par le droit et le management de la diversité? Pas grand chose. Raison pour laquelle les queers et les transféministes se mobilisent pour un agenda de redistribution économique et de justice sociale plus large que la simple demande d'égalité et d'intégration.  HOMO INC. OPORATED propose une critique radicale de l'homonationalisme et des politiques de l'égalité des droits. C'est aussi une boîte à outils pour lutter contre le néolibéralisme, avec une réflexion et de nouveaux moyens d'action sur les politiques du savoir à l'université, le genre comme travail, la grève du genre sans oublier le gender fucking!

This paper develops theory on stigma, capitals and the female reproductive body, explored through analysis of empirical research on the uptake of menstrual cups, a reusable menstrual technology. Conventional menstrual products are single-use disposables increasingly made of plastic and often disposed of by flushing, adding a significant load to marine pollution. Uptake of reusable products such as cloth pads, period underwear and menstrual cups is increasing, but so far little is known about the effects of using such products on menstruators and on menstrual organization more broadly. My empirical research studied menstrual cup use in a small cohort of undergraduates in Melbourne, using a dual diary and interview technique. 'Sustainability' as a key value was primary in participants' desire to try the cup, which most then found to be more convenient than other methods. These factors contributed to increased cultural capital surrounding menstruation, to the point where the cup and its use were described as 'cool'. This new status facilitated articulation of menstrual experience with partners, peers and families, rendering users greater agency and community in what has normatively been constructed as a solitary, silenced experience. Using the cup detached users from the menstrual disposability market economy, and therefore to some extent from its stigmatising narrative and symbolic violence. Yet the cup had a significant paradoxical effect, in that users were able to 'forget' they were menstruating during the day and in organizational settings, while 2 encountering menstrual blood more intensely when they got home, differently enclosing the female reproductive body.

This practice-based research sets out to investigate and intervene in the tense relation between the production of socially as well as politically relevant design work and the socio-economic precariousness many designers experience. Starting from an engagement with the precarious working conditions of designers, their genealogy over the last 30+ years and the role precarisation plays in forming docile creative subjects, the research moves on to a wider critique of the political economy and of its precarising value practices. Based on this analysis, it then considers the strategic use that can be made of concepts around the commons in order to undo procedures of precarisation.

The trajectory of this process of exploration is shaped through a series of practical experiments constructed around the inhabitation of support structures that allowed for a collective engagement with the issues and strategies researched. These inhabitations took as their starting point the resources my own design practice Brave New Alps was offered throughout this research. Thus, they took the form of two collectivised residencies, one of three months in Warsaw (My castle is your castle) and a second of two months in Milan (Cantiere per pratiche non-affermative), out of which a design collective emerged that still works together. The experiences from living through these support structures are the decisive elements that direct the engagement with theory in order to find elements helpful in overcoming blockages and loops in practice.

The core elements that emerged as helpful in moving this research forward were characterised by the practical as well as theoretical engagement with how designers are trained to accept and reproduce the conditions that precarise them, with how this training inserts itself in the wider logic of a capitalist economy and, finally, with how noncapitalist values can serve as points of orientation for constructing de-precarising design practices. Moving along these key points, the aim of this research is to provide a series of conceptual as well as practical tools for designers that can be mobilised in the creation of economic cultures that defy precarisation within and beyond the field of the profession. However, the research is not primarily concerned with stabilising precarious design practices as they are, it is rather concerned with creating the conditions in which it is possible for designers to imagine and actuate what they could become if not pressured by precariousness to conform to the needs of the market.

OTHER NOTES

PhD funded through a Design Fellowship at Goldsmiths, University of London, 2011-2013.

First supervisor: Dr. Jennifer Gabrys
Second supervisor: Prof. Bill Gaver

External examiner: Prof. Doina Petrescu (School of Architecture, University of Sheffield)
Internal examiner: Prof. Matthew Fuller (Centre for Cultural Studies, Goldsmiths)""

The contributors to The Anomie of the Earth explore the convergences and resonances between Autonomist Marxism and decolonial thinking. In discussing and rejecting Carl Schmitt's formulation of the nomos—a conceptualization of world order based on the Western tenets of law and property—the authors question the assumption of universal political subjects and look towards politics of the commons divorced from European notions of sovereignty. They contrast European Autonomism with North and South American decolonial and indigenous conceptions of autonomy, discuss the legacies of each, and examine social movements in the Americas and Europe. Beyond orthodox Marxism, their transatlantic exchanges point to the emerging categories disclosed by the collapse of the colonial and capitalist frameworks of Western modernity.

