Serial Verb Constructions

Klallam expresses complex paths in constructions that involve series of motion and location verbs. When no medial legs are mentioned, the end legs (source and goal) of a path are denominal verbs marked by prefixes meaning ʻgo toʼ, ʻgo fromʼ, and ʻbe atʼ. Medial legs, marked by a verb meaning ʻgo viaʼ, differ from end legs in that their constituent structure must include a prepositional phrase specifying the trajectory or manner of motion. When a medial leg is specified, a goal appears as a renominalized derived verb in a complement clause. The legs form distinct constituents that can be put in any order, with the subject and other enclitics following whichever word comes first.

Like many languages in West Africa, Southeast Asia, amongst others, serial verb constructions (SVCs) are popular in Vietnamese in which several verbs appear together as a single predicate indicating multiple interconnected and/or sequential subevents in a complex event. To express such a complex event, non-serializing languages like English may require multiple clauses and/or sentences. Therefore, attempts to render Vietnamese SVCs as a single English predicate in translation works may not always be successful. This paper aims at addressing such difficulties by analyzing a number of multi-verb constructions, including SVCs, in Vietnamese from a semanticosyntactic perspective before discussing possible English translation options with illustrative examples of translation errors collected from the assignments of graduate students at the

The aims of this study is to identify and describe the characteristics of serial verb construction (SVC) in Baweanese, and to analyze the semantic types of SVC in Bawean. The method used in this study is descriptive qualitative. Data collection used was by interviewing, listening and taking notes with native speakers of the Baweanese, and also the library method to find references to previous studies to compare in this research. The result can be shown in the pattern of forming SVC of Baweanese are (1) transitive V1 + transitive V2, (2) intransitive V1 + transitive V2, (3) transitive V1 + intransitive V2, and (4) intransitive V1 + intransitive V2,. Then, the types of verb serialization (VS) that can be identified include: (1) manner type, (2) locative type, (3) directional type, (4) purpose type, (5) movement type, (6) instrumental type, (7) causal type. The implication of this study obtained is that BBW has similarities with Madurese in the pattern of formation of SVC, but in terms of written language and dialect it is not similar.

While speed is a secondary parameter in some associated motion systems, some languages have verbal affixes dedicated to the encoding of speed-CELERATIVE markers. Celeratives can encode both quick and slow speed and are in some languages even the main or the sole way of expressing this meaning. However, some morphemes not only encode speed, but also other types of ACTION MANNER, in particular hurry or suddenness, following colexification patterns also observed in the lexicon crosslinguistically. This paper provides a first overview of this category in the world's languages, and more generally suggests that action manner constitutes a set of comparative concepts that can be be encoded morphologically.

This article discusses the existence of serial verb constructions in Old English and explores the complementation of aspectual and control verbs as well as other related constructions. The discussion of the Old English data finds remarkable differences with respect to the syntactic configurations of Present-Day English that are described as serial by Roberts (2010). Although the range of serial constructions is more restrictive in Old English, at least with aspectual verbs, the analysis of verbal complementation from the perspective of serialisation allows us to bring other convergent constructions to the discussion, including configurations with linked infinitives and participles in predicative constructions and configurations with pre-modals and the causative verb dōn 'to do'.

It is argued that switch-reference, as it is exhibited in Papuan languages, is not primarily a syntactic device like reflexivization or verb agreement for indicating nominal reference, but rather its main function is that of a thematic device for linking sentences in text formation, and that coreferencing certain nominals across clauses is included in, but subsidiary to, this basic function.

