Royal Crowns

in: Coppens, Filip; Janák, Jiří; Vymazalová, Hana (eds),
7th Symposium on Egyptian Royal Ideology:
Royal versus Divine Authority, Acquisition, Legitimization and Renewal of Power. Prague, June 26-28, 2013
(KSG 4.4), WIesbaden (2015), 145-175.
[To comply with copyright requirements, this is not an entirely true reproduction of the published text, with changes to illustrations and tables].

According to Ammianus Marcellinus, the battle headgear of Šāpūr II was decorated with ram’s horns. This information corresponds to original Persian iconographic sources. Ram’s horns as sacral royal regalia first appeared in Iran after the campaign of Alexander the Great who brought syncretic Greek-Egyptian cult of the ram-headed Zeus-Ammon to the Orient. The Alexander’s practice to use ram horns as an attribute of royal power was reborn in Sasanian times, but with a new religious and ideological (viz. Zoroastrian) sense. Obviously, Sasanians ingenuously believed that by this way they restored ancient Iranian tradition, while in reality they just filled with new content the phenomenon of the Hellenistic epoch.

This paper is a summary of new research results on the obscure period of government under the uncrowned Emperor of Ethiopia, lij Iyasu, who was acting head of the state from late 1909 to 1916 (not from 1913 to 1916 as modern history books usually claim), in a crucial period of northeastern Africa, marked by the outbreak of World War I. The form of a "glossary" was chosen in order to facilitate insights into a number of rather unknown topics, but also well-known (in some cases controversial) discussions, largely based on recent new research and new archival findings. This form also allows access to the theme to a wider interested public, lij Iyasu's government still being a subject of wide debate in Ethiopia. Many of these topics are first discussed in this paper. As this is part of a book, references within the short passages are kept short, but refer to the major sources.

A summary of types, uses and geographical distribution of, as well as sources for, Egyptian royal and divine crowns, for the forthcoming publication: Chr Uehliger (et al.) (eds), Iconography of Deities and Demons in the Biblical World
(Catalog and illustrations of crowns are not included at this point; since it looks like it will still be some time before the official publication of the work, I would like to invite interested scholars to peruse and - if so inclined - send comments. (Egyptologists please note that the structure of the article had to be adapted to the IDD's requirements, so that some of  the subsections are not what one might call "obvious choices").

This paper presents a hitherto unknown photograph of the newly crowned nigus Mikael, the father of the then young ruler of Ethiopia, lij Iyasu. It shows the new king in the moment when he became the ruler of the most important northern Ethiopian regions, Tigray and Wollo, followed later by other northern Ethiopian regions. This photograph was found in the estate of a German diplomat close to the negus Mikael, and had never been discussed by historians. Surprisingly, it shows the king with the crown of Emperor Menilek II, who had just died a few months ago. This paper shows that the use of the Emperor's crown, which was a strong act of usurpation of power symbols, going along a real grasp for power behind the scenes, was discussed in that time and heavily opposed by the old power elites of Shewa, as historical documents show. Later historians, writing after the downfall of this dynasty, never treated this historical moment, obscuring it from public memory.

The program including title of paper and power point slides presented during the "23rd International Congress of Byzantine Studies" on 28th of August 2016, p.37. The Congress was organised by Organized by
The Serbian National Committee of Byzantine Studies Association Internationale des Études Byzantines in cooperation with Institute for Byzantine Studies of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts
Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts University of Belgrade
Faculty of Philology of the Belgrade University
Faculty of Law of the Belgrade University

Le couronnement du negus Mika'él en mai 1914, devenant roi du Wàllo et du Tegray, marque un transfert dramatique de pouvoir du centre choan vers le Wällo, ancienne périphérie, et d'autres régions comme le Tegray. Répondant à un débat sur l'authenticité d'une photo montrant Mika'él coiffé de la couronne de l'empereur Menilek II, cet article discute des nouvelles découvertes qui aident à clarifier les questions en suspens : le negus Mika'él a effectivement utilisé la couronne de Menilek pour lui-même, usurpant ainsi symboliquement le pouvoir souverain dans l'Empire, mais il est possible qu'il ne l'aie pas portée pendant la cérémonie de couronnement elle-même. Cependant, il a distribué des images le montrant coiffé de la couronne de Menilek et, en agissant ainsi, a créé une documentation montrant sa position suprême d'un quasi-souverain derrière le souverain, son fils, lej lyasu.