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Considering the literature on feminist militancy and “domestic labor” of the late 1960s and early 70s from the perspective of Western visual culture, the artist Mierle Laderman Ukeles is undoubtedly a central figure. Surprisingly, however, her works has rarely been read through the lens of the international Wages for Housework movement, nor post-work feminisms. This essay proposes to read Ukeles’ cultural activism and work through the writing and political organizing of Silvia Federici, who distanced herself from previously dominant and at times sectarian feminisms to articulate a pointedly (post-)autonomist feminism as a political project, as well as through the work of Kathi Weeks. The text tries to grasp and describe the truly radical and imperative position that Ukeles activated, one that she continues to “maintain.”

Il partito nella 'Fabbrica Verde'. Note sulle lotte operaie nella Padana Irrigua", classe operaia, 4-5 (1965).-"Composizione del capitale e forza lavoro alla Olivetti", Quaderni rossi, 3 (1963).-"Composizione organica del capitale e forza-lavoro alla Olivetti", Quaderni rossi, 2 (1962).-ed. "Documenti sulla lotta di classe alla FIAT", Quaderni Rossi, 1 (1961). Amorós, Miguel.

A collectively written book about the politics of fashion. - As Hannah Arendt wrote, what is most difficult is to love the world as it is, as it is plagued by evil and suffering. Yet, as Arendt astutely acknowledges, it is this same love that shapes our human togetherness. The Fashion Praxis Collective would add that it is the same love that shapes fashion as a social phenomenon.
This book provokes new perspectives, challenges existing concepts, and generates new ways of seeing/understanding the varieties of fashion(s); as signs and symbols, concrete human relationships and intentions, gestures and movements. As boundaries, fronts and conflicts, but also as passions and com-passions. As systems and industries, as modes of social industriousness of being together.

Aunque de momento resulte tan poco conocido como enormemente olvidado fue desde la Cuba Revolucionaria que tuvo lugar el desarrollo prístino de una teorización marxista-feminista del trabajo doméstico. Desde La Habana, a inicios de 1969 los intelectuales Isabel Larguía y John Dumoulin comenzaron a difundir su primer manuscrito titulado «Por un feminismo científico» el cual será editado hacia 1971 por Casa de Las Américas. El esfuerzo intelectual que pergeñaron estuvo dirigido a comprender las modalidades de explotación que atañen a las mujeres, así como las posibles alternativas emancipatorias. Su objetivo no era tanto el de agregar una nota al pie a los consagrados escritos de Karl Marx y Friedrich Engels sino poner en tensión los límites del marxismo y el feminismo a la hora de interceptar la opresión de las mujeres. Anidada en el seno de un país socialista, la contribución de Larguía-Dumoulin constituye un modo de adentrarnos a los complejos y no siempre armoniosos vínculos entre feminismo y marxismo, así como un modo de introducirnos histórica y políticamente a las tensiones y acercamientos que se produjeron entre feministas y otras organizaciones de izquierda en los principales centros de América Latina y El Caribe. Quizás por ello este ensayo es decididamente polifónico. Está hecho de retazos de memorias, de escritura feminista que actualmente goza el estatuto de archivo, discursos historiográficos, análisis teóricos, declaraciones oficiales y renovados estudios cubanos sobre las mujeres.