Serial verb constructions (SVCs), are found in Creole languages, in the languages of West Africa, Southeast Asia, Amazonia, Oceania, and New Guinea. Protoypical SVCs have the following syntactic and semantic properties according to Kroeger (2004:229-230): Characteristic properties of SVCs: a. A prototypical SVC contains two or more morphologically independent verbs within the same clause, neither of which is an auxiliary. b. There are no conjunctions or other overt markers of subordination or coordination separating the two verbs. c. The serial verbs belong to a single intonation contour, with no pause separating them. d. The entire SVC refers to a single (possibly complex) event. e. A true SVC may contain only one specification for tense, aspect, modality, negation, etc., though these features are sometimes redundantly marked on both verbs. f. The two verbs in the SVC share at least one semantic argument. g. Obligatory non-coreference: a true SVC will not contain two overt NPs which refer to the same argument. h. A prototypical SVC contains only one grammatical subject. In this paper we examine a set of verbal complexes in English called phase verb constructions (PVCs) in Collins Cobuild English Grammar (1990:184-193) from an RRG perspective and compare them with SVCs. We demonstrate that PVCs have all of the characteristic syntactic and semantic properties of SVCs.

Roberts (1990) presented data from a number of Papuan languages as evidence that in these languages there was a morphological distinction marked on the medial switch-reference verb form that could be analyzed as a simple binary distinction of "realis" versus "irrealis" modality, where realis relates to events that the speaker believes to be actualized or realized and irrealis relates to events that the speaker believes have not been actualized in some way. This article is a response to challenges from Bugenhagen (1991) and Bybee, Pagliuca and Perkins (BPP) (i.p.) that the categorial distinction of realis vs. irrealis cited to occur in many languages is not cross-linguistically valid.

The aim of this paper is to analyze the complement relations in Toba of eastern Formosa (Argentina). We compare complement clauses with constructions which are called “symmetrical serial verbs”. They are two very close types of complex clauses since both share arguments, has two or more finite verbs and the simple juxtaposition of non-embedded clauses without any subordinators. This shows that the notion of embedding is inappropriate in a cross-linguistic perspective. We proposed functional definition of subordination that frees the notion of any specific syntactic correlate structure. In accordance with Cristófaro (2003) it will be argued that these phenomena should be explained instead in terms of the cognitive status of dependent SoAs, as defined by the Asymmetry Assumption. This research is based on a corpus composed of five hours of oral narrative texts and fifty elicited clauses collected by fieldwork carried out in Toba communities from eastern Formosa (Argentina).

The aims of this study is to identify and describe the characteristics of serial verb construction (SVC) in Baweanese, and to analyze the semantic types of SVC in Bawean. The method used in this study is descriptive qualitative. Data collection used was by interviewing, listening and taking notes with native speakers of the Baweanese, and also the library method to find references to previous studies to compare in this research. The result can be shown in the pattern of forming SVC of Baweanese are (1) transitive V1 + transitive V2, (2) intransitive V1 + transitive V2, (3) transitive V1 + intransitive V2, and (4) intransitive V1 + intransitive V2,. Then, the types of verb serialization (VS) that can be identified include: (1) manner type, (2) locative type, (3) directional type, (4) purpose type, (5) movement type, (6) instrumental type, (7) causal type. The implication of this study obtained is that BBW has similarities with Madurese in the pattern of formation of SVC, but in terms of written language and dialect it is not similar.

We examine verbs in series as they relate to Dixon’s (1991, 2010) notion of secondary concepts. Our verb samples and their structures derive from an Edoid language of southern Nigeria. Emai shows asymmetrical and symmetrical serial verb constructions. However, our analytic concern is the differential realization of secondary concepts according to form class. Most verbs that realize secondary concepts appear in A-SVCs as a minor component. Some verbs that code secondary concepts shun serialization and generally take complements that are clausal, truncated, or obliquely marked gerundives. Other form classes expressing secondary concepts are preverb and particle. Members reveal a verb heritage that is either lexical or phrasal. Even a few nouns convey secondary concepts. Auxiliaries, while referencing secondary concepts, do not disclose a verb heritage. Secondary concepts in A-SVCs reveal an asymmetry as occupants of positions V1 or V2 in series. V1 manifests event and participant qual...

