Roman Villae

More than 20 years after presenting his first interpretation of the mosaic from the House of Aion in a paper entitled “Uwagi na temat mozaiki z Domu Aiona w Nea Paphos (Cypr)” (Meander 9/10, 1987, p. 421-438, in Polish, and translated to English: « The Immortality of the Human Soul and the Dionysiac Mysteries in the 4th Century Allegory [in Connection with the Interpretation of the Mosaic from the “House of Aion” at Paphos in Cyprus]»), where he proposed reading the five mythological panels (1. Leda and Zeus; 2. Dionysus on Mount Nysa; 3. The Dionysian thiasos; 4. Apollo and Marsyas; 5. The Apotheosis of Cassiopeia) as an allegory of the destiny of the human soul and body, starting with conception and ending with the liberation of the soul and its apotheosis, the author now enhances his initial interpretation with numerous reflections concerning the historical context of this work of art, created in the years 320-360.
If, according to the author, the mosaic is a “Hymn” in honour of the pagan gods, Man (his soul) and his place in the (pagan) universe, then at the same time it polemicises with the Christian faith and its God, Jesus Christ.
The author puts forward numerous new solutions relating to the mosaic’s iconography and iconology. Analysis of the mosaic also leads him to propose a solution to the as-yet unanswered question regarding the absence of images of the crucified Christ in Christian art of the 3rd and 4th centuries, up until 420/430, when the first images of Christ on the cross appear.
CONTENTS:
Introduction
1. Research to-date (recap)
2. Description of mosaic (recap)
2.1. Composition of five mythological scenes
2.2. Brief iconographic description of mythological panels
2.3. Outline of individual iconographic elements and their respective roles
2.4. The pagan gods’ air of majesty and dignity as an expression of piety
3. A few words about the pagan reaction
4. An apology of pious human life according to pagan principles and a polemic on the Christian model of Man and his theological idol, Jesus Christ
4.1. Divine intervention in the act of human conception (allusion to/polemic on the Annunciation to the Virgin Mary)
4.2. The Epiphany of Dionysus (an allusion to the Epiphany of Christ – Theou Pais)
4.3. The procession and dissemination of Dionysian order (allusion to/polemic on Christ’s entry into Jerusalem)
4.4. The error of Marsyas (polemic on/allusion to the error of Jesus the Messiah): arrest, sentencing for arrogance and lack of piety (asebeia) and condemnation to a martyr’s death
4.5. The anabasis (or anagoge psyches) of a ‘beautiful soul’ (allusion to/polemic on the Ascension of Christ)
5. A few words on the mosaic programme prior to final conclusions
Final conclusions
Key words: mythological mosaic, House of Aion, Nea Paphos, Late Antiquity, Roman art, allegorical narrative, allusive language of mythological pictures, wordplay (Marsyas-Messias), Jesus Christ, anti-Christian polemic, Dionysos, Cassiopeia, Apollon, Nereides, Abstract Personifications, Greek Mythology, ΚΥΠΡΟΣ

This paper deals with some questions concerning the iconography, iconology and date of execution of the famous mosaic pavement from Sheikh Zoueide in Sinai, now exibited in the Ismailiya Museum. The author analyses both the mythological mosaic with the representation of various subjects, like Dionysiac procession, Nilotic theme, Hippolytos and Phaedra, and another geometric mosaic. The iconological study of all symbolic elements sheds light on the mentality of Nestor who lived in this house and of other inhabitants of the city.  The author sees the great influence of Egypt probably of Alexandria, in the mosaic's style. He also discusses stylistic problems and suggests a date of its execution in the first half of the 5th century.
On the iconological study of the mosaic see also: M.T. Olszewski, Mauvais œil et protection contre l'envie dans la mosaïque de Cheikh Zouède au Sinaï (IV-Ve siècle), published in: Paunier, D., Schmidt, Ch (ed. by), la Mosaïque gréco-romaine VIII. Actes du  VIIIe Colloque international de la mosaïque antique et médiévale, Lausanne 1997 (2001), pp. 276-301.
M.T.Olszewski, Two Late Antique synonymous mosaics from Sheikh Zuweid (Egypt) and Vinon (France) (translated) / Deux  mosaïques  synonimiques  de l’antiquité tardive: Cheikh  Zouède  (Egypte)  et  Vinon  (France) / Dwie późnoantyczne mozaiki synonimiczne z Szeikh Zued (Egipt) i Vinon (Francja) - (in Polish), Światowit IV-A, 2002, pp. 99-105.

