Salafi-jihadist groups

The question of jihad is fundamental to Ibn Taymiyya since he is one of the theologians of the Mamluk period-and probably of the entire medieval period-who wrote the most on this subject. Jihad was an essential part of the life of the famous theologian of Damascus, who took part in the Mamluk war effort as a volunteer in various expeditions. Over the last decades, scholars have been interested in the issue of jihad in Ibn Taymiyya and have highlighted several elements. These works have helped us learn more about the ideology of jihad in Ibn Taymiyya. However, it should be noted that those works focus on the jihad against a particular enemy (Mongols, heretics of the Kisrawān, Shi'ites) in a particular context and do not deal much with Ibn Taymiyya's general conception of jihad, for which several grey areas remain. This article will discuss Ibn Taymiyya and his general conception of jihad. My method is broken down into two steps to provide new elements and research perspectives. In the first instance, I will identify the maximum of Ibn Taymiyya's writings and passages related to jihad, making the beginning of a type of inventory. Then I will analyze their content and cross-check them to bring to light general aspects of Ibn Taymiyya's conception of jihad.

Soğuk savaşın ürünü olarak ortaya çıkan internet, her şey hakkında bilgi sunan ve sayıları gün geçtikçe artan web sitelerine anında ulaşım sağlayan dünya çapındaki bilgisayar ağı olmakla beraber yirminci yüzyılın en önemli teknolojik gelişmeleri arasında yer almaktadır. Bu yeni gelişmenin etkisi her geçen gün artmaktadır. Bu etkinin nedeni internetin fonksiyonu ile ilişkilidir. İnternet sayesinde gündemden haberdar olma, bilgi alma ve görüş paylaşma, zamanın ve mekânın sınırlarını aşarak hızlı bir biçimde yapılmaktadır. Böylesi fonksiyonlara sahip olan internet, artık hayatımızın en önemli parçası olmuştur. Dahası internetin kaynaklık etmiş olduğu yeni iletişim sistemleri, insan yaşamının temel boyutlarını, zamanı ve mekânı kökten dönüştürmeye başlamıştır. Zaman ve mekân arasındaki sınır belirsizleşmiş, kültürel, tarihsel, coğrafi anlamlar değişmeye başlamış ve internet, değişimin ana manivelası haline gelmiştir.
İnternetin bir diğer özelliği de günümüzde dini veya seküler grupların kurumsal kimliklerini gözler önüne serdiği sanal mekân olmasıdır. İnternetin sunduğu tüm araçları bir araya getirme imkanıyla dini gruplar, ideoloji ve söylemlerini takipçilerine ve grubun dışındaki sempatizanlara tanıtmakta; dini grubun vizyonunu, misyonunu veya hedeflerini kamuoyu ile paylaşmaktadır. Ancak dijital ortamda varlık gösteren gruplar, bu mecraların sunduğu interaktif iletişimden ziyade geleneksel tek yönlü iletişim türünü sürdürmeyi tercih etmektedir. Son dönemde dini gruplar da interneti etkin bir biçimde kullanmaya başlamıştır. Dini gruplar; kendilerini tanıtmak, gruplarına katılımı arttırmak ve mensuplarının da kendi iç dinamiklerini pekiştirmek çerçevesinde bütün kitle iletişim araçlarını kullanmaktadırlar. Bu sayede dini grupların ideoloji ve eylemleri hem kamuoyu ile paylaşılmakta hem de dini grubun kendini konsolide etmesi sağlanmaktadır.

