Shona

The relationship between the Ndebele and the Shona needs a healing although on the surface it seems normal but the reality paint a different picture .One could even look at the legacy of colonialism as it had a hand in the divisions within the two tribes. Some even point to Gukurahundi another factor for the division that is besides being ethnically different. Also the issue of politics can be considered as Ndebele had high post reserved for vice presidents who to some raise the eyebrows. The major factor which need to be agreed on is that Zimbabwe as country had failed to unite the differences between tribes in the post colonial period which had affected every sector from politics, music, development and national agendas had been failed to be reached which influenced the so called the Mtwakwasi republic .The main point of the paper is that Zimbabwe had failed to construct a identity which accommodates all tribes and unify the country as one.

Bantu languages, which are spoken throughout most of sub-Saharan Africa, permit wh-questions to be constructed in multiple ways, including wh-in-situ, full wh-movement, and partial wh-movement. Shona, a Bantu language spoken by about 13 million people in Zimbabwe and Mozambique, allows all three of these types. In this dissertation, I conduct the first in-depth examination of Shona wh-questions, drawing on fifty hours of elicitation with a native speaker consultant to explore the derivational relationships among these strategies.

Wh-in-situ questions have received a wide variety of treatments in the syntactic literature, ranging from covert or disguised movement to postsyntactic binding of the wh-phrase by a silent question operator. In Bantu languages, wh-in-situ questions are often taken to be derived via a non-movement relation (e.g., Carstens 2005 for Kilega, Diercks 2010 for Lubukusu, Muriungi 2003 for Kîîtharaka, Sabel 2000 for Kikuyu and Duala, Sabel & Zeller 2006 for Zulu, Schneider-Zioga 2007 for Kinande), but alternatives have rarely been considered. I demonstrate how movement-based analyses that have been proposed for wh-in-situ in non-Bantu languages make the wrong predictions for Shona wh-in-situ, which lacks word order permutation, extraction marking, island effects, and intervention effects. These properties provide support for the traditional Bantuist view that the relation between the pronunciation site of an in-situ wh-phrase and its scopal position in the left periphery is not movement; I claim that in Shona it is unselective binding.

Many Bantu languages, including Shona, prohibit wh-phrases from appearing in the canonical preverbal subject position. Wasike (2007) demonstrates that this restriction applies to topicalized non-subjects as well as preverbal subjects. I replicate these results for Shona and argue that they cast doubt on Sabel & Zeller's (2006) attempt to characterize the ban with an appeal to improper movement. I argue instead that restrictions on the distribution of wh-in-situ in Bantu are tied to restrictions on the domain for focus licensing. This claim is further bolstered by an examination of crosslinguistic variation within Bantu with respect to whether the ban on in-situ preverbal wh-subjects applies in embedded clauses. I observe a previously unnoticed generalization: languages that universally ban in-situ preverbal wh-subjects (like Zulu) have immediately after the verb (IAV) focus effects; languages that do allow in-situ preverbal wh-subjects in embedded clauses (like Shona, Lubukusu, and Kîîtharaka) also lack IAV effects.

Full wh-movement in Shona gives rise to questions that bear a certain similarity to English wh-questions. However, using a range of diagnostics including extraction marking, island effects, reconstruction effects, and the distribution of temporal modifiers, I argue that what appears to be full wh-movement in Shona actually has a cleft structure: the wh-phrase moves to become the head of a relative clause, which is selected by a copula in the matrix clause. Just as in wh-in-situ, an ex-situ wh-phrase is pronounced lower than its scopal position, and the relation between these two positions is established via unselective binding. Additional evidence for this proposal comes from the sensitivity of partial wh-movement to island boundaries below but not above the pronunciation site of the wh-phrase, a pattern that has been predicted by previous analyses (e.g., Abels 2012, Sabel 2000, Sabel & Zeller 2006) but for which empirical support has been lacking until now. I therefore unify full and partial wh-movement under a single analysis for cleft-based wh-in-situ that involves a step of relativization (independently needed for relative clauses) and a step of unselective binding (independently needed for wh-in-situ).