More than 20 years after presenting his first interpretation of the mosaic from the House of Aion in a paper entitled “Uwagi na temat mozaiki z Domu Aiona w Nea Paphos (Cypr)” (Meander 9/10, 1987, p. 421-438, in Polish, and translated to English: « The Immortality of the Human Soul and the Dionysiac Mysteries in the 4th Century Allegory [in Connection with the Interpretation of the Mosaic from the “House of Aion” at Paphos in Cyprus]»), where he proposed reading the five mythological panels (1. Leda and Zeus; 2. Dionysus on Mount Nysa; 3. The Dionysian thiasos; 4. Apollo and Marsyas; 5. The Apotheosis of Cassiopeia) as an allegory of the destiny of the human soul and body, starting with conception and ending with the liberation of the soul and its apotheosis, the author now enhances his initial interpretation with numerous reflections concerning the historical context of this work of art, created in the years 320-360.
If, according to the author, the mosaic is a “Hymn” in honour of the pagan gods, Man (his soul) and his place in the (pagan) universe, then at the same time it polemicises with the Christian faith and its God, Jesus Christ.
The author puts forward numerous new solutions relating to the mosaic’s iconography and iconology. Analysis of the mosaic also leads him to propose a solution to the as-yet unanswered question regarding the absence of images of the crucified Christ in Christian art of the 3rd and 4th centuries, up until 420/430, when the first images of Christ on the cross appear.
CONTENTS:
Introduction
1. Research to-date (recap)
2. Description of mosaic (recap)
2.1. Composition of five mythological scenes
2.2. Brief iconographic description of mythological panels
2.3. Outline of individual iconographic elements and their respective roles
2.4. The pagan gods’ air of majesty and dignity as an expression of piety
3. A few words about the pagan reaction
4. An apology of pious human life according to pagan principles and a polemic on the Christian model of Man and his theological idol, Jesus Christ
4.1. Divine intervention in the act of human conception (allusion to/polemic on the Annunciation to the Virgin Mary)
4.2. The Epiphany of Dionysus (an allusion to the Epiphany of Christ – Theou Pais)
4.3. The procession and dissemination of Dionysian order (allusion to/polemic on Christ’s entry into Jerusalem)
4.4. The error of Marsyas (polemic on/allusion to the error of Jesus the Messiah): arrest, sentencing for arrogance and lack of piety (asebeia) and condemnation to a martyr’s death
4.5. The anabasis (or anagoge psyches) of a ‘beautiful soul’ (allusion to/polemic on the Ascension of Christ)
5. A few words on the mosaic programme prior to final conclusions
Final conclusions

In attesa di organizzare una redazione definitiva e trovare una veste editoriale per pubblicare il mio lavoro di ricerca di Dottorato, svolto presso la Sorbonne Université, École doctorale VI - Histoire de l’Art et archéologie e presso La Sapienza Università di Roma, indirizzo in Archeologia Classica, ho deciso di rendere fruibili alle studiose e agli studiosi i dati raccolti e la relativa (mia) personale interpretazione.

This paper addresses the specificities of the appearance of villas as well as the significance of villa culture in Roman Greece and tackles the notion of the villa as a ‘Romanisation’ marker in this region. The spread of the villa in the Roman provinces was not the expression of a new social and economic form, as it was in Italy, but the result of the increasing taste for and use of Roman building materials, techniques, and styles. Indeed, the adoption of both the architectural language and lifestyle of the villa in the provinces rendered villas as one of the explicit markers of ‘Romanisation’. The cultural phenomenon of luxurious villas in Roman Greece was variegated both over distinct areas of the region, due to the different political developments, and over time. During the first two centuries of our era, luxurious villas and the life in the villa were not instrumental in the owners’ effort to assume political power and climb the social ladder. Local elites and Roman settlers sought to achieve their socio-political ambitions through their prominent presence in the cities and their euergesiai, following Hellenistic practices and internalizing Roman policies. The evidence for luxurious country houses after the second century CE, however, suggests that this changed over time. It is possible that the increased social competition that was brought about by the Diocletianic and Constantinian led elites to seek different venues for their self-promotion and self-display – the spaces of the villa.

This monographic essay analyses the transformations taking place in the rural landscape in northern Puglia (southern Italy) and a part of north-western Basilicata during the centuries of Romanization, that is to say, in the period between the end of the 4th Century BC (period in which the first Latin colony was founded in the indigenous territory) until the beginning of the Augustan era.
The analysis was conducted by collecting published archaeological data and comparing their “morphological” characteristics (geographical extent, position, archaeological context) with any references  in the written sources. For example, all the settlements that presented characteristics similar to those of a centre, defined in the texts as urbs or civitas, have been interpreted as “primary centres.” The classification of the sites is thus: ‘Primary centre’, ‘Minor settlement’, ‘House-farm’, ‘Farm’, ‘Farm-cemetery’, ‘Large farm’, ‘Farm/cult building’, ‘Tomb- cemetery’, ‘Villa’, ‘Villa-cemetery’.
The romanized cities of the Daunia (with their associated territories) mentioned in this study include: Teanum Apulum, Luceria, Arpi, Uria, Vibinum, Ausculum, Herdoniae, Salapia, Canusia, Lavello and Venusia.
After the chapter devoted to methodology, the archaeological synthesis exploits the study of the sites interpreted according to the aforementioned classification, all of which are divided into the chronological phases in which the most important changes are documented. The chronological phases are outlined as follows:

Phase 1. From the politics of alliance to the colony of  Luceria (Last quarter of the 4th Century BC.)

Phase 2. From the colony of Luceria until the consequences of the Hannibalic war (End of 4th-begining of the 2nd Century BC.)

Phase 3. From the colony of Sipontum to the new territorial gains (194-second half of the 2nd Century BC.)

Phase 4. From the reforms of Gracchi until the Social War (Last quarter of 2nd-early 1st Century BC.)