Başlangıçta Arabistan içerisinde yayılan hareketin daha sonraları dünyanın değişik bölgelerinde önemli ölçüde taraftarlarının oluştuğu dikkati çeker. 18. ve 19. yüzyılda Avrupa devletlerinin Afrika ve Hindistan Alt Kıtasına ilgi duymaları ve burayı işgal etmeleri üzerine bu bölgelerdeki Müslümanlar arasında farklı hareketlerin ortaya çıktığı görülmektedir. Müslümanlar, içerisinde bulundukları siyasî, sosyal ve dinî krizlerden çıkmak için bazı yöntemler geliştirmek için çabalamışlardır. Bunun neticesinde farklı hareket ve dinî akımlar ortaya çıkmıştır.  Sonraki dönemde mevcut olan bu akım ve hareketlerin bazılarıyla Vehhâbilik arasında irtibat kurulmuştur. Vehhâbiliğin, Suûdi Arabistan’ın dışında Afrika, Orta Asya ve diğer bölgelerde ortaya çıkan bir kısım dinî oluşum ve hareketleri de etkilediği iddia edilmektedir. Bu bağlamda Vehhâbilikle benzer görüşlere sahip bu hareket ve akımların Vehhâbilikten etkilenip etkilenmedikleri, etkilenme var ise ne ölçüde etkilendikleri iddiası tebliğimizin konusudur. Bu tebliğde değişik coğrafyalarda ortaya çıkan ve Vehhâbilikle irtibatlandırılan İslâmi akım ve hareketlerde Vehhâbî etkisinin olup olmadığı, varsa etkilenmenin niteliği ve niceliği üzerinde durulacaktır. Ancak konunun hacmi nedeniyle bu hareketlerden belli başlı olanları üzerinde durulacak 20. yüzyılın son yarısı ile günümüz hareketleri ele alınmayacaktır.

Selefilik beşe ayrılır. Sahabiler, Tabin, tebeyi tabinle, Selefi Salihin ilk saf çeşidi idi. Hakiki Müslümanlardı. Bu dönemin Abdülkadir Geylani’nin tarikatları kurumsallaştırmasına kadar sürdüğü varsayılabilir. İslam’ın altın çağındaki alimler, ‘2. Selefi Türü’ oluşturuyor. İbni Arabi bir selefi idi. Mevlana Rumi'ye, İmam Rabbani'ye kadar devam etti. Suudi devleti 3. Tür üzerine devletleşti ve İngiliz istihbaratı altınlarıyla Osmanlı nefreti ve aşırı Arap milliyetçiliği doktrini üzerine bir dikta rejimi kurdu. Şiddet Vehhabisi, 4. çeşididir ve kaynağını Hanbeli ekolünden gelen Şii karşıtlığına dayalı İbni Teymiye Kur’an yorumundan alır! ABD'nin Suudi Arabistan'da 5 askeri üs kurması, 1979'de Sovyetlerin Afganistan'ı işgali ve Humeyni'nn İran'da Şii darbesi ile başlar. Üsame Bin Ladin gibi zengin ve eğitimli Selefi çocuklarını CIA ustalıkla kullanmıştır. El Kaida bu projenin adıdır. Bağdat’ı işgal eden Hülagu komutasındaki Moğol ordusunda Şii alim Nasreddin Tusi’nin başdanışman olması Hanbeli Sünni İslam’ın da keskin tepkilere neden oldu. İbni Teymiye tefsiri bu travmanın ürünü olduğu için aşırı Şii karşıtıdır. Ladin ise Şii karşıtı değildi, batı karşıtı idi.
Selefeliğin ilk iki çeşidi Asrı Saadet İslam’ına dönme ve ayakta tutma, İslam’ı evrensel kılma akımlarıdır. Vehhabi İslam’ı İngiliz ürünüdür. IŞİD, bir Vehhabi İslam’ı öcüsüdür. IŞİD, ‘petrodolarlar’la 1980’lerde CIA’nın devletsiz yapıda kurdurduğu El Kaida’nın devlete dönüştürülmüş son global ve yerel kötü silahıdır. 5. türrdür, 2009'da Ürdün'de tezgahlanmıştır. Suudi Arabistan  kraliyet Vehhabi rejimi ile uzun yıllara dayanan ilişkiler sonucu Abdullah Gül, Ahmed Davutoğlu ve Erdoğan üçlüsünün hastalıklı siyasal İslam çizgisinden böyle bir anomali doğması destek çıkması normaldi. Ancak herkesin desteklediği ayrı bir IŞİD öcüsü var! IŞİD, yeni kolonicilerin haritaları petrol, gaz ve su kaynaklarına göre aralarında paylaşırken, Müslümanları bölme, parçalama ve yutma projesinin kirli adıdır. Sünni İslam'a saldırı ve ihanet projedisidir.  Büyük Kürdistan'ı kurmakla neticelenecek IŞİD projesi, bir mezhep savaşıyla Müslümanları birbirine kırdırmayı da amaçlıyor. Batılı kolonicilerin yeni imtiyazlar alarak bölgeyi sömürmesine yol açan IŞİD projesine destek verenler, büyük bir ihanet içinde olan Batılı kolonicilerin kuklalarıdır. Gerisi lafı güzaf...