During the early years of white administration in Southern Rhodesia, few whites spoke the local vernaculars. The state used those few, largely traders and farmers, to translate and interpret. Members of the Native Affairs Department were expected to learn ‘on the job’. However, by the early 1920s, poor language abilities in the civil services, combined with growing segregationist tendencies in the face of African competition, prompted the state to reconsider whites’ knowledge of the vernaculars. The issue raised important questions about defining the boundary between ‘natives’ and ‘civilized peoples’, interactions between white and African communities, and the long-term project for the state.

This is an account of the Seke Mutema tribe, its place within the Shava Museyamwa tribe, connection to the Munhumutapa Moyondizvo dynasty and how it influenced the shaping of modern Zimbabwe. This documentary results from the interviews I had in August 2017 with several people including Gogo Musengezi  (Died February 2021) the current svikiro remweya waNemasanga and also Musonza a Vhuramai and the interim village sabhuku Savanhu. Additionally, I have directly or indirectly spoken to several key people, such as the late sekuru Manhanzva of Mutoko and to Mr Masawi of Hatfield, and my uncle Samuel Gwagwa (Musonza/Madamombe). In some respects, some of their accounts conflicted and whenever this occurred, I only tried to reconcile the differences to the extent that I did not end up distorting the facts as narrated to me. Some of the historical accounts come from oral tradition but some through spiritual revelation. For instance, when we interviewed Gogo Musengezi at her Mayambara home, she said: “Ndakabatwa nemhepo (spirit/mudzimu) yaNemasanga ndichirikugara kwaMadamombe . Katoya Nemasanga, ndiyo mbonga yedu, mukadzi, chembere yakabva Guruuswa ichipfuura nekuTanganyika. Katoya was her real name when she left Guruuswa.” However, according to some people, it is not clear whether Gogo Musengezi’s spirit is that of Katoya Nemasanga or Maidei Kahwiza (gombwe raKatoya).  Just out of interest, in October 2018, I visited Rwanda and heard kids call one of them Katoya, then I asked what this meant to which they told me that Katoya means a short person or a younger twin.
Gogo Musengezi was driven by the spirit to Mutimutema, just across the Hunyani River from Mayambara. Mutimutema is a tree near Hunyani River where the Ndebele people (Madzviti) fought the Vahera people. She told me, “When I moved here to Mayamabra, the spears used in that war were still on the rocks uye painge paine pfuti dzemutsindirwa (dzekuveza) pamakomo ari pamhiri paHunyani near Bata Farm which used to be called Sango Dema, kune gomo renhanzva kwakavigwa Katoya Nemasanga (Gomwe ra Katoya Nemasanga).” Other good sources of information on the Seke Mutema dynasty that we are yet to interview include Muzanenhamo, Kahiya naMangwenya. Chinhanga (now dead) knew much about Seke Mutema legend.
Combining various sources of evidence supports the assertion that that some of the knowledge is revelatory in nature while some is passed on the generations through oral stories.