Phase 5. From the Civil Wars until the end of the Republic (from the first decades of the 1st Century until 31 BC.)

The first general reflection concerning this type of reconstruction of the ancient landscape of northern Puglia is the fragmentary nature of the data at our disposition which is liable to influence our interpretation. Notwithstanding these limits, the results are interesting and reveal the existence of a hierarchy of settlements as early as the 4th Century BC and a clear difference between the territories of the first Latin colonies (Luceria e Venusia) and the rural areas of the other centres still remaining indigenous. An example is the decrease in number of the indigenous villages in the colonial territories during the first phase, a change that might perhaps be linked to the arrival of the Romans. The same trend can be seen in the position of the farms, which are often substituted and moved, either in to the territory of the first colonies or anywhere after the Hannibalic war and the redistribution of land under the Gracchi.
The effects of the new Roman presence might thus be understood as early as the first phases even in the organization of the countryside, rather than that of the cities. This new organization however takes place with different strategies and time scales, using the new colonies as a cultural and economic tool with which to better control the entire region.

BotteGa epiGrafica o atelier pittorico? la scrittura neGli affreschi romani colgo l'occasione di queste giornate di studio dedicate alla memoria del maestro Giancarlo susini, a dieci anni dalla sua scomparsa, per presentare alcune riflessioni su un settore solo apparentemente marginale dell'epigrafia, vale a dire l'epigrafia dipinta. più nello specifico lo studio è rivolto alle modalità di realizzazione, ovvero ai pictores e all'«officina epigrafica» di loro pertinenza, di tutte quelle testimonianze scritte, che, come nel commento che segue propongo di definire «intradecorative», le quali appaiono all'interno di scene figurate, in genere affreschi che ornavano dimore ed edifici delle città romane, e che non sono pertanto iscrizioni isolate a se stanti bensì parte integrante di più complesse narrazioni iconografiche.

Vorwort Programm Beiträge Arnold, F., Licht als architektonisches Gestaltungsmittel in den ägyptischen Pyramidentempeln Bachmann, M., Fenster zum Hof. Zur Belichtungsfrage pergamenischer Peristylhäuser Beste, H.-J., Licht und Lichtführung in der Domus Aurea M. C. Diez-Pastor Iribas -M. Arroba Fernàndez -P. Alañón Olmedo -J. García Muñoz -J. Grau Enguix Piesker, K., Licht und Schatten im Theater von Patara Pogacnik, M., Der Hypaethraltempel in den tektonischen und bildenden Künsten. Ein Bautyp der deutschen Architektur der Aufklärung Rasch, J. J., Lichtzufuhr, Raumgestalt und Wandaufbau in spätantiken Räumen Schnelle, M. -Kinzel, M., Überlegungen zu Lichtkonzeptionen in der altsüdarabischen Sakralarchitektur Stichel, R. H. W. -Hauck, O. -Noback, A., Licht in der Hagia Sophia Justinianseine computergestützte Simulation

Dankesworte Mein Dank gilt an erster Stelle meinem Betreuer und Lehrer, Herrn ao.Univ.-Prof.i.R. Dr.phil. Erwin Pochmarski, für das Überlassen des Fundmateriales und das damit verbundene Vertrauen, sowie meinem Zweitbegutachter, Herrn Univ.-Prof. Dr.phil. Peter Scherrer für die Übernahme der Betreuung. Von finanzieller Seite her wurde meine Arbeit durch zwei Forschungsstipendien unterstützt: einmal durch das Dissertationsstipendium der Geisteswissenschaftlichen Fakultät der Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, wofür Herrn Dekan o.Prof.Dr.iur.Dr.h.c. Gernot Kocher und Frau Mag.phil. MSc. Theres Hinterleitner herzlich zu danken ist, sowie durch ein Forschungsstipendium des Bundesministeriums für Wissenschaft und Forschung. Für die Restaurierungen der metallenen Fundobjekte sprang kurzfristig der Leiter der Abteilung für Bodendenkmale am Bundesdenkmal, Herr Univ.-Doz. Dr.phil. Bernhard Hebert, hilfreich ein. Frau Mag. Dr. Barbara Porod von der Abteilung Archäologiemuseum des Universalmuseum Joanneum möchte ich für die Hilfe bei Recherchen zur Villa Grünau am UMJ sowie für Auskünfte zu den von ihr durchgeführten Grabungskampagnen danken. Frau Mag. Anja Weisi Michelitsch und das Team des Feuerwehrmuseums Groß St. Florian waren stets hilfsbereit, wenn ich Arbeiten im Depot zu erledigen hatte. Meinem Partner Andreas Schneider gebührt der Dank, dass er mich nicht an mir zweifeln ließ und stets ein offenes Ohr für archäologische Gespräche hat. Meinen Eltern und meinem Bruder möchte ich einfach nur Danke sagen. Thank you, thank you, thank you! Hügelgrab freigelegt wurde, durchgeführt; als Funde werden eine Fibel (LMJ Inv. 10.246) und einige "Thonfragmente" (LMJ Inv. 8941-8946) angegeben. 23

This book derives from the doctoral thesis of the author. The Molise was a small region of central Italy that has been little studied by archaeologists. This study has attempted to fill the gaps in our knowledge with the collection and systematic comparison of all the historical, epigraphic, archaeological documentation pertaining to Molise in the period comprising the middle to late Roman period and the high middle ages. The aim was to write the first general synthesis concerning the transformations taking place in the cities and countryside in what was a strategic zone close to Rome, and place this in the context of the recently developing debate about the Italian landscape in late antiquity.