In this study, we undertook an experiment in which native speakers of Akan were given serial verbs both with and without oblique non-verbal elements (such as relator nouns, direct objects, postpositions, etc.) and asked them to construct Serial Verb Construction Nominals (SVCNs) from them. We found that, by and large, when not given said nonverbal elements, speakers were not able to construct nominal forms. In another task, we gave speakers nominal forms and asked them to deconstruct them to the constituent serial verbs from which they were derived. Time and again, speakers gave, not only the serial verbs, but also the non-verbal elements even though they were not asked to do so. Gestalt meanings were also given by speakers when asked the meanings of individual elements. Thus, the semantic integration and lexicalization that takes place in full lexicalizedintegrated serial verb constructions extends not only to serial verbs but also to these nonverbal elements which, to native speakers, seem to form just as important a part of the SVC as the verbal elements. Thus, we argue that definitions of SVCs, henceforth, should not prejudice the serial verbs to the detriment of other equally important parts of the construction.

We examine verbs in series as they relate to Dixon's (1991, 2010) notion of secondary concepts. Our verb samples and their structures derive from an Edoid language of southern Nigeria. Emai shows asymmetrical and symmetrical serial verb constructions. However, our analytic concern is the differential realization of secondary concepts according to form class. Most verbs that realize secondary concepts appear in A-SVCs as a minor component. Some verbs that code secondary concepts shun serialization and generally take complements that are clausal, truncated, or obliquely marked gerundives. Other form classes expressing secondary concepts are preverb and particle. Members reveal a verb heritage that is either lexical or phrasal. Even a few nouns convey secondary concepts. Auxiliaries, while referencing secondary concepts, do not disclose a verb heritage. Secondary concepts in A-SVCs reveal an asymmetry as occupants of positions V1 or V2 in series. V1 manifests event and participant qualifiers, whereas V2 exhibits primarily event qualifiers. Both positions also evidence serial-within-serial structures. Overall, secondary concepts only partially align with Emai verbs in series. Since a significant number of preverbs and particles actualize secondary concepts and have a verb heritage, we assume they have grammaticalized from earlier verb-in-series structures. Furthermore, we hypothesize that the preverbstem position in the canonical simplex clause of Emai has had a privileged role in the emergence of secondary concepts as preverbs from verbs in series and in the continual development of serialization as an expressive means for event and participant qualifiers.

We examine verbs in series as they relate to Dixon's (1991, 2010) notion of secondary concepts. Our verb samples and their structures derive from an Edoid language of southern Nigeria. Emai shows asymmetrical and symmetrical serial verb constructions. However, our analytic concern is the differential realization of secondary concepts according to form class. Most verbs that realize secondary concepts appear in A-SVCs as a minor component. Some verbs that code secondary concepts shun serialization and generally take complements that are clausal, truncated, or obliquely marked gerundives. Other form classes expressing secondary concepts are preverb and particle. Members reveal a verb heritage that is either lexical or phrasal. Even a few nouns convey secondary concepts. Auxiliaries, while referencing secondary concepts, do not disclose a verb heritage. Secondary concepts in A-SVCs reveal an asymmetry as occupants of positions V1 or V2 in series. V1 manifests event and participant qualifiers, whereas V2 exhibits primarily event qualifiers. Both positions also evidence serial-within-serial structures. Overall, secondary concepts only partially align with Emai verbs in series. Since a significant number of preverbs and particles actualize secondary concepts and have a verb heritage, we assume they have grammaticalized from earlier verb-in-series structures. Furthermore, we hypothesize that the preverbstem position in the canonical simplex clause of Emai has had a privileged role in the emergence of secondary concepts as preverbs from verbs in series and in the continual development of serialization as an expressive means for event and participant qualifiers.

Across the linguistic literature, one occasionally encounters claims of typological differences between isolates and non-isolates, but these are often vague, and tend to use isolates as proxies for small community size, huntergatherer societies, and/or socially/geographically isolated languages. We compared the distribution of 89 phonological and morphosyntactic typological features between isolates and non-isolates using a worldwide sample of 215 languages (68 isolates vs 147 non-isolates), in which we were unable to find a statistically significant distinction. We discuss the relevance of our results for these claims, for the suggested proxy relationships between isolates and other factors, and suggest possible avenues for future research.