This report is about events at Shona Traditional Gatherings as revealed in a study carried out between 2005 and 2009 in Manicaland, Mashonaland Central, and Mashonaland East Provinces of Zimbabwe. People take part in such gatherings mostly in response to problems emanating from mishandling the cow/heifer given to a mother-in-law by her son-in-law (mombe yehumayi) or avenging spirits, and chenura (soul cleansing). The problems of avenging spirits emanate from murder or ill-treatment of people. Upon death the immediate ancestors present the soul to clan spirits who in turn alert the spirits of Gombwe, who contacts the Deity, and judgment commences. A person who has committed serious crimes is sent back to effect restitution through the involvement of living relatives. Chenura, a culmination of events to establish cause of death and prevent similar deaths, to rectify whatever may be out of place, to settle debts and credits, and to destroy the unwanted (for example goblins), must be held at least a year after the death of an adult. The end of these events is marked by dedicating beer to spirits and consuming it amid merrymaking into the following morning. The soul is symbolically taken home from the grave, then the property and responsibilities of the deceased are distributed. The celebrations are punctuated by spirits possessing their mediums and advising as needed. Spirits use gatherings to rectify whatever might have gone wrong, and remind people of their obligations. People attend gatherings to enjoy themselves amid fellowshipping with ancestors as opposed to worshipping ancestors. Events at Shona gatherings cannot be generalized because they depend on the problems at hand. Les rassemblements traditionnels Shona Takawira Kazembe, MPhil Résumé Cet exposé traite des événements qui surviennent lors des rassemblements traditionnels Shona, tels que révélés par une étude entreprise entre 2005 et 2009 au Manicaland, dans les provinces centrale et de l'est du Mashonaland au Zimbabwe. La plupart du temps, les gens prennent part à ces assemblés le font en réponse aux problèmes résultants de la mauvaise gestion d'une vache ou une génisse donnée à une belle-mère par son beau-fils (mombe yehumayi) ou pour venger les esprits, et pour le chenura (purification de l'âme). Le problème de venger les esprits proviennent de meurtres ou de mauvais traitements des gens. A la mort, les ancêtres immédiats présentent l'âme aux esprits du clan qui alors alertent les esprits de Gombwe, qui à leur tour contactent Dieu, et le jugement commence alors. Une personne ayant commis des crimes sérieux est renvoyée pour qu'elle puisse restituer par l'intermédiaire des parents qui sont toujours en vie. Chenura, une culmination d'événements pour établir la cause de la mort et prévenir des décès

TRYMORE CHIKOTI RONDEDZERO YETSUMO MANGA CHENA INOPARIRA PARERE NHEMA. Manga chena inoparira parere nhema zvinoreva kuti kana munhu ukaita mhosva diki mukuferefetwa kwayo nekuongororwa kwayo inokwanisa kuzobudisa zvikuru zvanga zvakavanzika. Izvi zvichabuda munyaya yaNhamo uyo aiba zvainge zvekusutsiwa. Nhamo akanga ari mwanakomana umwe wavaChihoto nemudzimai wavo vaNetsai. Baba naamai vanhamo vakanga varasa moyo pamusoro pamabasa akanga achiitwa namwana wavo. Nhamo akanga apindwa neshavi reumbavha maari. Kuba kwake kwainge kune mushonga mukati nokuti hapana paaitadza kupinda kana shavi roumbavha ramubata. Rimwe zuva Nhamo akangoti achipedza kudya kwamanheru akabva angoti sveverere zvake ,kwakaenda imbwa ndokwakaenda tsuro sezvo asina kudzoka musi uyu. Baba vake vaChihoto naamai vake vakasara vava mubishishi kumutsvaka vachifunga kuti zvimwe akanga aenda kunorara. Pavakazarura musuwo wegota rake vakangoona machira chete. Izvi zvakavaomesa mate mukanwa nokuti vaityira mwana wavo zvikuru sezvo aiva zai regondo. Pakabuda Nhamo manheru emusi uyu akabva ananga kupurazi reumwe murimi mukuru kwazvo aiva nemombe zhinji. Nhamo akabva anosangana nechikwata chake chaaita nacho basa rekumba. Havana kuda kudya manonoko vakabava vangopinda mudanga remombe vakasunga bhuru raivamo raiva nenyama dzakavirikidzana ndokubuda naro voenda kure nepurazi kwakavanda. Pasina kuparadza nguva varume vakabva vangoita muonera pamwe chuma chemuzukuru, kuvhiya mombe iya ndokubva yapera, nyama yakabva yavigwa imwe ndokutengeswa kune vemabhucha vavainge vataurirana navo usiku ihwohwo. Basa rose rakabva rapera ndokubva vapiwa mari ndokumhurirana nepakati. Nhamo haana kusiya tsika yake iyi. Rimwe zuva akamuka zvekare pakati peusiku svavi reumbavha ramugara, haana kana kuda kudana vamwe chikwata chake. Akabva ananga kune chimwe chitoro chakanga chakati mwii kuzara nezvinhu. Akasvikopwanya musuwo ndokubva apinda zvake ndokutora zvese zvaaida mukati imomo. Zvinhu izvi zvakabva zvatsvagirwa vanhu ndokubva zvatengeswa karikiriki. Varidzi vechitoro vakamboedza kutsvaka munhu akanga aba asi vakakanda Mapfumo pasi sezvo vakanga vasina kuziva matsimba emunhu akanga asvika akapwanya pachitoro chavo. Chikuru chavakangoita kuisa nyaya yavo kumapurisa. Mushure menguva yakati kuti Nhamo aba kuchitoro, akabva afunga zvekare zvekuenda kunotsvaka usavi sezvo usavi hwakanga hwatama pamba pavo. Akamuka mashambanzou ndokunanga kumuzinda wavaChako, uyo aiva murume aizikamwa nekuchengeta mbudzi zhinji. Semazuva ose mukomana akaita chiriporipo kupinda muchirugu ndokubata gotora raivamo. Rakavhiyiwa ndokubva atora imwe nyama ndokurasa musoro, makumbo nematumbu, ndokuenda neimwe nyama yose kumba. Paakasvika kumba baba naamai vake vakamubvunza kwaakanga awana nyama asi akavaudza kuti akanga abata mhembwe nemusungo, uye musoro nezvimwe zvakanga zvisipo akati akanga azvipa shamwari dzake munzira. Vabereki vake vakabva vangoshaya remuromo sezvo nhomba yakanga yavabayawo. Vakatambira nyama ndokubika imwe ndokusasika sezvo yakanga yakawanda chaizvo. Rimwe zuva Nhamo akafungakuenda kubhawa kunotandara zvake neshamwari dzake vachihushapira zvavo hwahwa. Kwaakandonwira hwahwa ndiko zvekare kwaiva nechitoro