« Se réapproprier le champ de la longue durée. Contribution écoféministe à une histoire après l'anthropocène » Mots clef : matriarcat, écoféminisme, anthropocène, Tsing, Haraway, Bachofen, anthropologie, d'Eaubonne, Engels, Federici Introduction Je voudrais profiter de cette invitation pour poursuivre ma réflexion au côté des écoféministes en prolonger leurs hypothèses et leurs questionnements 1 . J'aimerais en particulier tenter aujourd'hui de prolonger le geste théorique et politique des écoféministes de réappropriation de notre histoire, geste qui a pris chez ces dernières la forme d'un immense travail collectif de reconstitution et de fabulation de ce qui nous est arrivé. Ce geste de reprise/réappropriation/re--invention (reclaim) de notre histoire puise directement dans l'interrogation initiale des écoféministes, qui face à la menace de guerre nucléaire à laquelle elles étaient confrontées, posèrent la question de savoir « comment en sommes--nous arrivé--e--s là ? » et « que pouvons--nous faire et comment ? » (Starhawk 2015). Comment en sommes--nous arrivé--e--s à devoir subir la menace d'une possible guerre nucléaire entre les deux plus grandes puissances du moment ? Qu'est--ce qui nous est arrivé pourrait--on ajouter aujourd'hui, pour que l'on commence à imaginer plus facilement la fin du monde que la fin du capitalisme, (et donc aussi de la crise écologique) ? Cette tentative protéiforme de reconstitution et de fabulation de l'histoire ou plutôt des histoires qui nous ont amené à cette situation de désastre qui est la nôtre aujourd'huide double désastre devrait--on dire puisque la crise écologique ne s'est pas substituée à la menace nucléaire mais s'y est ajoutée --, est une des façons par lesquelles les écoféministes ont tentée de répondre (i.e. se sont rendues capables de répondre) à la situation qui était la leur. C'est--à--dire par laquelle les écoféministes se sont redonnées de la puissance (pas au sens de « pouvoir sur » mais de « pouvoir de pouvoir » --pouvoir de penser ; pouvoir d'être touchées par ce qui arrive ; pouvoir de lutter) contre le sentiment d'impuissance que peut engendrer l'ampleur de la situation ; contre la peur, la rage voire la paralysie que l'idée selon laquelle « les jeux sont faits » peut susciter.

¿Cuántos días, cuántas noches-tal cual-me quedé dormido estando de pie? Xu Lizhi, trabajador de Foxconn Resumen: En este artículo, presentaremos el trabajo de la pensadora y activista Silvia Federici (Parma, 1942), enfocándonos en lo que ella llama el patriarcado del salario, para luego pasar a revisar la situación del trabajo doméstico (del cuidado y reproductivo) en el Perú y, finalmente, vincu-larlo con el trabajo que nos toca como mujeres filósofas hoy. A finales del siglo XIX, con la introducción del salario familiar, del salario obrero masculino, las mujeres son retiradas de las fábricas y enviadas a casa. De esta forma, el trabajo doméstico se convierte en su primer trabajo y ellas se convierten en dependientes. Federici llama a esta dependencia del salario masculino "-el patriarcado del salario-", mediante el cual se crea una nueva forma de jerarquía o una "-nueva organización de desigual-dad-". Hoy las mujeres ya tenemos acceso a un salario. Sin embargo, ella señala que no es verdad que el trabajo asalariado sea fundamental para liberar a las mujeres. El trabajo doméstico se ha naturalizado de tal modo que no se percibe como un trabajo en sí mismo. La mujer, entonces, ha ganado dos trabajos, uno asalariado, fuera de casa, y uno no asalariado e invisibilizado, el de los cuidados y la reproducción. Creemos que el trabajo de Federici es fundamental, especialmente en el contexto de este ciclo de conferencias. Ella nos permite pensar en nuestro lugar como mujeres en una sociedad que ha invisibilizado el trabajo doméstico, y nos

IN COLLABORAZIONE CON MARTEDÌ 7 DICEMBRE ORE 14.30-18.00 SEMINARIO INTERNAZIONALE ONLINE Leon Battista Alberti è spesso associato alla nascita del progetto architettonico nella Firenze dell'Umanesimo. Discostandosi dalle interpretazioni dei suoi scritti e del suo lavoro che Eugenio Garin e Manfredo Tafuri hanno elaborato, Pier Vittorio Aureli (Architectural Association, Londra) e Maria Shéhérazade Giudici (Royal College of Art, Londra) presenteranno una prospettiva inedita sul gesto inaugurale dell'umanista e sulle sue implicazioni politiche per la disciplina architettonica nell'Italia del Quattrocento così come in quella odierna. La loro proposta interpretativa sarà discussa, da diverse angolature, in un dibattitto che coinvolgerà i dottorandi e i ricercatori del Dipartimento, e alcuni specialisti: Massimo Bulgarelli (docente di Storia dell'architettura e coordinatore del curriculum storico-architettonico del Dottorato