Public speaking is an important aspect of all Coast Salish ceremonies. It is our way in the Hul'q'umi'num' territory for ceremonies to be conducted in our own language. While language and protocol at namings, funerals, and memorials has received research attention, weddings are an understudied topic. Weddings are especially complicated because they are a blend of native and modern elements, and they sometimes involve marriage of a community member to someone from outside the community-from a different cultural heritage. It can become a very sophisticated event to observe all the ceremonial elements required by both the bride's and the groom's families. This project documents Coast Salish protocols by laying down Hul'q'umi'num' stories that describe traditional and modern proposals and that also illustrate ceremonial speaking at the wedding itself.

The present work constitutes an initial look at the use of tonna, an invariable form of tornare ‘return’, used as a relatively uncommon V1 in southern Italo-Romance pseudocoordination structures. Along with losing its ability to inflect, grammaticalization of tornare, frequent across Italo-Romance, has consisted in its shift from lexical motion verb to a functional one with repetitive aspectual value, i.e. tonna mmanciu ‘I eat again’. This paper presents novel data from the variety of Eolian (Italo-Romance dialect of the Eolian Islands), which shows constructions previously unattested with invariable V1s, such as its embedding under functional verbs in non-finite clauses. A cartographic approach building on existing accounts of pseudocoordination V1s – centered on Cinque’s (1999, 2006) hierarchy of functional projections – leads us to consider two overarching explanations for tonna: that it is (a) a functional, aspectual head (in one of the two “repetitive” projections, viz. AspRepetitive(I), AspRepetitive(II)) or (b) an adverb, a specifier in these respective projections. Ultimately, the conclusion that it has (re)grammaticalized to the point of becoming a (deficient) adverb in the lower AspRepetitive(II) proves to be the most convincing from a theoretical perspective. A potential structural consequence is the syncretic status of the AspRepetitive(II) head.

El objetivo del presente trabajo es delimitar la categoría 'nombre' en la gramática del mocoví. Interesa discutir la semántica nominal, atendiendo al fenómeno de la delimitación de clases. Para ello nos centramos en las particularidades morfológicas de los nombres y las nominalizaciones, y proponemos un análisis que atiende al comportamiento de esta categoría en interfaz con la sintaxis y la morfología. En cuanto a la metodología empleada, se analizaron datos de las variedades chaqueña y santafesina. Se consideraron, además, los datos de la bibliografía sistemática básica disponible sobre la lengua. Esta muestra se completó con textos libres y orales que son producto de elicitaciones directas y contextualizadas mediante la proyección de imágenes. Si bien se observó que la categoría 'nombre' comparte características comunes con los adjetivos y verbos de la lengua, se reconocieron propiedades morfosintácticas que permiten delimitarla como una categoría diferenciada. Se pudo reconocer, también, que el mocoví parece disponer de rasgos puramente sintácticos que posibilitan la generación productiva de nombres complejos. A su vez, se identificaron rasgos semánticos asociados a diferentes sufijos nominalizadores, tales como: locación, semántica vegetal, eventividad, resultado, instrumento y agentividad.

We argue that a multimodal approach to defining a depictive class of words called ‘ideophones’ by linguists is essential for grasping their meanings. Our argument for this approach is based on the formal properties of Pastaza Quichua ideophones, which set them apart from the non-ideophonic lexicon, and on the cultural assumptions brought by speakers to their use. We analyze deficiencies in past attempts to define this language's ideophones, which have used only audio data. We offer, instead, an audiovisual corpus which we call an ‘antidictionary’, because it defines words not with other words, but with clips featuring actual contexts of use. The major discovery revealed by studying these clips is that ideophones’ meanings can be clarified by means of a distinction found in modality and American Sign Language studies. This distinction between speaker-internal and speaker-external perspective is evident in the intonational and gestural details of ideophones’ use.