Togarasei Munyika inyaya inorondedzera uye kunanganidza matambudziko akawira Zimbabwe kubva mugore ra2000 kusvika parinhasi. Pakurondedzera matambudziko aya, nyaya iyi inodenha vaverengi kuti vadzamise pfungwa pakunzwisisa matambudziko aya uye kuti tose tichere chikomba topfira mate kuti tisazotadzirane nemukana wakadai zvakare. 
Matambudziko anorondedzerwa munyaya iyi anosanganisira uwori, kudya patisina kurima, kudzvanyirirwa kwekodzero dzevanhu kunosanganisira kudeurwa kweropa risina mhaka. Asiwo mushure mekudzvanyirirwa uku nekushushikana kwevanhu, tinozoona ruwoko rwaMwari rwuchipindira muZimbabwe. 

Bhuku rino rakanyorwa nechiShona chekuNjanja chinotaurwa nana Sinyoro asiwo munyori anomborunga nechirudzi chevasina mabvi.

This paper presents a conditioned variant analysis of the tones on 29 of the most common Shona verbal inflections. After some discussion of perhaps the most detailed previous analysis of Shona verbal tones, that of Fivaz [1970], a summary of the verbal morphology is given. The tonal patterns on the base are then described, followed by those on the pre-base elements. The interaction between the base and the pre-base elements is discussed at length, since it is suggested here that the latter "programme" certain patterns on the former. The effect of the object substitute on the verbal patterns is then described, and some possible advantages of the approach outlined here are mentioned, not least of which is conciseness of description , seen in the checklist of inflections which ends the article.