This article re-examines József Deér’s claim that the crown uncovered in the tomb of Constance of Aragon (d. 1222) was originally her husband’s. His argument is based entirely on the shape of the crown itself, and ignores the context of her burial and the other idiosyncrasies of Frederick II’s burial provisions at Palermo Cathedral. By examining the contents of the grave of Constance, and by discussing patterns related to the size of medieval crowns recovered from archaeological context, the evidence indicates that this crown would have originally adorned the buried queen’s head. Rather than identifying it as a ‘male’ crown that found its way into the queen’s sarcophagus as a gift from her husband, this article argues that Constance’s crown is evidence that as a category of analysis, gender is not as simple as it may appear. In fact, medieval crowns often had multiple owners and sometimes a crown could be owned, or even worn, by someone who had a different gender than the original owner. This fact demonstrates the need for a more complex, nuanced interpretation of regalia found in an archaeological context.

Most previous studies about the atef-crown (Atf) relate it with the Egyptian god Osiris. They also identify its central part with the White Crown or with the headdress of the mww-dancers. A new analysis of the available evidence for the Old Kingdom allows rejecting its relation with Osiris before the Middle Kingdom. Furthermore, a reevaluation of its iconography highlights its close iconographic and semantic relationship with the Double-Plume-Crown (Swtj) and the possible identification of the central vegetal bundle of the atef as a rosette tied at the ends of its petals. An iconologic analysis of its components and a semiologic study of the contexts where it appears make possible to see the connection of this crown with the god Ra. Thus, the Egyptian king, with the atef-crown, would incarnate the bright and genesic abilities of this solar god on earth. Finally, this idea would be part of the political programme of the king under which this crown seems to have been created, that of Snefru.

Ever since David Stuart's decipherment of the hand-holding-celt sign as K’AL in the 1990s, epigraphers have grappled with the semantics of the /k’al/ verb. Coupled with Stuart and Houston's demonstrations that the BAAH ‘gopher’ sign often functioned as a rebus for ‘head’, many epigraphers have come to translate a common Classic Mayan coronation phrase as /k’ahlaj sakhuun tu'baah/, literally ‘the white headband is tied (up)on his head’. This paper reconsiders the semantics of this phrase in the light of new evidence drawn from epigraphic, linguistic, iconographic, and ethnohistoric sources. First, a widespread sense of ‘hold’ is also attested in the Ch'olan languages for /k’al/, and perhaps better fits the iconic origins of the hand-holding-celt sign. Second, Mayan languages commonly derive locatives from body parts, strongly suggesting that a form like t-u-baah, although literally meaning ‘(up)on his head’, frequently also signified ‘above him’. Third, occasional depictions of coronation scenes appear to show a priestly attendant literally ‘holding’ a royal crown above the head of the acceding king, rather than tying or placing it on his head. Taken together, the evidence suggests that this phrase may have codified a key moment in the coronation ceremony where a priestly attendant held the crown aloft, perhaps for an adoring public to observe from a distance. As will be seen, intriguing comparisons can be drawn with coronation ceremonies cross-culturally, including those documented for the Late Postclassic Aztecs.

The aim of this paper is to turn the reader’s attention on the problem of Nubian kings’ regalia, especially the sceptres topped by the figures of Christ. The images of such sceptres were discovered in Chapels II and III of the Upper Church in Banganarti. Their origin may derive from pre-Christian: Egyptian and Meroitic art. Some of the sacred staffs – called medu (mdw) – were topped by the silhouettes or heads of Egyptian gods. These sceptres symbolised the god’s and king’s kas. During the Ptolemaic-Roman period, the cult of a child-god named Osiris-Nesmeti, son of Khnum, was
developed in the region of the First Cataract. The name Nesmeti (Ns-mdw) meant belonging to medu. In this case, medu was treated as a separate theological being, a container of the primeval forces. It was associated with the rebirth of nature, especially the flooding of the Nile. As in the Christian exegesis the Sun was a symbol of Christ – the rising of the Sun was related to the Nativity of Christ – the hope for the Resurrection. The position of the Nubian kings, as holding the sacred staffs as well as the crowns was crucial. They were not only God’s representatives on Earth, but they
were united with him through the coronation rituals. While holding a holy sceptre, they may control the forces of nature. Looking for pre-Christian sources of the Nubian kings’ images makes sense when we connote, indicate that Christians had contact with Egyptian and Meroitic art. They converted some pagan temples into their churches and they also often used some architectural elements as spolia. However,  they translated some pagan symbols into their own Christian language.