The scenes tell the story of the founding of Pella/Apamea and further development of this city on the Orontes river. Three main groups of scenes can be distinguished: (1) the foundation of Pella-on-the-Orontes by the legendary Archippos, (2) the (re)foundation of the city as Apamea-on-the-Orontes (earlier Pella-on-the-Orontes) by Seleucus I Nikator and the simultaneous financial generosity of his wife, Apama, for the development of the new Seleucid colony in 300 BC, and (3) the raising of the town fortifications around monumental public buildings and an illustration of the daily life of a joyous people living in the rich Apamean agglomeration and hinterland. Features of style date the panels to the 4th century AD.

13 MAURIZIO ODDO La Villa del Casale. Un contributo contemporaneo 15 FRANCESCO PAOLO RIZZO Introduzione 23 ERNESTO DE MIRO Piazza Armerina. La Villa romana del Casale e la Sicilia tra Tardoantico e Medioevo (a cura di Patrizio Pensabene) 31 PATRIZIO PENSABENE Villa di Piazza Armerina: intervento della Sapienza-Università di Roma 101 DOMENICO VERA Paesaggi rurali e paesaggi umani in Sicilia (IV/V secolo): una campagna "silenziosa e riservata" 115 GIACOMO MANGANARO Il vicus (ennese), la Villa del Casale di Piazza Armerina e la barbarica vastitas dei Vandali in Sicilia 131 PAOLO BARRESI I modelli architettonici di riferimento della Villa del Casale di Piazza Armerina 10 SOMMARIO 159 CARLA SFAMENI La villa del Casale e l'archeologia delle ville tardoantiche oggi: problemi e prospettive 181 CARMELA BONANNO La villa romana di Gerace 209 ALESSANDRO PAGLIARA Ricchezza e salvazione nella Sicilia tardoantica 219 DANIELA PATTI Dinamiche insediative nel territorio di Nicosia e Sperlinga tra età tardoantica e altomedievo 241 LUCIA ARCIFA Cittadella di Morgantina nell'altomedioevo. Nuove considerazioni per lo studio delle dinamiche insediative nella Sicilia centro-meridionale 259 VITTORIO GIOVANNI RIZZONE Indicatori epigrafici della diffusione del cristianesimo nella Sicilia centrale 287 FERDINANDO MAURICI Il nemico alle porte. Brevi appunti su Enna bizantina 305 GIULIANO VOLPE, MARIA TURCHIANO La villa tardoantica di Faragola (Ascoli Satriano) e oltre Giuliano Volpe, Maria Turchiano La villa tardoantica di Faragola (Ascoli Satriano) e oltre

The South Etruria survey results indicated a much denser concentration of settlement in the southern part of the survey area, closer to Rome. It seems clear that the proximity of Rome encouraged settlement here, and it is frequently assumed that farms and villas in this area were engaged in growing fruit and vegetables to serve the markets of Rome (Potter, Changing Landscape; Morley, Metropolis and Hinterland). However likely this is, until now it has remained largely an assumption, supported in part by literary sources which relate more to the south and east of Rome (Tibur etc.) than to the Tiber Valley to the north; and by theoretical models. There is however a mass of data in the Tiber Valley survey archives and in published material (Forma Italiae etc.) which can be used to ground this analysis in the archaeology. Irrigation and drainage schemes demonstrate investment in land improvement for some form of agriculture, and one class of structures provides a clue as to the kinds of products grown. A number of rural sites possess large cisterns (200-700 m3) far exceeding the water-supply needs of the farm or villa, and in many cases these are not associated with villa baths. Such cisterns are most plausibly interpreted as being for irrigation: a study carried out on similar hydraulic features to the east of Rome (Thomas and Wilson, PBSR 1994), using software to estimate irrigation needs for different crops in various kinds of soils, suggested that the capacity of such cisterns was insufficient for irrigating significant areas of wheat or vines, but would have suited the irrigation needs of vegetable gardens or fruit orchards. The scant epigraphic evidence seems also to support the use of cisterns of this type for irrigated horticulture. We have here a suggestive indicator to support the hypothesis of settlement in the immediate vicinity of Rome being geared to growing perishable crops which could not be transported too far to market, and indications of substantial investment in hydraulic infrastructure to support this irrigated horticulture.