This study was carried out in four provinces of Zimbabwe to improve people's understanding about the roles of spirit mediums in Zimbabwe, the spirit mediums' interpretation of concepts of Shona religion, the mediums' knowledge of the spirits they are medium to, and to clarify the circumstances surrounding some events in the lives of some spirit mediums in Zimbabwe. The study was carried out using open-ended interviews with maGombwe and n'angas, some of them being interviewed while possessed. Spirit mediums explained that maGombwe, for example Chaminuka, Nehanda, Kaguvi, Dzivaguru were possessed by the same spirit. The spirit possessed different mediums differently depending on the purpose for possession. Spirit mediums gave further clarification to the nature of Gombwe, vadzimu and mashave. Whilst most maGombwe showed knowledge of the nature of spirits that possess them, most n'angas could not distinguish between the spirit of their ancestors and those which possessed the ancestors. Similarly, most people, including senior politicians, fail to distinguish between the lives of mediums and the spirits that possess the mediums. « Les anges divins » et Vadzimu dans la religion Shona, Zimbabwe Takawira Kazembe, Ph.D. Résumé Cette étude s'est effectuée dans quatre provinces du Zimbabwe afin d'améliorer la compréhension des rôles des esprits médiums au Zimbabwe, l'interprétation des concepts de la religion Shona par les esprits médiums, la connaissance que les médiums ont des esprits auxquels ils sont le médium, et afin de clarifier les circonstances autour de certains événements dans la vie de certains esprits médiums au Zimbabwe. L'étude s'est effectuée à l'aide d'entretiens à questions ouvertes avec des maGombwe et des n'angas, certains étant interrogés pendant qu'ils étaient possédés. Les esprits médiums ont expliqué que les maGombwe, par exemple Chaminuka, Nehanda, Kaguvi, Dzivaguru, étaient possédés par le même esprit. L'esprit possède différents médiums de façons différentes dépendant du but de la possession. Les esprits médiums ont donné de plus amples clarifications sur la nature de Gombwe, vadzimu et mashave. Bien que la plupart des maGombwe démontrent une connaissance de la nature des esprits qui les possèdent, la plupart des n'angas ne peuvent distinguer l'esprit de leurs ancêtres d'avec ceux qui posséda les ancêtres. De la même façon, la plupart des gens, incluant les politiciens haut placés, ne peuvent faire la distinction entre la vie des médiums et les esprits qui possèdent les médiums.

Volume 13 of BiAS series brings out into prominence issues at the heart of dialogue between African and Christian attitudes to nature. The Shona notion of hierarchy of sacredness of nature as opposed to the intrinsic value of nature forms a barrier to a possible reconciliation between Shona and Christian attitudes to nature. This is largely based on the belief that some aspects of nature in Shona are imbued with spirits. Although sacred aspects may be accidentally protected, there is a weakness in the discriminative attitudes that leaves other aspects vulnerable. It appears the Shona have yet to extricate themselves from an ethic based on fear of ancestral spirits to conscious assessment of scientific causes of ecological imbalances. Shona attitudes to nature fail to take account of the denial of the sacredness of some aspects of nature. The Christian attitudes to nature on the other hand, propound the doctrine of the equal worth and equal integrity of all aspects of nature, rather than a discriminative sacredness of nature.  The attitudes are, however, based on the assumption that nature is purely material. This position results into divergent attitudes to nature. Attitudes to nature presented from a Christian perspective appear reluctant to identify divinity with natural phenomena. Christianity suggests the idea of creation value to bridge this gap. To this end, the creation value to which Christian attitudes tend to lend support, might well act as common denominator between Shona and Christian attitudes to nature particularly in the light of eco-spirituality and move towards African-Christian environmental ethics.

This article is an attempt to formulate an African Biblical theological model of reconciliation in Zimbabwe. The history of Zimbabwe testifies that political violence has become endemic. It is this background that informed recent calls for national healing, reconciliation and integration. However, the biggest challenge to this endeavour is the model of reconciliation that should be adopted to bring about national healing and integration. This article contends that, without considering the African past; that is, the traditional Shona and Ndebele conceptions of justice, any attempt at reconciliation is doomed to fail. The article is premised upon the hypothesis that in order to move forward we need to look back. In other words, Zimbabweans will never move forward unless they reflect on and engage with their past. "Going back in order to move forward is consistent with African teachings of life" (Muhwati, 2010: 151-163). This observation lays the background for an Afrocentric scheme of reconciliation, hence the proposal that the Zacchaeus Episode Model (Luke 19: 8), which resonates with the Traditional Shona and Ndebele philosophy of reconciliation, be adopted in the quest for national healing in Zimbabwe.