We put forth here the novel claim that certain Croatian multi-verb constructions are to be analyzed as instances of serial verb constructions (SVCs), based on the fact that they show characteristics, such as shared arguments, restrictions on selection of verbal elements, limitations on modification, and so on, that are associated with SVCs cross-linguistically. We contrast Croatian SVCs with coordinate structures and control/non-control subordinate constructions, and offer a formalization of the differences among these structures.

Euphemism is an issue of sociolinguistics used in both past and contemporary society because it is the language behaviour of a group of people. Euphemism is a word or series of words which replaces sad, unpleasant or shocking ideas with softer and nicer expressions. But in fulbemaare euphemism is unique, it has been categorized into domains e.g. religious, excretion, death etc. another uniqueness of it is that, it‟s not just replacing of unpleasant and what have you, even the accepted and pleasant words/phrases will be euphemized because of its(fulbe) doctrine called Pulaaku. Pulaaku is a fulɓe code of conduct related to shame or shyness which they are known with, and this sometimes makes them to use pleasant and accepted words/phrases in indirect words or phrases for a leisure and style in the use of their language.

La peste de viruela es uno de los temas fundamentales que se abordan en Historias de los aborígenes tobas del Gran Chaco contadas por sus ancianos (2007), de Orlando Sánchez. Es presentada, unas veces, como algo espontáneo e inaccesible; otras, como una entidad perceptible y pasible de ser controlada.Desde la perspectiva de la lingüística sistémico funcional, el léxico y la gramática del español codifican los modos de referir a los sucesos en forma de estructuras que se nuclean alrededor de clases de verbos: los procesos que se muestran como autogenerados generalmente se formulan con verbos inacusativos, mientras que aquellos en los que interviene la voluntad de los agentes se construyen con verbos transitivos. En los testimonios que despliega el libro se combinan la perspectiva transitiva y la ergativa, y ambas dan cuenta de las formas de concebir la enfermedad y los efectos que produce en la comunidad qom.

There are a number of typological peculiarities that have been identified in recent grammatical descricptions, such as conjunctions and complementizers that behave like verbs (Ameka, 2008; Dryer, 2008), or markers of clause subordination that have the morphology of nouns (König, 2002). In this paper it is argued that many of these crosslinguistically unusual phenomena can accounted for via principles of

This paper compares negative constructions in Standard Yorùbá (SY) and Ẹ̀gbá dialect (ẸD) using the Principles and Parameters theory as a theoretical framework. A major finding of this study is that while ‘má’ is attested as a negative marker in SY, it is attested as a progressive marker in ẸD. It is also found that, the negative marker ‘kò’ is the only negative marker in SY that has variants ‘kò’ and ‘ò’; but all negative markers in ẸD except ‘àì’ and ‘tì’ have variants. In terms of behaviour and features of these negative markers in different syntactic positions, a lot of differences exist between those that are attested in SY and ẸD, bringing about differences in their negative constructions. The paper concluded that, despite the fact that Ẹ̀gbá dialect is a dialect of Yorùbá, a lot of differences were seen in their negative constructions as a result of the differences in the syntactic positions and features of the negative markers attested in the two speech forms.

We put forth here the novel claim that certain Croatian multi-verb constructions are to be analyzed as instances of serial verb constructions (SVCs), based on the fact that they show characteristics, such as shared arguments, restrictions on selection of verbal elements, limitations on modification, and so on, that are associated with SVCs cross-linguistically. We contrast Croatian SVCs with coordinate structures and control/non-control subordinate constructions, and offer a formalization of the differences among these structures.