It's time for our second exclusive Spectre forum for our donors – this one scheduled for Wednesday, November 17 at 6 pm. The topic will be social reproduction theory.
All of our donors have already received a link to attend. But there's still time! If you make a donation of any amount at the link below, we'll email you a Zoom link and passcode on the day of the event:
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As social reproduction theory has become a rigorous and popular vehicle for working through the forms of oppression situating capital's imperative to continuously valorize, it is increasingly important to specify just how the theory ought to be constructed. Spectre's donors' event this quarter is therefore a roundtable discussion on SRT, with remarks by Sue Ferguson, Paula Varela (who has a very important intervention in our fourth print issue, arriving in your mailboxes any week now!), and Spectre editor Kate Griffiths.
The panelists will offer a clarified account of SRT's basic commitments and advantages by responding to alternative constructions made possible by the post-workerist tradition in Italian feminism, and by taking up the challenges posed by some recent ungenerous criticisms and downright misreadings. Join Spectre as we deepen and defend SRT as a crucial set of theoretical commitments for integrating Marxism and feminism. We envision these events as arenas for sharing ideas in progress and to practice thinking together, so there will be ample time for your questions and engagement!

Despite the importance that autonomist feminism has played in the development of autonomist politics and struggles it is commonly relegated to little more than a glorious footnotes of figures emerging out of operaisti thought (such as Antonio Negri and Paolo Virno). Organizing around gender, affective labor, and issues of reproduction posed numerous important questions to forms of class struggle that focused exclusively on the figure of the waged industrial worker. Revolts of housewives, students, the unwaged, and farm workers led to a rethinking of notions of labor, the boundaries of workplace, and effective strategies for class struggles: they enacted a critical transformation in the social imaginary of labor organizing and struggle. By drawing on the history and of these struggles (such as the various Wages for Housework Campaigns and current organizing such as Precarias a la Deriva) and ideas of those involved (such as Silvia Federici, Leopoldina Fortunati, Mariarosa Dallacosta, and Alisa Del Re) this paper will explore some lessons that can be learned from these a(e)ffective insurgency. Taking seriously the questions posed by these struggles are extremely important because as Alisa Del Re argues, attempting to refuse and reduce forms of imposed labor and exploitation without addressing the realms of social reproduction and housework amounts to building a notion of utopia upon the continued exploitation of female labor. Furthermore the often cramped positions that organizing forms of affective labor and social reproduction (housewives, sex workers, etc) occupies becomes all the more important as these processes are further integrated into the composition of contemporary capitalism. How does one refuse caring labor? Strategies for organizing around affective labor, what Precarias a la Deriva have called a “very careful strike,” are important to learn from to find ways “not a high productivity of domestic labor but a higher subversiveness in the struggle.” (Dallacosta/James)

In his article ‘Postscript on the Societies of Control’, Gilles Deleuze reconfigures Foucault’s notion of disciplinary societies. Written in 1990, Deleuze had seen a change in the structures of power that Foucault had spent a career analysing within the framework of the nation-state. Deleuze’s analysis of these changes is far from sympathetic – a charge that is frequently levied against Foucault after his series of lectures in 1979, titled The Birth of Biopolitics. Borrowing his terminology from the schizophrenic worlds of writer William S. Burroughs, Michael Hardt observes how in Deleuze’s ‘Societies of Control’, “the structured tunnels of the mole are replaced by the infinite undulations of the snake.”2 Everywhere he looked, Deleuze had seen the historical enclosures of discipline in flux. The walls that had previously partitioned the social body were dissolved; the institutions that had hitherto regulated its control and surveillance, embodied.

Looking to the recent work of Paul B. Preciado – in particular, the seminal work of auto- theory, Testo Junkie – I will elaborate on ideas concerning the contemporary formulation of societies of control with regards to Foucault’s analysis of state biopower. As we shall see, this manoeuvre will first require an appropriation of Foucauldian biopower through a bio- politicisation of gender. Further, following Preciado, we will analyse the molecularisation of biopower within the bio-politicisation of gender that emerged in the new post-war sexual apparatus. Finally, I will consider the implications of a molecular form of biopower for the agency of micro-political warfare. For this, I will turn to the work of Deleuze & Guattari in A Thousand Plateaus, paying particular attention to their conception of a Body without Organs and the molecular, intensive nature of different subject-becomings and the (non)production of identity.

The book All Knees and Elbows of Susceptibility and Refusal: Reading History From Below began as a discussion between two friends, Anthony Iles and Tom Roberts, about the politics of writing history. Neither are trained historians. They have assembled a critical and necessarily partial picture of the practice of ‘history from below’: historiographical tendencies which sought to uncover the agency of ‘ordinary people’ in challenging capitalism and developing different forms of social organisation. All Knees and Elbows surveys the work of a number of British and international left historians and groups, including Silvia Federici, History Workshop, Eric Hobsbawm, C.L.R James, Peter Linebaugh, Sheila Rowbotham, Jacques Rancière and E.P. Thompson.