Mutokolwe is located in the northern part of South Africa. The site was occupied by Venda-speaking farmers during the Late Iron Age. One of the most unusual aspects from this faunal assemblage is the presence of complete metapodia of cattle and sheep. No other faunal assemblage from farming sites in southern Africa contains as many complete specimens, including long bones, as that from Mutokolwe. Skeletal completeness is one of the signatures which signal feasting activities from the archaeological record. Feasting has been recognised in different parts of the world, including Africa. Based on ethnographic
accounts, feasting was also common amongst Bantu-speaking farmers of southern Africa, and in particular, Venda-speakers. Taking into account limitations posed by archaeological, ethnography and early historical descriptions, we suggest that the complete long bones of livestock signal feasting activities at Mutokolwe. The faunal assemblage from the site contains an unusual high percentage of identifiable remains, indicating that it was likely subjected to biased sampling. Moreover, few wild animals are present in the assemblage, which suggests, sampling biases aside, that domestic animals were favoured in feasts possibly due to their association with people and ancestors.

Mutokolwe is located in the northern part of South Africa. The site was occupied by Venda-speaking farmers during the Late Iron Age. One of the most unusual aspects from this faunal assemblage is the presence of complete metapodia of cattle and sheep. No other faunal assemblage from farming sites in southern Africa contains as many complete specimens, including long bones, as that from Mutokolwe. Skeletal completeness is one of the signatures which signal feasting activities from the archaeological record. Feasting has been recognised in different parts of the world, including Africa. Based on ethnographic accounts, feasting was also common amongst Bantu-speaking farmers of southern Africa, and in particular, Venda-speakers. Taking into account limitations posed by archaeological, ethnography and early historical descriptions, we suggest that the complete long bones of livestock signal feasting activities at Mutokolwe. The faunal assemblage from the site contains an unusual high percentage of identifiable remains, indicating that it was likely subjected to biased sampling. Moreover, few wild animals are present in the assemblage, which suggests, sampling biases aside, that domestic animals were favoured in feasts possibly due to their association with people and ancestors.

This paper analyses the semantics of causative constructions in Shona, employing the Event structure Approach . "The Logical Form of Action Sentences."). We argue that Shona can be accounted well through the neo-Davidsonian approaches particularly because of the need to accommodate the agglutinative nature of the language. In this paper, causative constructions are taken as accomplishment verbs whose predication is a complex one. The causative is a complex event construction that is made up of subevents that are constrained through time-participant connectedness, making sure that the complex event is a sum of different subevents, which upon their union, form a single complex predicate that has its own combinatorial capacity, subcategorizing for its own arguments.

This paper discusses the folly of cultural representation with specific reference to Ben Hanson’s Takadini. Focus is on the import that Takadini is an advocate for the acceptance of marginalized groups such as women and albinos. Indeed, the text raises awareness to the problems women and albinos face in an African patriarchal societies and how much they struggle to ameliorate their problems. The researcher argues that Takadini fails dismally in what its author sets out to do: reinscribing the woman and the albino into society. Instead, the subtext is a reworking of alterity.  It is a reworking of alterity in the sense that both the woman, Sekai, and the albino, Takadini, remain at the fringes of society. While it might be tempting to excuse such a representation on the basis that the author was attempting to recreate the sentiments of primitive societies whose belief systems were informed by patriarchy and superstition, it should not escape the reader that Hanson is complicit to the overall sentiments discernible in Takadini. In his legitimation, Hanson acknowledges his friends for the ‘success’ of his project, “especially Dr. John Makumbe, who read the manuscript and loved it” (4). The assumption seems to be that if Dr. Makumbe, who is an albino himself, loved it then it must be an authentic representation of albinos. The paper explores how Hanson, who is neither a woman nor an albino, ventures to re-inscribe the two margins and succeeds principally in re-inventing their otherness. The researcher contents that for a text published in 1997 in a more tolerant era, Takadini is a betrayal of both the woman and the albino in their quest for humanness.