This paper investigates the word order of serial-verb constructions in Hul'q'umi'num' Salish. Hul'q'umi'num' SVCs are monoclausal constructions consisting of two(+) verbs that can function as independent lexical verbs, have matching aspect, share one(+) argument, and are not connected by any linking element. Two-verb SVCs may consist of transitive and intransitive verbs. The first question concerns subject and object NP placement. For constructions with two overt NPs, an alternating VSVO pattern is both preferred in elicitation, and the only order occurring in the corpus. Only shared arguments may intervene between the verb components. Hul'q'umi'num' SVCs exhibit flexible word order in elicitation, but certain grammatical word orders generate ambiguity. Various pragmatic strategies work together to prevent or rescue ambiguous constructions. SVCs are an understudied feature of Central Salish languages; thus investigation of this topic broadens the scope of the current literature.

this question further. 2. Historical background. Since Boas and Haeberlin (1927) it has been known that the Salishan languages, like the Indo-European languages, can be sorted into two groups depending on the development of the velar consonants. In some of the languages the Proto-Salishan velars *k and *x remain, while in others these have developed into palatal articulations c and s, respectively. Also as in Indo-European this development does not form the basis of a shared innovation for purposes of genetic subgrouping. Of the four major genetic subdivisions of Salishan (Interior, Coast, Tsamosan, Bella Coola), this development has occurred in two of the seven Interior languages, three of the four Tsamosan languages, and all eleven of the Coast languages (Thompson 1979:703). The Straits Salishan languages, Klallam and Northern Straits,1 are a subgroup of the Coast Salishan division. In this subgroup of languages and dialects the development of Proto-Salishan *k and *x has gone one step beyond the palatal articulations to alveolar. They have become the affricate c and fricative s, respectively, in Klallam and have merged as s in the 1 Northern Straits includes the documented dialects Sooke, Songish, Saanich, Lummi, and Samish. In this paper I refer only to the Saanich dialect of Northern Straits since that is the dialect on which I have substantial data. All Klallam (Kl) and Saanich (Sa) material are from my own field notes. In the remainder of this paper I use data from the following sources unless otherwise noted: Lushootseed (Ld)-Bates, Hess, and Hilbert (1994); Upper Chehalis (UCh)-Kinkade (1991a); Halkomelem (Hk)-Galloway (1980; 1993); Squamish (Sq)-Kuipers (1967); Spokane (Sp)-Carlson and Flett (1989); and Colville (Cv)-Mattina (1987).

ASPECTS OF THE SEMANTICS OF THE AKAN PHRASAL VERB Yaw Sekyi-Baidoo, Department of English Education, University of Education, Winneba ABSTRACT The Akan phrasal verb has not received much analytical attention. There has been little attempt at identifying its form and characteristic structural features, let alone its meaning and discoursal use. This paper is a study of the Akan phrasal verb as a semantic and discoursal entity. Concentrating on its meaning it looks, first, at the deviation between the meaning as derived from the meaning of the phrasal verb as a single semantic unit and the aggregate meaning of the component elements underlies its identification as an idiom, and the degrees of relativity and opacity. The paper, again, recognises the dual consideration in relationships of form and meaning and identifies polysemous as well as homonymous phrasal verbs. It also draws attention to the effect of tonal arrangement and transitivity on semantic relations between phrasal verbs. F...

This research aims to (1) identify the motion-c verbs in English and Buginese based on Dixon's division of Take subtype, and to (2) investigate and analyze both similarities and differences of motion-c verbs of Take subtype in English and Buginese in term of semantic. The data of this research consist of English and Buginese Language. The first data (English) collected from COCA (Corpus of Contemporary American English), and the second data (Buginese) obtained from field research by observing and interviewing. Both data were studied with descriptive and qualitative analysis. The result of this research indicated that (1) there are eight motion-c verbs of Take subtype in English: take, bring, fetch, send, move, raise, steal, and lift. In Buginese data, there are twenty-nine verbs refer to motion-c verbs: mala, majjeppu, mangampai (take); tiwi, mattappi, majjujuug, mangessang, mallempa, makkokkong, mabbiccang, mangule, massoppo, marrenreng, matteteng, matteke, mangepa, maddenge' (bring); aleng (fetch); makkiring, mappelaluang (send); mesa, lette', lesse', soro' (move); mappenre' (raise); mennau, majjikkau, mallariang (steal); and mangaka' (lift). The key differences of motion-c verbs in English and Buginese based on Take subtype can be seen from two aspects: locus role and a stance of moving or the way something moved related to the social culture.