בשנתיים האחרונות הפך ארגון הטרור "המדינה האסלאמית" ("דאעש"9) לאחד הגורמים המסוכנים, אשר עצם קיומו, מהותו ופעילותו מקרינים על מדינות רבות בכל רחבי העולם, קל וחומר במזרח התיכון. ארגון טרור זה, המניף את "הדגל השחור" כדגלו הרשמי, מייצג זרם קיצוני באסלאם האורתודוכסי (סוני), שקורא תגר על כל סדרי השלטון הקיימים ומבקש להחליפם במשטר אסלאמי שמחקה דפוסי התנהגות ואורחות חיים מהמאה השביעית. זרם זה מכונה "סלפיה־גִ'האדיה" הוא נחשב כיום לביטוי הקיצוני ביותר של הפונדמנטליזם האסלאמי. זהו זרם הצומח במהירות רבה וצובר חסידים קנאים בכל רחבי העולם. מאמר זה בא לשפוך אור על זרם הסלפיה־ג'האדיה בכלל ועל חסידיו בתוך מדינת ישראל בפרט, כמו גם על ההדים שנוצרים בישראל נוכח עלייתו של גורם כוח חדש זה בעיראק ובסוריה.

This paper defines the al Qaeda network today and traces its evolution since the dual challenges of the Arab Spring and Osama bin Laden's death. It finds that al Qaeda has evolved after these setbacks to better achieve its own aims within the Muslim world.

The book examines the emergence of the Islamic State within the context of past jihadist insurgencies. It argues that failed Islamist revolts against the apostate near enemy has led to more brutal jihadist tactics and doctrines that have culminated in the rise and fall of the Islamic State. Given past trends the development of an even more brutal jihadist movement is likely.

Postprint is available at https://publications.ffi.no/handle/123456789/662;jsessionid=08F86A84AC03E8D10725306DE51D9E54


Although jihadi nasheeds play an important role in the Islamic State's propaganda, there is scant literature on the topic. This article is an exploratory study on seventeen Islamic State nasheeds released between December 2013 and March 2015. The main argument is that Islamic State nasheeds are effective messaging tools because they focus on a limited number of themes that have broad appeal among Muslims. The nasheeds differ from other Islamic State propaganda in their almost exclusive focus on war and fighting, rather than on the softer sides of life in the Islamic State.

Abstrak Tindak Pidana Terorisme merupakan sebuah perjalanan panjang dari sebuah perang yang pada akhirnya akan berkepanjangan. Adanya konsep fundamentalis islam dan Insurgensi serta kesalahan pemikiran dalam pendefinisian lone wolf merupakan sebuah keberhasilan dari kegiatan terorisme dalam memotivasi ideologi, melakukan perekrutan, dan juga melakukan publikasi atas apa yang sudah dilakukan. Dengan memahami konsep fundamentalis islam, maka kita dapat memahami bagaimana sebuah ajaran yang seharusnya murni mengajarkan sebuah jalan yang lurus pada umatnya, menjadi sebuah tindakan radikal yang dilakukan oleh para terorisme saat ini. Elemen psikologis yang menjadi tujuan utama dari kegiatan terorisme untuk mengambil simpatik masyarakat dan menjadikan perbuatan mereka sebagai sebuah pembenaran di jalan Tuhan. Dengan memperkenalkan konsep bai'at dalam mengimplementasikan khilafah islamiah, merupakan langkah yang diambil dalam mewujudkan tujuan dari insurgensi yang membutuhkan perjuangan akan sebuah perang yang panjang.

There is always the temptation for writers, analysts and political leaders, all with an eye on future historical narrative, to ascribe a symbolic significance to contemporary events which suggest a break with an old order and the birth of the new. British Prime Minister Harold MacMillan captured the mood of decolonisation with his reference to the 'Wind of Change' then "blowing across the African continent" in a 1960 speech to a largely indifferent Apartheid-era Parliament in South Africa.