This paper addresses partial wh-movement in Shona ([sna], Bantu, Zimbabwe), which is sensitive to islands below but not above the pronunciation site of the wh-phrase. This contrasts with partial wh-movement in languages such as Kîîtharaka (Muriungi 2003, Abels 2012) and Singaporean Malay (Cole & Hermon 1998), which is sensitive to islands both below and above the pronunciation site. I argue for a composite derivation of the Shona phenomenon: the wh-phrase moves overtly to its pronunciation site at an intermediate clause boundary, where it is unselectively bound by a null operator in the scopal position.

I show that in Shona partial wh-movement, the relation between the wh-phrase's base position and its pronunciation site patterns like full wh-movement in terms of island sensitivity, cleft structure, extraction marking, and reconstruction effects. On the other hand, the relation between the wh-phrase's pronunciation site and its scopal position displays the same lack of island sensitivity and lack of extraction marking exhibited by wh-in-situ in this language. Thus, Shona partial wh-movement can be reduced to a hybrid of full wh-movement and wh-in-situ. This composite derivation has been predicted to be possible (Sabel 2000, Abels 2012), but clear empirical support for it has been lacking until now.

It is well known that F0 at vowel onset can be influenced by a preceding consonant. That influence varies significantly across languages and consonant types, and may function as a perceptual signal to consonant manner. It has further been suggested that tone languages may behave differently from non-tone languages in this respect, with a shorter duration of consonantal perturbation [Hombert, Studies in African Linguistics, 1977]. Previous studies include a limited range of consonant types, and too few tone languages to test Hombert's proposal. This study presents the results of an acoustical investigation of the effects of implosives and prenasalized stops on the F0 of a following vowel in Shona, a tone language. It is found that implosives have a similar raising effect on F0 at vowel onset than that of voiceless (aspirated) stops, contrary to expectations based on previous studies [Wright and Shryock, Journal of the Phonetic Association, 1993]. It is also found that prenasalized consonants behave as nasals, having no effect on the F0 of the following vowel, again contrary to expectation [cf. Trithart, Studies in Bantu Tonology, 1976; and Hombert, Studies in Bantu Tonology, 1976]. Finally, duration results do not support Hombert's position regarding tone languages.

anthropozoologica 2018 • 53 • 17 Munyadziwa MAGOMA, Shaw BADENHORST & Innocent PIKIRAYI Feasting among Venda-speakers of South Africa: the Late Iron Age fauna from Mutokolwe art. 53 (17) -Published on 7 December 2018 www.anthropozoologica.com PHOTOCOPIES : Les Publications scientifiques du Muséum adhèrent au Centre Français d'Exploitation du Droit de Copie (CFC), 20 rue des Grands Augustins, 75006

This paper addresses the superficially similar focus constructions in Shona ([sna], Bantu, Zimbabwe) and Kîîtharaka ([thk], Bantu, Kenya). Using a topicalization test from Abels & Muriungi (2008), I argue that Shona has a biclausal cleft construction, while the Kîîtharaka construction is monoclausal. This asymmetry has consequences for the availability of the "intermediate" strategy for wh-question formation (Muriungi 2003).

This paper addresses partial wh-movement in Shona ([sna], Bantu, Zimbabwe), which is sensitive to islands below but not above the pronunciation site of the wh-word. I argue for a composite derivation of this phenomenon: the wh-word moves overtly to its pronunciation site at an intermediate clause boundary, where it is unselectively bound by a null operator in the scopal position. Thus, Shona partial wh-movement can be reduced to a hybrid of full wh-movement and wh-in-situ. This composite derivation has been predicted to be possible (Sabel 2000, Abels 2012), but clear empirical support for it has been lacking until now.

The primers and dictionaries that were produced in Southern Rhodesia at the start of the white occupation for native English speakers to learn the African vernaculars are informative as well as entertaining to the modern historian. This paper uses phrase books and dictionaries from the 1890s to the 1930s to ask two major questions: Who needed to speak ‘correct’ chiShona? What did they want to say? It finds that it was probably the staff of the Native Affairs Department and the missions who had an interest in defining and acquiring a written and standardised version of the vernacular. Significantly, it is the things they did not want to say, rather than those they did, which provide the most interest to the modern historian. The primers and dictionaries are revealed as a form of communication within the white communities as much as a means of facilitating communication between whites and Africans. Their failure to engage with the African world‐view and language — beyond what was required to communicate policy and theology — has had long‐term consequences for the contemporary descendants of the Native Affairs Department and the missions.