In this paper, we hope to disambiguate the nature of look-alike intervening el-<br> ements that appear between verbs in Serial Verb Constructions (SVCs) and Serial<br> Verb Construction Nominalizations (SVCNs). To do so, we will first show that these<br> intervening elements share the same phonological form. We will then show that<br> although the intervening elements look the same on the surface, they can be differ-<br> entiated by appealing to semantics and the construction from which the SVCN is<br> derived. In doing so, we find that some of the intervening elements should, indeed,<br> be regarded as tamp markers, while others are nominalizers (nmlz). In conclusion,<br> we identify abstract schemata/templates that account for, and predict the position-<br> ing of, intervening elements found in Akan SVCNs.

El objetivo del presente trabajo es delimitar la categoría 'nombre' en la gramática del mocoví. Interesa discutir la semántica nominal, atendiendo al fenómeno de la delimitación de clases. Para ello nos centramos en las particularidades morfológicas de los nombres y las nominalizaciones, y proponemos un análisis que atiende al comportamiento de esta categoría en interfaz con la sintaxis y la morfología. En cuanto a la metodología empleada, se analizaron datos de las variedades chaqueña y santafesina. Se consideraron, además, los datos de la bibliografía sistemática básica disponible sobre la lengua. Esta muestra se completó con textos libres y orales que son producto de elicitaciones directas y contextualizadas mediante la proyección de imágenes. Si bien se observó que la categoría 'nombre' comparte características comunes con los adjetivos y verbos de la lengua, se reconocieron propiedades morfosintácticas que permiten delimitarla como una categoría diferenciada. Se pudo reconocer, también, que el mocoví parece disponer de rasgos puramente sintácticos que posibilitan la generación productiva de nombres complejos. A su vez, se identificaron rasgos semánticos asociados a diferentes sufijos nominalizadores, tales como: locación, semántica vegetal, eventividad, resultado, instrumento y agentividad.

We want to show how basic copula clauses in Indonesian can be dealt with within the framework of Head Driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG) (Pollard & Sag, 1994). We analyzed three types of basic copula clauses in Indonesian: copula clauses with noun phrase complements (NP) expressing the notions of 'proper inclusion' and 'equation', adjective phrases (AP) expressing 'attribution', and prepositional phrases (PP) expressing relationships such as 'location'. Our analysis is implemented in the Indonesian Resource Grammar (INDRA), a computational grammar for Indonesian (Moeljadi et al., 2015).

This paper proposes that just like phonologists, linguists working on morphosyntax should have a core set of standard terms that are understood in exactly the same way across the discipline. Most of these terms are traditional terms that are given a standard retro-definition, because linguists already behave as if these terms had the same meaning for everyone. The definitions are definitions of general concepts (i.e. comparative concepts, applicable to all languages in exactly the same way), but they are expected to be highly similar to language-particular categories with the same labels. If linguists were close to finding out the true natural-kind categories of Human Language that all grammars consist of, there would be no need for definitions, but since this seems to be a remote goal, research on general linguistics must rely on uniformly defined general terms.

Multi-verb constructions are an areal feature of Kalahari Basin Area languages ("Khoisan"), a Sprachbund comprising the Kx'a, Tuu, and Khoe-Kwadi families. Presently, these languages are characterised by two distinct multi-verb constructions with specific distributions: strictly contiguous serial verb constructions in Kx'a and Tuu correspond to multi-verb constructions involving a morphophonological linker, or "juncture", in Khoe-Kwadi. This paper describes an additional multi-verb construction, namely pseudo-coordination. Drawing on a corpus of spontaneous discourse data, this paper demonstrates the rise of pseudo-coordination from a biclausal construction in Ju|'hoan and ǃXun (Ju, Kx'a). The comparative analysis highlights the verbs that typically arise the context of pseudo-coordination and the resulting functions. This paper describes the polygrammaticalisation resulting from pseudo-coordination, including other multi-verb constructions.

