Sicilian Separatism
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Recent papers in Sicilian Separatism
The Sicilian separatism in the documents of the General Staff and Italian intelligence In the summer of 1943, before the Operation Husky, was founded the Provisional Committee for the Sicilian Independence. The Allies, in order to gain... more
The Sicilian separatism in the documents of the General Staff and Italian
intelligence
In the summer of 1943, before the Operation Husky, was founded the Provisional
Committee for the Sicilian Independence. The Allies, in order to gain the support of local
people stipulated agreements with the Mafia and initially supported the initiative of Sicilian
separatism. In a second step, the Anglo-Americans supported the movement to hasten the
crisis of the Fascist regime and after July 25, they used the menace of separatism to
obtain the Italian armistice. Because political vacuum and the absence of alternatives, the
new movement claimed as the current anti-fascist of renewal, obtaining the consent of
population, hungry and exhausted by war.
In February 1944, the island was returned to the Italian administration and the departure of
the Allied Commission disappointed the expectations of separatists who wanted an
independent Sicilian republic. The struggle with the Italian government became violent
because of the affirmation of the subversive group.
The central government sent Aosta and Savoia divisions (later Reggio) and the Garibaldi
regiment of the Folgore.
The study of inedited archival documents of the Italian General Staff and Italian
intellicenge, has made it possible to reconstruct this complex part of the history of Sicily
and Italy.
The speech will focus on military operations, espionage/counterespionage and the many
separatist networks.
intelligence
In the summer of 1943, before the Operation Husky, was founded the Provisional
Committee for the Sicilian Independence. The Allies, in order to gain the support of local
people stipulated agreements with the Mafia and initially supported the initiative of Sicilian
separatism. In a second step, the Anglo-Americans supported the movement to hasten the
crisis of the Fascist regime and after July 25, they used the menace of separatism to
obtain the Italian armistice. Because political vacuum and the absence of alternatives, the
new movement claimed as the current anti-fascist of renewal, obtaining the consent of
population, hungry and exhausted by war.
In February 1944, the island was returned to the Italian administration and the departure of
the Allied Commission disappointed the expectations of separatists who wanted an
independent Sicilian republic. The struggle with the Italian government became violent
because of the affirmation of the subversive group.
The central government sent Aosta and Savoia divisions (later Reggio) and the Garibaldi
regiment of the Folgore.
The study of inedited archival documents of the Italian General Staff and Italian
intellicenge, has made it possible to reconstruct this complex part of the history of Sicily
and Italy.
The speech will focus on military operations, espionage/counterespionage and the many
separatist networks.
The short film Làssami (“leave me”) was directed by Gianluca Sodaro in 2015, and functions as a music video to the eponymous song by Giuseppe Di Bella, who also acts in the film. In this article, I attempt to decipher Làssami’s encounter... more
The short film Làssami (“leave me”) was directed by Gianluca Sodaro in 2015, and functions as a music video to the eponymous song by Giuseppe Di Bella, who also acts in the film. In this article, I attempt to decipher Làssami’s encounter of lyrics, music, sound effects and images. In the first part of the article, I discuss the reproduction of stereotypical images of Sicilian masculinity perpetrated by the film, also drawing on recent media releases. I then work my way through the intricate web of trappings associated to the representation of the female characters in the film – as passive, innocent, celestial, and white. In the second part of the article, I attempt to reinterpret the film in light of the decolonial concept of “de-linking”. I argue that Làssami’s symbolical coding, regardless of the authors’ intentions, refers precisely to a silenced desire for sovereignty and independence.
The idea of this special issue came to us roughly half a decade ago. At that time, we had just completed our respective doctoral studies in composition, both concerned, in different ways, with the rediscovery of local identities, the... more
The idea of this special issue came to us roughly half a decade ago. At that time, we had just completed our respective doctoral studies in composition, both concerned, in different ways, with the rediscovery of local identities, the critical renegotiation of national histories, and the (re)emergence of independence movements. In this context, we were (and are) attracted and repulsed by the discursive pressure of the “nation”, understood, from time to time, as an oppressive colonial institution, as an “imagined community” in Benedict Anderson’s terms (2006), or even as an ideal, independent geopolitical space to be rescued from the sovereignty of other national bodies. As a matter of fact, people in Scotland had just voted in the Independence Referendum when we were starting thinking about potential contributors for this collection.
One of the US-owned Mobile User Objective System (MUOS) installations was projected and built in Sicily, near Niscemi. Since 2012, NO MUOS activists have excogitated various forms of protest that are reminiscent of artistic performances... more
One of the US-owned Mobile User Objective System (MUOS) installations was projected and built in Sicily, near Niscemi. Since 2012, NO MUOS activists have excogitated various forms of protest that are reminiscent of artistic performances and identitarian rituals. Additionally, a number of creators/performers across different art forms have supported the movement by referring to the NO MUOS resistance in their work. This article seeks to explore the connection between protest and performance in the symbolic practices staged within and outside the picket line. I argue that these protests/ performances possess an identitarian content that points to the reclamation of Sicily's sovereignty against the hysteric militarisation of an imaginary North/South border in the Mediterranean.
RESUMO Uma das instalações do Mobile User Objective System (MUOS), de propriedade dos EUA, foi construída e instalada na Sicília, perto do município de Niscemi. Desde 2012, ativistas do movimento NO MUOS (Não Muos) excogitaram várias formas de protesto que lembram performances e rituais identitários. Ao mesmo tempo, vários artistas suportaram o movimento fazendo referência à resistência do NO MUOS nas suas obras. Este artigo pretende estudar a conexão entre resistência e performance em práticas simbólicas encenadas dentro e fora dos atos de protesto. Eu sugiro que esses protestos/ performances possuem um conteúdo identitário que tem a ver com a reclamação da soberania da Sicília face à militarização histérica duma fronteira imaginária entre o Norte e o Sul do Mediterráneo.
RESUMO Uma das instalações do Mobile User Objective System (MUOS), de propriedade dos EUA, foi construída e instalada na Sicília, perto do município de Niscemi. Desde 2012, ativistas do movimento NO MUOS (Não Muos) excogitaram várias formas de protesto que lembram performances e rituais identitários. Ao mesmo tempo, vários artistas suportaram o movimento fazendo referência à resistência do NO MUOS nas suas obras. Este artigo pretende estudar a conexão entre resistência e performance em práticas simbólicas encenadas dentro e fora dos atos de protesto. Eu sugiro que esses protestos/ performances possuem um conteúdo identitário que tem a ver com a reclamação da soberania da Sicília face à militarização histérica duma fronteira imaginária entre o Norte e o Sul do Mediterráneo.
- by Marcello Messina and +1
- •
- Cultural Studies, Social Movements, Music, Popular Music
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