“The completed study is not intended to be comprehensive. We’ve veered towards the subjects, areas and materials which interest us. These include questions of sources and their uses, working class education and self-education, welfare and the wage, language, historical authenticity and literary inventiveness, and contemporary political instrumentalisations of radical history. The book attests to the importance of reading history critically against the present.”

The secondary circuit of capital is the sphere of commodity circulation, exchange, and consumption. It is a major theme in urban studies because it highlights the structural economic dynamics of capitalist urbanization, especially the role of real estate bubbles and financial crises. The primary/secondary circuit distinction between productive and unproductive labor has also meant this framing is highly relevant to Marxist feminist debates. Recently, there has been a resurgence of interest in the secondary circuit of capital as scholars use it as a framework to cast insight on the role of distributional struggles in contemporary political economic issues.

Federici’s analysis of the European witch-craze in the C16th-C17th, by honing in on specific practices in relation to the (particularly female) body punished by the state as part of “primitive accumulation” - the violent transition from a mode of Feudalism to that of early Capitalism – criticises Foucault’s discussion of the change from sovereignty to biopower over the same era for its ungendered approach. However, there remains enough of a parallel - detailing alterations during the same eras in control over the same areas - to the extent that a dialogue may quite easily be formed to establish the persecution and execution of midwives, sex workers, and other women whose bodies and knowledge of bodies were sites of production as the transition to biopower, and the shift from a society of individual bodies to a population mass. Whilst Federici essentially accuses Foucault of allowing the reasons behind the transition to biopower to remain more-or-less shrouded in mystery, on account of his lack of interest in the witch-hunts, Federici’s Marxist-Feminist approach allows for patriarchal capitalism to be the cause in and of itself. This essay suggests patriarchal capitalism may in fact itself be a symptom. Thus, a third dimension may be required – one routinely engaged in the investigation of symptoms for causes: psychoanalysis.

The resemblance of this mass to the Lacanian concept of the Gestalt in addition to the influence of the establishment of privatisation via enclosures / borders allows for the abjection of accused witches to the stake and gallows (as well as criminals to Australia, slaves to the Americas etc) renders this phenomenon not merely an opportunity for comparison, but instead of actual Kristevan psychoanalysis. The mass-population-society built on capital operates as the Gestalt of one hive-mind, with the inherited neuroses of any subject aiming towards the idealised imago, thus abjecting bodies the way an individual abjects materials. Rather than society necessarily behaving as a “big Other,” it may therefore be useful to understand it rather as a “big Self.” Neurotic and paranoid, the system of Capital’s sense of inevitability and immutability may be caused by its parallel to the ideological constitution of one’s subjectivity. Therefore, if we are to break from the system of Capital, it may first be necessary to readdress bodies and concepts rendered abject by our own psyche, and strive to undo our very formation of self.

O intuito deste artigo é identificar no filme de média-metragem "Nichts ist erledigt" (2014) da Systrar Produções, um retrato do capitalismo neoliberal que atua como forma de controle sobre os corpos femininos em pleno século XXI.
O filme apresenta algumas dessas muitas relações de poder, apoiadas pelo conceito de "tecnofeminismo", embasadas pelas obras Caliban and the Witch (2004) e Wages Against Housework (1975) da autora italiana Silvia Federici.
As obras da autora discorrem sobre as relações do feminismo e a dominação capitalista sobre as mulheres e tecem críticas ao que Marx chamou “desenvolvimento e igualdade”.
A Systrar Productions é uma produtora feminista independente de artes visuais de pequeno porte baseada em Berlim.

Moving within the productive / reproductive paradigm on the basis of the reflection carried out by the Marxist feminist, the experience of civic and collective urban use carried out by the community of the "ex Asilo Filangieri" of Naples is linked to it.