I risultati del South Etruria survey delineano una maggiore concentrazione di insediamenti nel settore meridionale, quello più vicino a Roma, dell’area ricognita. Sembra chiaro che la vicinanza a Roma favorì lo sviluppo insediativo, ed è stato spesso sottolineato che le fattorie e le ville in quest’area erano impegnate a rifornire di frutta e ortaggi i mercati di Roma (Potter, Changing Landscape; Morley, Metropolis and Hinterland). Per quanto verosimile, questo assunto è rimasto fino ad ora un’ipotesi, supportata in parte - oltre che da modelli teorici - dalle fonti letterarie che però riguardano essenzialmente le aree a sud e a est di Roma (Tibur etc.) e non la valle del Tevere. Esiste comunque una massa di dati negli archivi del Tiber valley survey e nelle pubblicazioni (Forma Italiae etc.) che può essere utilizzata per supportare a livello archeologico tale analisi. Gli impianti di irrigazione e di drenaggio indicano investimenti volti a migliorare le potenzialità agricole del territorio, ed una tipologia di strutture sembra costituire lo specchio del tipo di sfruttamento del suolo. Un certo numero di siti rurali possiede grandi cisterne (200-700 m3) assolutamente sproporzionate per i bisogni di una fattoria o di una villa, ed in molti casi esse non sono associate ad impianti termali. Tali cisterne dovevano dunque essere utilizzate per l’irrigazione: uno studio di questo tipo su simili apprestamenti idraulici ad est di Roma (Thomas and Wilson, PBSR 1994), condotto utilizzando stime di calcolo per il fabbisogno d’acqua dei vari tipi di coltivazioni e di suoli, suggerisce che la capacità di queste cisterne era insufficiente per irrigare vaste coltivazioni di grano o vigneti, ma avrebbe potuto supplire ai bisogni di orti e frutteti. La scarsa documentazione epigrafica sembra anch’essa confermare l’uso di questo tipo di cisterne per l’orticoltura. Abbiamo quindi un importante indicatore a sostegno dell’ipotesi che le tenute agricole vicine a Roma erano destinate alla coltivazione di prodotti altamente deperibili che non potevano essere trasportati da troppo lontano, ed indicazioni di consistenti investimenti verso le infrastrutture idrauliche destinate a supportare tali forme di orticoltura.

The main goal of this Thesis is to proove that the Roman villa of Freiria (S. Domingos de Rana parish, municipality of Cascais, Portugal) is one of the standing points, that confirms how the modus vivendi of the Roman world, brought by the Roman settlers, was adopted by indigenous population.
This assumption was carried studying the structures left and the assets found in the region, which was one with specific particularities at the time.
The Roman villa of Freiria is part of the ager olisiponensis, so, related with the early Roman presence in the Tagus estuarine so the change of the city name to Felicitas Julia Olisipo that occurred under Caesar or under his adoptive son Augustus.
Not far from Olisipo - harbour located at the mouth of the river Tagus - the villa was served by one of the several roads within the urbs ager and the Atlantic.
The Roman villa of Freiria played an important role in the development of the area, as long as, we know that one of its owner (T. Curiatius Rufinus) surely built the estate due to enormous fertility of the fields, the number of sunny hours along the year, the pleasant breeze that blow from the Serra de Sintra and with a yearlong-water-supply from the nearby stream.
These factors were surely the reason why the estate was inhabited since Chalcolithic and Iron Age times.
The first century BC. coin found and minted at Salacia and the hidden treasure with coins dated from the late 4th century represents a long occupation of the archaeological site. Moreover, the altar dedicated to the local god Triborunnis by T. Curiatius Rufinus it is a rare example of the strong understanding of the local religious beliefs and its acceptance by the Romans new settlers. Further examples are found in other villae in the actual municipality of Cascais.

The aim of this study was to find the connections between the Lanciani’s project for a detailed archaeological map of the Roman Campagna (never completed) with a series of drawings from his collection in the Library of Palazzo Venezia. On the basis of some planimetric sketches he elaborated, it is evident how the archaeologist wanted to apply to the large scale of the territory the same representative method carried out in the maps of the Forma Urbis Romae. The Lanciani’s “Wanderings” in the company of the “Gruppo di Roma Vecchia” (friends and archaeologists), were an indispensable preliminary step in the framework of his vast archaeological studies. Thanks to these experiences, Lanciani consolidated the knowledge of a territory that in those years was going to be heavily transformed by the land reclamation for agriculture. New infrastructures and settlements would overlap the ancient layout of streets and aqueducts. In this perspective, we can better understand the role that this great archaeological map would have played for a “census” of the countless archaeological sites he studied and discovered over time. The vast graphic section on the Roman Campagna in the monumental corpus belonging to Lanciani has been the result of an enthusiastic collection whose reasons can be better understood at the “light” of this project. The complex of Hadrian’s Villa buildings, illustrated in the drawings and engravings by Agostino Penna and Luigi Canina, was one of the most important tools of this imaginative map. The ancient context of the Ager Tiburtinus, selected by R. Lanciani for the rich presence of springs and aqueducts, was intended to acquire, thanks to Canina’s intuition, a new significance in relation to the twentieth-century
works of reclamation of the Roman coastal areas.

Villa und burgus von Obermendig »Im Winkel« (Lkr. Mayen-Koblenz) im Kontext der römischen Besiedlung des Segbachtals
Im Bereich des Hauptgebäudes der villa »Im Winkel« konnten mehrere Besiedlungsphasen von der Mittellatènezeit bis hin zur Spätantike unterschieden werden. Sehr auffällig ist eine Brandschicht der Zeit um 260-270 im Hauptgebäude. Auf eine Mühlsteinproduktion vor Ort verweisen verworfene Halbfabrikate von Mühlsteinen im Keller des Hauptgebäudes und die Verbreitung von Steinbearbeitungsabfall bis dicht an den Siedlungsplatz. In der Spätantike wurde »Im Winkel« ein burgus als Getreidespeicher errichtet und sein Vorfeld für eine Nutzung als Umschlagplatz mit Drainagen trockengelegt.