Статья посвящена выявлению культурно-исторических и политико-идеологических истоков традиции использования в сасанидском Иране рогов барана в качестве сакрального атрибута царской власти. Впервые рога барана в этом качестве появляются в Иране после походов Александра Македонского, принесшего с собой на Восток синкретический греко-египетский культ «овноголового» Зевса-Амона. Затем рога (но не барана, а быка) как элемент головного убора царей встречаются в Иране в период правления Селевкидов и Аршакидов. В сасанидском Иране традиция использования рогов барана как атрибута царской власти, восходящая к Александру Македонскому, возрождается, но наполняется новым религиозно-идеологическим содержанием.
The paper reveals cultural, historical, political, and ideological background of traditional use of ram horns in Sassanid Iran as a sacral attribute of royal power. Ram horns as sacral royal regalia first appeared in Iran after the campaign of Alexander the Great who brought to the Orient syncretic Greek-Egyptian cult of the ram-headed Zeus-Amon. Later bull horns (and not those of a ram) as an element of royal headdress could be seen in Iran during the Seleucid and Arshacid reign. In Sassanid Iran the tradition to use ram horns as an attribute of royal power, which goes back to Alexander of Macedon, is reborn with a new religious and ideological content.

Determining what the psalter illustrations of medieval Ethiopia—especially the David and Solomon portraits in the Juel-Jensen Psalter—have in common with other traditions helps to single out what makes them unique and shows that they were structured around Ethiopian imperial ideology, which considered the country’s emperors as descendants of these biblical figures. The distinctly Ethiopian character of these images is foregrounded to show that the work of Ethiopian artists can be appreciated only if one considers their communicative intentions and sociocultural backgrounds.

Das goldene Zeitalter der Stadt Ödenburg fällt auf das 17. Jahrhundert. Von den überregionalen und aus europäischer Sicht wichtigen Ereignissen der Po¬¬litikgeschichte dieses Jahrhunderts wissen wir aber noch immer nur wenig. Dieser Band basiert auf den Vorträgen der am 9. Oktober 2012 unter ähn¬¬lichem Motto abgehaltenen Konferenz. Die Herausgeber des Bandes schil¬¬dern in ihrem Vorwort die Geschichte, wie dieser Band entstand und be¬¬danken sich bei den Förderern für die Unterstützung der Veröffentlichung.

In: International Conference: Alfaro, C.; Ortiz, J.; Antón, M. (eds.): Tiarae, diadems and headdresses in the Ancient Mediterranean Cultures: Symbolism and Technology, 11-13 November 2011, Valencia, Spain. Monografías del SEMA de Valencia III: 255-262.

In twentieth-century research on Nubian painting, a crown with horns was recognized as an attribute of eparchs. However, the new discoveries in Banganarti seem to prove, that a crown with horns was an attribute of Nubian kings, rather than eparchs.

When Paul and Frederica, the royal couple of Greece, announced in Switzerland theengagement of their eldest daughter, princess Sophia, with Juan Carlos, prince ofAsturias of Spain (September 12, 1961), no one could imagine the political and socialimplications of this event.The purpose of this announcement is to point out that, on the occasion of a socialevent  for  the  Greek  royal  family,  the  confrontation  between  the  two  dominantpolitical parties, E.R.E. and  Union Center (Enosi Kentrou), was intensified.Furthermore, our attention will be directed to the need for the Greek state, after theWWII and the civil war, not only to modernize its legislation in the family law as wellas  to  examine  once  again the  relations  on  the  triptych  Glücksburg  reign  -parliamentarism - social volition. Finally, it will also be highlighted the weakness ofthe Greek Crown, and in particular the Royal family, to realise the need for social andpolitical change, but also to become the driving force for the modernization of Greeksociety.