This study is a grammatical description of an endangered language of eastern Indonesia called Lamaholot, spoken on the eastern part of Flores, and three neighboring small islands, Solor, Adonara and Lembata. The study focuses on the Solor dialect spoken over the entire Solor Island by about 20,000 people residing in 33 villages. The data for this study were collected from the native speakers in Karawatung village in three periods, each lasting for at least three months, through audio-video recording, elicitation and written document gathering. The language has a relatively simple phonological system. It has 16 native and 3 loan consonants, and 6 basic vowel qualities, where every oral vowel has a xxiii Indonesia for the Overseas Postgraduate Scholarship that supported and enabled me to pursue my PhD at the University of Adelaide, Australia. I also acknowledge the support from the University of Adelaide through the PW Rice Scholarship for

I am a native Ewe speaker with second language knowledge of English and Russian, and I have studied the formal properties of all three languages. Exposure to the linguistic phenomena of such diverse languages throughout my education has given me keen interest in theoretical linguistics, specifically the morphosyntax of these languages and other languages of the world. Guided by Chomsky's minimalist framework and Kayne's (2005) micro-parametric comparative syntax, I intend to explore morphosyntactic and phonological properties of the abovementioned languages through cross-dialectal and cross-linguistic comparison. Even though my primary focus will be the morphosyntax and phonology of dialects of Ewe, I will also investigate issues in Kwa languages in general and in Slavic languages.

This study is a grammatical description of an endangered language of eastern Indonesia called Lamaholot, spoken on the eastern part of Flores, and three neighboring small islands, Solor, Adonara and Lembata. The study focuses on the Solor dialect spoken over the entire Solor Island by about 20,000 people residing in 33 villages. The data for this study were collected from the native speakers in Karawatung village in three periods, each lasting for at least three months, through audio-video recording, elicitation and written document gathering. The language has a relatively simple phonological system. It has 16 native and 3 loan consonants, and 6 basic vowel qualities, where every oral vowel has a xxiii Indonesia for the Overseas Postgraduate Scholarship that supported and enabled me to pursue my PhD at the University of Adelaide, Australia. I also acknowledge the support from the University of Adelaide through the PW Rice Scholarship for

Agradeço à Capes pela bolsa concedida. Ao pessoal do LLACAN, CNRS, pela orientação acadêmica, pelo incentivo ao estudo das línguas africanas e pela generosidade no acolhimento durante minha estada em Paris. Aos meus colaboradores, falantes de baulê, Léa, Koffi Théodore, Michel, Maurice. Sem eles esta pesquisa não teria se realizado. Agradeço pela dedicação e pela prontidão em me ajudar com as dúvidas sobre o baulê. A Érica, Ben-Hur e Robson, pelo eficiente atendimento no Departamento de Linguística. Ao professor Emilio Bonvini, pelas conversas sobre línguas africanas e sobre outros diversos assuntos. Pela receptividade durante meu estágio em Paris. A todos os professores do Departamento de Linguística, por compartilharem o conhecimento. Aos membros do GELA, pelas discussões africanistas. A minha orientadora, Margarida Petter, pela orientação acadêmica, pela generosidade, pela compreensão e por todo o incentivo que me deu durante minha trajetória acadêmica, desde o mestrado. Aos meus pais, por tudo o que representam em minha vida. RESUMO Esta tese tem por objetivo (i) fazer uma análise de construções seriais em baulê, classificando-as segundo a tipologia elaborada por Aikhenvald & Dixon (2006), que subdivide construções seriais em dois grandes grupos semânticos-construções simétricas e construções assimétricas-de acordo com suas propriedades sintáticas e semânticas, e (ii) interpretar tais construções sob a perspectiva de duas teorias de