A continuación se va a desarrollar el trabajo de la asignatura "Historia de las Relaciones Internacionales en el Mundo Contemporáneo", sobre Al Qaeda del Magreb Islámico, una organización terrorista yihadista neosalafista surgida en el sur de Argelia en el año 2007, tras su adhesión a Al Qaeda Central. Se trata del grupo de este tipo con más influencia en el oeste de África.

This article traces the rise and decline of the Somali jihadi-insurgent group al-Shabab from 2006 to 2014. Particular attention is paid to the group’s implementation of a philistine and coercive interpretation of Shariah in areas under its control, the political economy of insurgent violence, local governing administrations, and internal schisms and recent deadly infighting. The group’s potential future trajectory is also assessed.

Please see the references (end notes) at: http://www.turkishreview.org/newsDetail_getNewsById.action?sectionId=360&newsId=223635

Por temas prácticos en esta revisión, se detallarán solo aquellos antiretrovirales que se encuentran vigentes, excluyendo aquellos que han sido discontinuados del mercado farmacéutico. Se analizarán las principales características farmacológicas de las diferentes familias de ARV, con sus ajustes de dosis en insuficiencia renal, su farmacocinética, mecanismos de acción, efectos adversos, interacciones contraindicadas, y el impacto de la terapia antiretroviral sobre el riñón, hígado y el perfil lipídico.

In this modern era, the representation of Islam and terrorism in Western media has been a contentious topic of multiple implications. This project entails a comprehensive analysis of the impact that the news media has had on the portrayal of Muslims and Islam. The goal is to offer a more-inclusive insight into the media coverage of jihad which led to the hijacking of the notion of jihad by Western mainstream media as well as a seemingly unfair representation of an entire nation. I will attempt to offer a rather detailed account on the terms “Islamist” and “jihad” as per their usage by the mainstream media. Furthermore, it will scrutinise the role of the media as a platform for neo-jihadis. This paper will endeavour to answer the following question: Firstly, has the concept of Jihad and the religion of Islam been overtaken by the Western media? Secondly, is the representation of Muslims in the mainstream Western media within an Islamophobic context? And finally, to what extent have the media policies and issues of censorship impacted the portrayal of Muslims and Islam in the media? Along with attempting to present a contextually informed answer to this question, this research will further touch upon the Impact of Orientalism on Islam and shed light on the guidelines and policies followed by media corporations with regards to conveying acts of terrorism.

""Abstract:

Inherited from 19th century Orientalism and enhanced by the advent of Wahhabism and Salafism,Ibn Taymiyya’s anti-sufi reputation has continued to obscure the mystical aspect of his work. The Hanbali scholar, described as the sworn enemy of Sufism, however, would have belonged to the Qāddiriyya Sufi order. Prejudice concerning Ibn Taymiyya and his Hanbali school, as well as specific difficulties in the approach towards Islamic mysticism, have been major obstacles to a comprehensive study on the relationship of Ibn Taymiyya in Sufism. The epistle al-Ṣufiyya wa-l-fuqarā, which is the
subject of this work, reveals not only his explicit approval of Sufism, but also a vigorous defense of this discipline aimed at those who would have it condemned as such. In addition, a careful reading of this epistle, combined with historical facts and other writings of the Hanbali scholar, reveal a mystical doctrine in the tradition of great Sufi masters such as, Ğunayd, Abū Bakr al-Kalābāḏī, Abū Ṭālib al-Makkī, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Sulamī, etc.

Résumé

Héritée de l’orientalisme du XIXe siècle, et accentuée par l’avènement du wahhabisme et du salafisme, la réputation anti-soufie d’Ibn Taymiyya n’a cessé de voiler la réalité de son oeuvre à portée mystique. Celui que l’on présente comme l’ennemi juré du soufisme aurait pourtant appartenu à la
confrérie soufie Qādiriyya. Les préjugés sur Ibn Taymiyya et son école hanbalite, d’une part, et les difficultés spécifiques à l’approche de la mystique musulmane, d’autre part, ont été des obstacles majeurs à une étude approfondie sur les relations du savant hanbalite au taṣawwuf. L’épître al-Ṣūfiyya wa-al-fuqarāʾ, qui fait l’objet du présent travail, révèle, non seulement son approbation explicite du soufisme, mais encore une défense énergique de cette discipline contre ceux qui la condamneraient
en tant que telle. En outre, une lecture attentive de cette épître, associée aux faits historiques et à d’autres écrits du šayḫ al-islām, laisse transparaître une doctrine mystique dans la lignée des grands maîtres soufis, tels Ğunayd, Abū Bakr al-Kalābāḏī, Abū Ṭālib al-Makkī, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Sulamī, etc.""