Il volume, curato da Sara Paci Piccolo e Alessio Francesco Palmieri Marinoni, esplora i molti significati delle corone delle castellane del Palio di Legnano. Solo le castellane indossano una corona nel corteo - con più di mille figuranti, che da settant'anni precede il Palio di Legnano, e questa presenza non è casuale nè senza significato. I vari saggi del volume esplorano diversi aspetti della corona, sia nel medioevo - dalle corone bizantine a quelle sacrali, da quelle poetiche a quelle iconografiche - che nel presente collegato alla manifestazione, nè mancano aspetti importanti quali quelli del restauro e della catalogazione, della moda, del teatro. Completa il volume un ricco apparato iconografico di schede illustranti oltre cinquanta delle corone delle castellane legnanesi, databili dalla fine dell'Ottocento ad oggi.

recording of public evening lecture on 27/4/2012


HRP Curator Sally Dixon-Smith explores the significance of the Koh-i-Nûr diamond. Harbinder Singh discusses the diamond’s place in Indian history, specifically focusing on the Sikh rulers, whilst Sally talks about the current position of the stone within the Crown Jewels.  Steeped in myth and superstition, the Koh-i-Nûr or ‘Mountain of Light’, is one of the most famous diamonds in the world. Originating in the famed mines of the Deccan, India, its legendary history extends over 5,000 years. Like many other great jewels, the diamond changed hands following the holders of power, belonging to Hindu, Mughal, Turkic, Afghan and Sikh rulers, the last of whom was Maharajah Ranjit Singh. It came to England in the 19th century at the end of the Anglo-Sikh Wars, and was presented to Queen Victoria.

I-tunes https://itunes.apple.com/gb/podcast/talks-and-lectures/id1065848261

Nach über einem Jahrzehnt akribischer Forschungsarbeit durch die Autorinnen und Autoren -allen voran Christine Ochsner -, der umsichtigen Betreuung durch die Herausgeber und der mit grossem Sachverstand ausgeführten Fertigstellung durch die Redaktorin und die Layouter liegt nun ein weiteres der raren Standardwerke zum Basler Münster vor. Allen Beteiligten gebührt dafür ein grosses Dankeschön und ebenso grosser Respekt, auch weil die Ausgangslage zur Bearbeitung archäologischer Funde und Befunde in Bezug auf das Basler Münster derzeit alles andere als ideal ist. Wer sich künftig mit dem Münster und mit Gräbern und Bestattungssitten des Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit in Basel beschäftigt, wird nicht darum herum kommen, die vorliegende Arbeit zu konsultieren. Die Publikation widmet sich nicht nur der wissenschaftlichen Aufarbeitung der Grabfunde in und um die Hauptkirche Basels, sondern gibt auch einen Überblick über die hiesige Bestattungsgeschichte im Mittelalter und der frühen Neuzeit. Selbstverständlich stehen primär die Münstergräber im Vordergrund der Arbeit; die Leserinnen und Leser finden aber auch eine Fülle von Informationen über vergleichbare Grabfunde in Basel und ganz Europa. Der Autorin Christine Ochsner gelang es dank grosser Sorgfalt und viel Geduld, Informationen zu allen greifbaren Details der Grabfunde beizubringen. So kann sie einen Bogen spannen von der Beschreibung von Befunden über die Interpretation der oft nur sehr fragmentarisch erhaltenen Textilreste bis zur Frage nach der sozialtopographischen und chronologischen Belegung der Gräberzonen in und um das Münster.

Felieton przypomina mało znany fakt historyczny, że jeszcze przed rozbiorem Polski wojska pruskie, zwalczające powstańców dowodzonych przez Tadeusza Kościuszkę, zajęły Kraków i okradły skarbiec królewski na Wawelu, zabierając między innymi wszystkie znajdujące się w nim korony. Król pruski Fryderyk Wilhelm III przetopił te korony na złote monety - więc nigdy już na Wawel nie wrócą.

A conquest of a kingdom often ends with capture of regalia. This was the fate of Welsh
regalia after it was finally annexed by Edward I in 1284. However the crown of Llywelyn on getting into Edwards
possession got a new history and new special meaning, which became a part of English policy against probable
revolts of the newly conquered part of the kingdom.