Villa et burgus d’Obermendig »Im Winkel« (Lkr. Mayen-Koblenz) dans le contexte de la colonisation de la vallée de Segbach à l’époque romaine
La partie centrale de la villa »Im Winkel« a révélé plusieurs phases d’occupation depuis La Tène moyenne jusqu’à l’Antiquité tardive. Elle présente également une couche d’incendie très marquée, datée de 260/270. Des demi-produits de meules abandonnés dans la cave du bâtiment principal ainsi que des déchets de taille éparpillés jusqu’au bord de l’habitat signalent une production de meules sur place. Dans l’Antiquité tardive, un burgus fut construit à cet endroit en guise de grenier et son glacis fut asséché pour y établir un point d’échanges. (Traduction: Y. Gautier).

The small Romano-Gallic cemetery ›Auf der Höll‹ in Kalt (Mayen-Koblenz County, Rhineland-Palatinate), excavated in 1926, gives an insight into the burial customs of the rural Maifeld population. Due to its loess deposits, this region in the southeast of the Eifel was mostlikely used as a breadbasket for the military as well as bigger civilian settlements. Eleven cremation burials, dating from the mid-first to the last third of the second century A.D., represent a local community, probably a family, of a nearby but yet still undiscovered villa rustica. The burial rites and the spectrum of grave goods correspond to those from other rural cemeteries of the Civitas Treverorum. Therefore, the opulence of the grave goods can be traced back to local Gallic burial customs. The absence of typical Roman grave goods, such as lamps, unguent
flasks and coins (except for grave no. 10) points to a group of indigenous people. However, a certain degree of Romanisation can be recognised in the two busta, the use of Roman glass, pottery and finally the decrease of grave goods in some of the mid-second century burials.
Glass vessels and rich services of tableware are signs of the group’s relative prosperity. In those times of prosperity an ending of settlement activities was unlikely. Possibly a change of the villa’s owner or tenant could have prompted the abandonment of the burial site.

I l semplice gesto di portarci alle labbra un bicchiere di vino potrebbe, qualche volta, ricordarci che stiamo bevendo un estratto di storia, oltre che di uva. Stiamo bevendo una parte del nostro passato, una parte della nostra storia del Mediterraneo e della Calabria.

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Casi dos décadas después de la celebración de las primeras “Jornadas sobre poblamiento rural romano en el sureste de Hispania”, las intervenciones arqueológicas que desde esa fecha se han ido sucediendo, han añadido nuevos datos a la incipiente visión que entonces se perfilaba. En este sentido, pocas etapas se han visto tan beneficiadas como el período tardoantiguo, momento durante el que el conjunto del ager Carthaginiensis atraviesa una intensa transformación.
A este respecto, la finalidad de este trabajo no es tanto enumerar los distintos yacimientos que han sido objeto de atención, como sí tratar de definir algunas de las dinámicas que los resultados cosechados en el estudio de los mismos, permiten ir trazando. De forma concreta, como no podía ser de otro modo, los cambios en el territorium se analizan en relación a los experimentados en la principal ciuitas del sureste durante la Antigüedad Tardía, Carthago Spartaria, insistiendo en su profunda conexión. Tales vínculos, su intensidad y su modulación a lo largo del período comprendido entre los siglos II y VII, constituyen el telón de fondo para diversos fenómenos, cuya causalidad y, en definitiva, también su resultado, apuntan a la transformación del modo tradicional de explotación del territorio, que antecede al período de ocupación islámica.

This is a more elaboret and developped version of the first paper published in Polish : M.T. Olszewski, Uwagi na temat mosaiki z Domu Aiona w Nea Paphos (Cypr), Menander XLII, 9-10, 1987, pp. 421-438 (translated to English : The Immortality of the Human Soul and the Dionysiac Mysteries in the 4th Century Allegory (In Connection with the Interpretation of the Mosaic from “House of Aion” at Paphos in Cyprus), see on academia.edu

The author proposes a new interpretation of the iconographical and iconological programme of five panels mosaic from the House of Aion at Nea Pahos in Cyprus. He proposes reading the five mythological panels (1. Leda and Zeus; 2. Dionysus on Mount Nysa; ; 3. Apollo and Marsyas; 4. The Dionysian thiasos; 5. The Apotheosis of Cassiopeia) as an allegory of the destiny of the human soul and body, starting with conception (Leda and a Swan)  and ending with the liberation of the soul and its apotheosis (the apotheosis of Cassiopeia).
The author rejects the interpretation of W.A. Daszewski, (Dionysos der Erlöser, Mainz am Rheim 1985) proposed in 1985 and his order of interpetation the five mythological pictures (1. Dionysus on Mount Nysa; 2. Leda and Zeus; 3. The Apotheosis of Cassiopeia; 4. Apollo and Marsyas 5. The Dionysian thiasos). Daszewski would like see in Dionysos - a newly born supreme god, the universal savior.
see also a new article: M.T.Olszewski, The iconographic programme of the Cyprus mosaic from the House of Aion reinterpreted as an anti-Christian polemic, in: Et in Arcadia Ego. Studia memoriae professoris Thomae Mikocki dicata, Institute of Archaeology, University of Warsaw, Warsaw 2013, pp. 207-239, Pls 74-86.