Au moment où l’actualité met les projecteurs sur le terrorisme islamiste, cet article apporte un éclairage sur les concepts de radicalisme, extrémisme et terrorisme qui sert à introduire un modèle intégré explicatif de l’engagement d’individus dans le processus de radicalisation à portée violente de type jihadiste. Les nuances qui en découlent peuvent inspirer (être mises à profit par) le travailleur social dans son activité quotidienne.

Extremist Jihadi movements aim to seize territory in order to govern it; however, each movement has a different perspective on the type of governance, level of institutionalization, and mechanisms necessary to fulfill its vision for governing the territory. Some jihadi movements, such as the Islamic State, are aggressive and force a specific ideology on local communities. They spend less time providing basic goods and services, attending to the needs of the community, or managing their views on life or Islam. Other groups, such as Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), pursue a relationship with the local communities based on mutual interests, managed by a combination of positive and negative incentives.

In October 2017 the Jihadist movement in Cabo Delgado, which calls itself Al Sabha, committed its first terrorist action. Initially its resources and capacity were limited, but in recent times it has become more sophisticated in its weapons and strategy. Although estimates vary, in three years they have caused some 2,000 deaths, thousands of wounded and 400,000 displaced persons. Al Sabha's ties to the Islamic state have been accredited under the name "Islamic State's Central African Province (ISCAP), and its claim to establish Islamic law in the territory has been expressed explicitly. The porosity of the border with Tanzania and the impact on South Africa have led to fears of the regional spread of terrorism.

Статья посвящена теме зарождения и развития идеологии русскоязычного джихадизма, предшествовавшей той стадии джихадистского движения, которая связана с ближневосточными событиями последних нескольких лет. В статье развивается идея, что тему джихадизма в России необходимо рассматривать не столько в контексте исламской проблемы или как результат влияния из-за рубежа, сколько как пример постсоветского радикализма, который формировался на отечественной идейной и интеллектуальной базе. В работе утверждается, что зарождение и развитие этой содержательно довольно разнообразной идеологии происходило под большим влиянием советских и постсоветских интеллектуальных традиций, которые и сделала эту идеологию такой эффективной в российском контексте.

This article is devoted to the origin and development of the propagandist ideology of Russian-language Jihadism, which is linked with the events in the Middle East over the last few years. It develops the idea that the jihadism in Russia should be considered not so much in the context of the Islamic issue or as a result of the influence of foreign countries, but rather as an example of post-Soviet radicalism, formed on a native ideological and intellectual base. The article states that this meaningfully diverse ideology originated under the influence of Soviet and post-Soviet intellectual traditions, which made this ideology so effective in the Russian context.

In this chapter we analyze the shift from a politicized identity to a radicalized identity of (members of) the Hofstad network. Our findings are based on an analysis of texts written by the Hofstad network by Meijer who acted as an expert witness at one of the trials involving the network. We also include observations and transcripts of chats and online debates.

After introducing the Hofstad network, we provide an analysis of the “assimilationist” discourse and the rise of the Salafi movement as a background for the politicization and radicalization of the members of the Hofstad network. This process is analyzed from a social movement perspective, following Gamson (1992), by focusing on their perception of injustice, the agency of the people, and their identity.

On 22 May 2013, the terror dyad of Michael Adebolajo and Michael Adebowale killed Lee Rigby in Woolwich. This paper aims to explain both men’s radicalisation, looking at their biographies through the prism of Social Movement Theory. It is understood that they have been collectively socialized under the banner of al-Muhajiroun as a gateway organisation and the jihadi web, but mutually selfmobilised and activated. They both had a pre-existing history with violence and (clinical) traumata and showed strong grievances with British foreign policy. Islamist social networks and collective identity construction played their part and all led to their decision to brutally murder a soldier.

Bu kitapta, Daeş’e giden yolun teolojik ve tarihî arkaplanından Türkiye’deki Daeş yargılamalarına, terörle mücadele hukukundan emsal yargı kararlarına, gerçek hikâyelerden cihatçılarla röportajlara kadar oldukça spesifik ve sansasyonel şeyler bulacaksınız.