In modern Zimbabwe, tolerance and co-existence proves to be lacking in modern communities judging by violent cases especially those related to political differences. This paper is based on the hypothesis that Shona indigenous peace promoting and sustaining methods are still a thriving forest which has not been lost into oblivion, albeit transitional factors. Data is based on a sample folk tale, existing literature on folktales and insider participant observations. The paper established that folk tales are mainly concerned with conflict and its resolution, the primary goal being to sustain positive relationships, tolerance and inculcating peaceful co-existence. The paper, therefore, recommends that contemporary peacebuilding activities should blend with indigenous peace promoting and sustaining frameworks. The role of folk tales as a violence deterring mechanism among the Shona communities, though at micro level, seems to be an asset at their disposal, yet current peacebuilding activ...

This paper seeks to examine how the Shona traditional society conceptualised beauty; drawing from the meaning and content of the Shona proverb, suggesting that traditional society emphasised beauty as holistic to include such elements as moral uprightness and humility as the markers of inner beauty. While physical or outer beauty was appreciated, looking for it as the sole desirable quality as done in the modern beauty pageants misses the core of the way the traditional Shona society conceptualised it. Relying on philosophical debate between the universalist and particularistic schools on the nature and content of African philosophy, and the analyses of the influence of Platonism and Cartesianism on discourses on beauty, we seek to argue for an ethnoaesthetic philosophy through which value systems can be evaluated to enhance cross-cultural understanding.

This paper seeks to examine how the Shona traditional society conceptualised beauty; drawing from the meaning and content of the Shona proverb, suggesting that traditional society emphasised beauty as holistic to include such elements as moral uprightness and humility as the markers of inner beauty. While physical or outer beauty was appreciated, looking for it as the sole desirable quality as done in the modern beauty pageants misses the core of the way the traditional Shona society conceptualised it. Relying on philosophical debate between the universalist and particularistic schools on the nature and content of African philosophy, and the analyses of the influence of Platonism and Cartesianism on discourses on beauty, we seek to argue for an ethnoaesthetic philosophy through which value systems can be evaluated to enhance cross-cultural understanding. 197 The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.2, no.9, March 2009 Furthermore, this paper is motivated by the contention that the ae...

Shona is a Southern Bantu language that is spoken by about 75% of Zimbabweans. This article discusses the nature of metaphors that were created by Shona speakers in speaking of the Zimbabwean political and socioeconomic crisis. The data for this study were collected from August to December of 2008 and their analysis derives from Cognitive Grammar theory, which considers metaphor as a conceptual and linguistic phenomenon that involves a mapping relation between the source domain and the target domain of language. We adopt the cognitive view of metaphor as one of the basic human strategies in conceptualizing our environment using concrete phenomena such as moto 'fire' and kudhakwa 'to drink' to represent abstract concepts such as difficulties and confusion. This type of metaphorical extension is worth examining as it plays an important role in the development of the language's lexicon. RÉSUMÉ Le shona est une langue bantoue du sud qui est parlé par à peu près 75% d...

This paper seeks to examine how the Shona traditional society conceptualised beauty; drawing from the meaning and content of the Shona proverb, suggesting that traditional society emphasised beauty as holistic to include such elements as moral uprightness and humility as the markers of inner beauty. While physical or outer beauty was appreciated, looking for it as the sole desirable quality as done in the modern beauty pageants misses the core of the way the traditional Shona society conceptualised it. Relying on philosophical debate between the universalist and particularistic schools on the nature and content of African philosophy, and the analyses of the influence of Platonism and Cartesianism on discourses on beauty, we seek to argue for an ethnoaesthetic philosophy through which value systems can be evaluated to enhance cross-cultural understanding. Furthermore, this paper is motivated by the contention that the aesthetic sense of the Shona people was tied to the wider network ...