Sundials in Roman and Byzantine Mosaics (1st – 9th Century AD). A scientific monograph. The sundials on ancient mosaics have not been the subject of scientific studies so far. The author has gathered together  in this  publication  the sundials  already known (Torre Anunzaiata, Sarsina, Trier, Saint-Romain-en-Gal, Antioch and Brading; Figs. 1, 2, 4, 5, 7, 9) and those which have  not  previously  been  identified.  Thanks  to  the author’s  new  identifcations,  the  catalogue  has  been enlarged  by  six  new  sundials (Grand,Tarsus, Antiochia – interpreted by H. Pamir; Figs.  3, 6,  8, and 10. Tayibat al-Imam, Jerusalem and Umm al-Rasas (Sebastis); Figs. 10, 11, 12) and three monumental gnomes-columns with multiple functions that were used as monumental sundials [Madaba (Jerusalem), Umm al-Rasas (Kastron Mefaa) and Rome (Jerusalem); Figs. 13–15]. In addition, recognizing fully John H. Humphrey’s  interpretations,  the  author  enriches  the catalogue  by  eight  ancient  mosaic  representations  of obelisks in  circuses (Lyon, Barcelona, Volubilis, Piazza Armerina - two mosaics, Girona, Carthage and Gafsa; Figs.  16–23).  They  performed the roles of monumental sundials. In this way, the catalogue includes  twenty-three  mosaics with  the representations of sundials. They come from the Western and Eastern Provinces of the Roman Empire. The first mosaic is dated to the beginning of the 1st century AD and the last dates to the 9th century AD. The author, after  a  short  description  of each monument,  summarizes the issue discussing the role of sundials in Roman and Byzantine society, their complex signifcance and symbolic dificult linked with the progress of time on which nature and human life are dependent. See Pdf : https://www.academia.edu/22653583/

Nell'area archeologica di Colle Plinio di San Giustino, a pochi chilometri a nord di Città di Castello, l'antica Tifernum Tiberinum, si era da tempo riconosciuta la villa in Tuscis di Plinio il Giovane (figg. 1-2) 1 . Colonne, marmi, mosaici si vedevano nell'area del "campo di Santa Fiora" (questo è il nome specifico del luogo dell'area archeologica), ancora ai primi del Novecento, quando Giovanni Magherini Graziani identificò nelle rovine che affioravano durante i lavori agricoli i resti della villa di Plinio.

The aim is to study ancient fountains in their architectural context, in the belief that the context will reveal their function in the dwelling.  This article first analyzes the fountain structures and examines the relationship between each structure and the architecture. Through this approach, it is possible to reach some conclusions of more general value, concerning the function of central parts of Roman houses.

The mosaic from Sheikh Zuweid on the western coast of North Sinai, discovered in 1913, as well as the mosaic brought to light in 1919 at Vinon near Aix-en-Provence in southern France had to wait until the end of the 20th century for scholarly studies to focus again on their iconography, but also their iconological program. It is the reading of this program that one can truly call sensational. The mosaic from Sinai consists of three panels: Hippolytus and Phaedra, a Dionysian cortege and an inscription surrounded with motifs referring to the fauna and flora of a Nilotic landscape as well as to iconography of the seasons of Spring and Fall. The mosaic from Vinon also consists of three pictures: Dionysus offering Ikarios the grapevine, the Three Graces and a panel depicting a voracious goat defiling the gift of Dionysus. Inscriptions accompany both the mosaics, in Latin at Sheikh Zued and in Greek at Vinon.
Numerous apotropaic symbols and inscriptions are known, but never before has a mythological picture been interpreted as apotropaic. The latest research has shown that the owners of the respective estates had chosen mythological themes in order to protect them and their property from the Evil Eye and Hatred. Dionysian motifs are associated with the putative function of the rooms, where banquets with music and dancing must have been held, and wine must have flowed in abundance. The allusion to the abundance of the Nile was meant to ensure the prosperity and wealth of the house, in similarity to the Dionysian motifs as a matter of fact. Dionysus, Heracles and Venus were patrons of the houses. The interpretation of the two mosaics takes advantage of studies in the field of the history of mentality of the communities standing on the threshold of post-classical times. At the same time, it constitutes a huge step forward in the understanding of this category of finds. The two mosaics confirm what Artemidoros of Daldis (2nd century AD) had to say about the status of pictures: that they could be synonymous in meaning (see: M.T. Olszewski, Le statut de l'image selon Artémidore et l'art romain, in: Morlier, H. ed., IXe Colloque international pour l'étude de la mosaïque antique et médiévale, Roma 5.11.2001-10.11.2001, Collection de l'Ecole Française de Rome 352/2, Rome 2005, pp. 859-880).
See also: M.T. Olszewski, La mosaïque de style naïf de Cheikh Zouède au Sinaï, Archeologia (Warsaw) 53, 2002, pp. 45–61, pls III+VI; M.T. Olszewski, Mauvais œil et protection contre l'envie dans la mosaïque de Cheikh Zouède au Sinaï (IV-Ve siècle), in: Paunier, D., Schmidt, Ch (ed. by), la Mosaïque gréco-romaine VIII. Actes du  VIIIe Colloque international de la mosaïque antique et médiévale, Lausanne 1997 (2001), pp. 276-301.