Onur Güler, Ortadoğu'yu Savunmak yahut IŞİD/DAEŞ HUKUKU, İstanbul: Step Ajans Matbaa, 1.Baskı, Ocak 2021.

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Obszar Bliskiego Wschodu jest jednym z najbardziej złożonych i niestabilnych regionów współczesnego świata, o najbardziej dynamicznej strukturze konfliktów oraz sporów. Z tego względu jest on niezwykle istotny z punktu widzenia bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego. Analizowanie i prognozowanie sporów oraz konfliktów w tym regionie nigdy nie było tak trudne. Wydarzenia takie jak Arabska Wiosna, liczne konflikty zbrojne, ustanowienie kalifatu Państwa Islamskiego i rozwój innych struktur dżihadystycznych, a także dynamiczne procesy społeczno-polityczne zachodzące w poszczególnych państwach regionu kształtują jego system bezpieczeństwa zarówno w wymiarze regionalnym, jak i międzynarodowym. Zasięg i zakres tych procesów, jak również ich złożoność powodują, że przenikają się one wzajemnie, wpływając na współczesny wymiar bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego.
Celem badań prezentowanych w monografii jest zdiagnozowanie oraz opisanie głównych wyzwań i zagrożeń oraz ich charakteru i konsekwencji dla bezpieczeństwa  regionu. Wśród komplementarnych zamierzeń znalazły się: próba identyfikacji głównych uwarunkowań bezpieczeństwa regionu, rekonstrukcja najważniejszych wydarzeń tzw. Arabskiej Wiosny, charakterystyka konfliktów zbrojnych w regionie, ukazanie problematyki proliferacji ideologii dżihadyzmu oraz wskazanie najważniejszych przejawów funkcjonowania Państwa Islamskiego.

Jabhat al-Nusra has long been one of the most militarily effective armed actors against the Syrian Baathist regime and it continues to play a central role in the country's civil war. With a leadership that mixes the transnational jihadi ideology of al-Qaeda with Syria-specific interests, the group is also at the forefront of battling the Islamic State in Syria. In the midst of its battlefield offensives, Jabhat al-Nusra is also busy building governing structures to control territory in different parts of the country [...]

Most terrorists ultimately end up in prison, yet remarkably little is known about what happens behind the prison walls and even less about when those individuals are eventually released back into society. This book provides readers with an up-to-date, informed and accessible account of what is known about terrorists and extremists in prison, what are the genuine risks and dangers, and what are the critical issues and insights in terms of management and reform. In doing so, it strips away many of the myths and media panics which have so often dominated discussions of this vital issue.

With this work, Justyna Nedza presents the rst comprehensive analysis of the theologically charged legal practice of "declaring someone an unbeliever" (tak r) in militant Sala st thought. Her investigation zooms in on the role of tak r in the formal legitimization of militant jihad against government institutions. Investigating both the Egyptian and Saudi Arabian case, Nedza demonstrates the importance of the regional context in shaping consistent legal arguments for the legitimacy of tak r of collectives. The careful analysis of the arguments of four selected militant Sala st authors brings out that this contextuality plays also a decisive role for the respective textual references, as well as shaping the conclusions drawn by the Egyptian and Saudi Arabian authors, respectively. In dieser Arbeit präsentiert Justyna Nedza die erste umfassende Analyse der theologisch aufgeladenen Rechtspraxis des "Apostasievorwurfs" (takfīr) im Milieu des militanten "Sala smus". Dabei liegt ein besonderer Fokus auf der rechtlichen Begründung von gewaltsamen Widerstand (ǧihād) gegen staatliche Organe in muslimischen Mehrheitsgesellschaften, sowie die hiermit verbundene Ausweitung dieses Rechtsmittels vom Individuum auf Kollektive. Anhand der komparatistischen Untersuchung der Schriften von vier ausgewählten Autoren aus Ägypten und Saudi-Arabien zeigt Nedza, dass deren divergenter nationaler Kontext eine entscheidende Rolle sowohl für ihre jeweiligen textlichen Referenzrahmen als auch ihre entsprechenden Schlussfolgerungen spielt. Damit wird die bisher weithin akzeptierte These vom "Sala smus" als global einheitlichem Phänomen auf den Prüfstand gehoben.