Desde la publicación en 1998 de Calibán y la bruja (en 2004 su traducción al castellano), Silvia Federici se ha convertido en un referente internacional en lo que respecta a la revisión feminista de los procesos de cazas de brujas en Europa. Esta obra ha servido desde entonces como base para multitud de trabajos que abordan el tema desde esta perspectiva. Lejos de ocuparse únicamente de la vertiente teórica, Federici ha mantenido una implicación directa con prácticas políticas que, dentro del activismo feminista, han tratado de dar visibilidad y de revisar críticamente los procesos de cazas de brujas. Uno de los puntos más interesantes de su trabajo tal vez sea el modo en que, desde nuestra actualidad, integramos esta experiencia histórica en nuestro horizonte cultural. Si bien Calibán y la bruja se centra en demostrar hasta qué punto las cazas de brujas en Europa en los siglos XVI y XVII respondieron a un proyecto de cambio de paradigma polí-tico y social relacionado con el capitalismo incipiente y la organización de sus poderes, hacia el final de esta obra quedaba prescrita la necesidad de ampliar el marco de investigación a otras realidades espaciales que no se centrasen únicamente en el continente europeo. Aunque parte de un profundo conocimiento de la realidad de estos procesos en diferentes países de Europa, Federici advierte de la necesidad de profundizar en cómo las cazas de brujas actua-ron en el continente americano durante los siglos de la colonización, atendiendo sobre todo a la realidad de las mujeres indígenas.

La nature est révolutionnaire À propos de Le temps du paysage de Jacques Rancière, La Fabrique, 2020. Paul Guillibert Qu'on contemple les forêts qui brûlent ou les mers qui montent, rares sont les paysages qui offrent d'autres panoramas que ceux d'une nature dévastée. Les pensées environnementales contemporaines se sont pour la plupart consacrées à l'élucidation des causes historiques et idéologiques de ce désastre. Depuis The Death of Nature de Carolyn Merchant (1980), on cherche par exemple à comprendre ce qui a autorisé, dans les cultures scientifiques et techniques, la déprédation de l'environnement. À quelles conditions peut-on accepter de détruire des natures qui assurent la reproduction des collectifs ? Comment s'est opéré le passage d'une nature valorisée voire sacralisée à une nature dominée et détruite ? Selon quelles trajectoires de pensée et selon quelles pratiques sociales s'est mis en place un ordre qui approprie, exploite et détruit les écosystèmes à une échelle aussi massive ? Le moins que l'on puisse dire c'est que le dernier ouvrage de Jacques Rancière, Le temps du paysage, prend ces généalogies à rebours. Poursuivant le travail entamé dans Le partage du sensible 1 et Aeisthesis 2 , le philosophe ne cherche pas à penser la soumission de la nature à la technique et au capital, mais essaie au contraire de saisir la révolution esthétique de la fin du XVIII e siècle à partir de ces nouvelles « scènes » de l'art que sont les paysages. Rancière précise dès « l'Avertissement » que Le temps du paysage ne porte pas sur les représentations du paysage lui-même. Il existe en effet des figurations « de jardins fleuris, de montagnes majestueuses, de lacs paisibles ou de mers agités » (p. 9) bien avant le XVIII e siècle. Le livre porte sur un temps où « le paysage s'est imposé comme un objet de pensée » (p. 9). Il débute ainsi par l'exposé d'une position philosophique assez incongrue, celle de Kant qui classe, en 1790 dans La critique de la faculté de juger, l'art des jardins dans un sous genre de la peinture. Il relèverait des beaux-arts et plus exactement des « arts de l'apparence sensible » (p. 19). À la différence des « arts de la vérité sensible » qui figurent une idée dans une forme matérielle étendue dans l'espace (l'architecture ou la sculpture), la peinture est pour Kant un « art de l'apparence sensible » qui n'a pas de réalité spatiale. À partir de cette étrange assimilation kantienne de l'art du 1 RANCIERE Jacques, Le partage du sensible : esthétique et politique, Paris, la Fabrique, 2000. 2 RANCIERE Jacques, Aisthesis. Scènes du régime esthétique de l'art, Paris, Galilée, 2011.

Recensione a: Silvia Federici, "Caccia alle streghe, guerra alle donne", NERO, Roma 2020

Nel volume "Caccia alle streghe, guerra alle donne" tornano i due protagonisti abituali degli studi di Silvia Federici: non nominato ma presente al fondo di ogni analisi è il Calibano, il proletariato mondiale, il ribelle anticoloniale; tuttavia il focus questa volta è sulla strega, personaggio che incarna l’universo di modelli e soggetti femminili disfunzionali al capitalismo e che quest’ultimo ha tentato di distruggere.

This paper was an invited response to Scott Shalkowski's paper, "No Cheating Allowed" (Abstract here: http://www.tyndalephilosophy.co.uk/Tyndale_2014.pdf) and was presented at the Northumbrian Triangle 2nd Colloquium on Philosophy of Religion and Philosophical Theology in 15th December 2014.