La célèbre mosaïque de Cheikh Zouède, situé au nord-ouest du Sinaï, ainsi que celle de Vinon dans la Gaule Narbonaise ont été découvertes dans les années dix du XXe siècle. Depuis leurs mises à jour jusqu’à la fin du siècle dernier, elles devaient attendre deux réexamens scientifiques qui ont apportés une analyse iconographique plus complète ainsi que deux nouvelles lectures iconologiques que l’on peut sans doute considerer comme sensationelles !
La mosaïque de Cheikh Zouède est composée de trois tableaux superposés. Deux panneaux représentent des scenes mythologiques: procession dionysiaque et Hippolyte et Phèdre. La troisième image comporte une inscription de bienvenue bordée au-dessus et au-dessous d’animaux et de plantes; une allusion aux scènes nilotiques et à la symbolique printanière et automnale.
La mosaïque de Vinon est également composée de trois tableaux qui sont cependant juxtaposés. Ils représentent, au centre, les trois Grâces et deux scènes à caractère dionysiaques. Celle de gauche représente le don de la vigne (grappes de raisins) par Dionysos à Icarios et celle de droite, le sacrilège de la vigne par un bouc. Les deux mosaïques sont accompagnées par des inscriptions en grec et latin. Elles sont datées à la première moitié du Ve siècle.
On connais plusieurs inscriptions, images et symboles de caractère apothropaïque. C’est pourtant la première fois que des images mythologiques ont dévoilées aux chercheurs leurs sens prophylactique et apotropaïque. Les propriétaires de ces deux résidences ornées de belles mosaïques ont choisis ces thèmes mythologiques pour protéger et écarter le Mauvais Œil et l’Envie. Les sujets dionysiaques dans les salles à manger évoquent probablement des fêtes joyeuses arrosées de vin où la danse et la musique constituaient des éléments essentiels. Par contre, l’abondance nilotique évoquait sans doute le bonheur et l’opulence des dons de la Nature sur les tables de la maison; cette signification concernait certainement aussi les scènes dionysiaques. Les maisons ont été protégées par Dionysos, Héraclès et Vénus.
Pour interpréter ces deux œuvres, les auteurs ont utilisé des recherches sur “l’histoire de la mentalité” des sociétés administrées par les Romains. La lecture de ces deux mosaïques confirme ce que l’on vient de découvrir en étudiant le célèbre texte d’Artémidore de Daldis (IIe siècle) sur les images synonimiques (cf. M.T. Olszewski, Le statut de l'image selon Artémidore et l'art romain, in: Morlier, H. ed., IXe Colloque international pour l'étude de la mosaïque antique et médiévale, Roma 5.11.2001-10.11.2001, Collection de l'Ecole Française de Rome 352/2, Rome 2005, pp. 859-880).
Voir M.T. Olszewski, La mosaïque de style naïf de Cheikh Zouède au Sinaï, Archeologia (Warsaw) 53, 2002, pp. 45–61, pls III+VI; M.T. Olszewski, Mauvais œil et protection contre l'envie dans la mosaïque de Cheikh Zouède au Sinaï (IV-Ve siècle), in: Paunier, D., Schmidt, Ch (ed. by), la Mosaïque gréco-romaine VIII. Actes du  VIIIe Colloque international de la mosaïque antique et médiévale, Lausanne 1997 (2001), pp. 276-301.

The aim of this article is to propose a new approach to a ‘traditional’ archaeological theme, such as the end of the Roman villas and the transformations that occurred between the 3rd and the 8th century. This work has been set in a ‘quantitative’ perspective, through the use of large sample of the investigated Roman villas in all Italy to perform statistical analysis concerning the reuses. In this way it was possible to summarize the main trends for the various ages between the 3rd and the 7th-8th century. Finally, some considerations were made about new insights on the ‘post-classical’ phases of the villas in relation to: complexity of the contexts; relationships between interpretations and chronologies; indicators of power. Keywords: Late Antiquity, Early Middle Ages, roman villas, reuses, statistical analysis

Beyond the devastation and tragedy of human lives precipitated by the conflict in Syria, priceless representations of ancient culture and history have likewise fallen victim to a seemingly never-ending maelstrom of destruction. Ancient monuments and art have either been destroyed, damaged, or lost as chaos persists in a region that has for thousands of years seen the footprint of a parade of civilizations. (...)
The scenes tell the story of the founding of Pella/Apamea and further development of this city on the Orontes river. Three main groups of scenes can be distinguished: (1) the foundation of Pella-on-the-Orontes by the legendary Archippos, (2) the (re)foundation of the city as Apamea-on-the-Orontes (earlier Pella-on-the-Orontes) by Seleucus I Nikator and the simultaneous financial generosity of his wife, Apama, for the development of the new Seleucid colony in 300 BC, and (3) the raising of the town fortifications around monumental public buildings and an illustration of the daily life of a joyous people living in the rich Apamean agglomeration and hinterland. Features of style date the panels to the 4th century AD.