Abu Mohammad al-Maqdisi is one of the most important spiritual fathers of the ideology and movement that has come to be known as Salafi-jihadism. Based on primary source materials produced by al-Maqdisi and other important relevant actors at different times and places, this article shows how he developed the ideas that have influenced his disciples and prot eg es, most prominently Abu Mus’ab al-Zarqawi, the founder of Al Qaeda in Iraq and “godfather” of the Islamic State, and Turki al-Binali, the Islamic State’s current Grand Mufti. It also explains how and why, in later years, his disciples turned against him and, despite his repeated efforts, refused to allow him to play the role of the “critical friend,” much less regain control of the movement. The article seeks to expose the intra-jihadist frictions and debates involving al-Maqdisi during different times and contexts, especially the more recent ones between him and Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant. Indeed, it becomes obvious how al-Maqdisi has been trying to regain his lost influence and relevance among the most radical strands within his chosen movement for years. What this shows is that, amidst the fast-changing environment in which Salafi-jihadism has evolved, praxis trumps theory, and a reputation of steadfastness, zealousness, and unwavering convictions matter more to prospective radicals than a reputation of religious knowledge and scholarship.

This report highlights core contours of jihadist recruitment in Turkey and unpacks key push-pull factors that motivate individuals to fight with jihadist groups in Iraq and Syria. It concludes by offering insight into how Turkey’s government is framing the problem.  The report draws on leading research about Turkish fighter recruitment, first-hand examination of Turkish language jihadist propaganda from relevant groups, and face-to-face conversations with representatives of the Turkish government.

The paper is a comparative analysis of the Islamic State and its Sudanese Mahdiyyah predecessor. It looks at these two millenarian movements comparing their position with the Sunni apocalyptic tradition, their respective world views and whether Britain's defeat of the Mahdiyyah in the 19th century offers a path of how to deal with the Islamic State

La présente étude se propose de mettre en lumière le mode de constitution d’un courant djihadiste apparu dans le  quartier populaire de Douar Hicher, à la périphérie ouest de Tunis. Elle entend en examiner les caractéristiques idéologiques djihadistes, telles quelles ont été révélées dans les discours de quelques leaders de ce courant et dans les enseignements prodigués à la mosquée du quartier. Elle procèdera par la suite à l’analyse de la conformation structurelle d’une fraction de ce courant au sein de Ansar Al-Chari’a et par là même, s’atteler aux implications politiques et sociales de l’échec de cette expérience.

We were one strong Ummah, believing in Tawheed, then differed, thus weaknesses. Division and differences in Islam are something inevitable, to which history bears witness.
A sect is a subgroup of a religious, political, or philosophical belief system, usually an offshoot of a larger group.  This Ummah was prophesized to be divided into 73 sects, all of them in the hellfire except one; that which Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) and his companions (may Allaah be pleased with them) are upon.
However, leniency is one of the major characteristics of every sunnah scholar regarding the explanation of Kitaab and Sunnah to the erred sects or groups but this is not in the book of many young scholars today. Thus, lots of right-thinking and religiously committed Islamic intellectuals, scholars, and professionals have been disenchanting with the state of the Muslim Ummah presently.
This called for more elaboration on sects in Islam, and a dire need of this Ummah for a correct way of regulating our differences and living with them, collaborating on common grounds, and excusing one another on naysaying issues by Kitaab and Sunnah.
Oh brethren, adhere to the jamaa’ah (group) of the Muslims and their leader. And if there is no jamaa’ah and no leader, then, keep away from all those different sects.

Prezentul studiu adresează problema spinoasă a rolului religiei în dezvoltarea radicalismului cu care se confruntă lumea de azi. Înmulțirea actelor terorise în ultima vreme a dat naștere unor întrebări precum: este religia sursa violenței? Creșterea fundamentalismelor religioase poate fi corelată cu o creștere a radicalizării? Are terorismul un substrat religios, sau cauzele lui primare trebuie căutate în altă parte? Care sunt cele mai eficiente strategii de deradicalizare? În acest material se vor urmări câteva voci influente din domeniul științelor sociale, în special Gilles Kepel și Olivier Roy și se va evidenția direcția spre care se îndreaptă cercetarea din domeniul științelor sociale în analiza și interpretarea fenomenului.