Rites of Passage

Abstract

This book is theoretical, in which the relevant parts of sociological and anthropological specialist literature on football and social processes were synthetically summarized. I focused only on the theories that were relevant to me, excluding popular literature dealing with the strategic-tactical connections of soccer as a physical game, the bibliography presenting the practice of the physical training and nutrition of the body, as well as the rich storehouse of related psychological and pedagogical writings and that of the literature referring to the economic and financial, marketing and promotion component of the issue. The biographical books of famous football players are not discussed, either. In the introductory part the sociological literature of football is delineated, making reference to the themes and questions raised, explanatory models, paradigmatic viewpoints, which characterize the „sociology of football”, as a specialized branch with a scientific status, recognized as such by the academic field. In fact, the possible taxonomy, the possible spectrum of the questions raised is examined. By a small detour the social role of sports, and the connections between the mass media and sports, particularly football are discussed, and references are provided on how soccer can indeed be a social issue. Football is seen as a rite, a postmodern deep play as a legitimacy and political-manipulative instrument, about the phenomena of violence, hooliganism and the ultras, about the relationship between soccer and criminality, inequality, racism, anti-Semitism, or masculinity, identity and modernization. We primarily relied on English language, mostly British and American specialized literature, as the largest part of the specialist literature was produced there. (This reflects well the English origins of modern age football, “they invented it” and spread it across the globe. Then they were the ones to write the most about it).

So, the Sociology of Football is an encompassing synthesis of the sociology of football; it also contains illustrations and talkative examples from Romanian football and changing social reality.

On this first level, I have presented the literature on the following issues: violence in football as the most prominent topic in the sociology of football; the role of football as a producer of identity, collective consciousness, and as laic ritual of postmodern society; the relationship between soccer and masculinity. In this last respect, I argue that highly mediated star players can define patterns of normative masculinity as sex symbols and as integral parts of a culture of celebrity. Thus, the way media presents football in general and players in particular, characterizing them and describing their expectations, is in fact the method they build normative patterns of masculinity strongly and closely related to national character. It relates to the way an imagined community looks on itself: it represents outer (aesthetics, the way it looks like) and inner (moral, the way it behaves) characteristics, the here and now of valid characters of masculinity, traits blend with qualities of national ones. I have also looked at the symbiotic relation between football and political power, since power structures football (playing style, economic, political, and logistic conditions, legitimate goals football may express and institute). However, soccer feeds back on politics, shapes to a certain extent the behaviour of political elites (for example legitimizes certain decisions, raises questions, or represents a context in which certain problems can be formulated). The relation between football and media is another important subject treated here: football is highly mediated and has become a TV show on its own, the practice of football, and the logic of media institutions are closely related. Media “produce” football because it needs football and thus football can be perceived as a commoditized popular culture product. In the current era of global media, entertainment industry produces this good.

Asupra omului văzut ca entitate dinamică cu tendinţe de perfecţionare (intelectuală, socială, economică) acţionează concomitent o serie de rituri cu valenţe diverse, uneori chiar contrare. Astfel, integrarea într-un nou context nu se produce brusc, ci doar printr-o succesiune de rituri ce separă treptat individul de vechiul context şi altă serie de rituri ce îl agregă mereu într-o altă poziţie. Aceste rituri acţionează cu intensităţi diferite raportat la un anume moment temporal. Dacă imediat după ieşirea dintr-un cadru iniţial riturile de segregare sunt predominate şi intense, cu timpul au loc integrări temporare, iar riturile de acceptare se manifestă din ce în ce mai puternic. Apare astfel evident pe de o parte, o interferenţă a riturilor de trecere, iar pe de altă parte, o interferenţă a riturilor de trecere cu alte categorii de rituri.

Abstract: The God of the Bible is an incarnate God: A God who speaks in and through the embodied human experience. Thus, for all of the theological significance of baptism, it is also incumbent for Christians to recognize the vital sociological role baptism plays as a rite of passage, as well as the ways in which baptism serves as an embodied pedagogy, that is, as a learning experience that has lasting effects in the life of the believer. This has implications for baptismal practice, specifically having to do with the timing in which baptism is undertaken. I argue in this essay for a recognition that baptism serves both sociological and pedagogical functions in the life of Christians and the church, and that perhaps a third category—a “liminal” category—should be envisioned for those on their way toward baptism.

Rites of passage practices have caught the attention of educators seeking better methods of teaching adolescents. The fascination with the rites of passage model (ROP) is especially strong among outdoor educators. Once Van Gennep (1960) defined the rites of passage, a three-stage system of social transformation mediating role changes in a community, anthropologists were able to observe his social conception throughout all cultures. Outdoor educators have demonstrated interest in framing outdoor programs as rites of passage because of the structural similarities between outdoor programs and Van Gennep's first and second stages of a rite of passage. While the ROP model has similarities to outdoor programs, the model is generally ineffective in most contemporary contexts because of challenges associated with the third stage of the ROP model. It is important for outdoor programs to understand these challenges prior to investing effort into using ROP models to achieve expected lastin...

Dans de nouvelles situations de construction du mourir, comme l'euthanasie et la sédation profonde en fin de vie, émerge, en Belgique, une requête de construction de sens qui se traduit en une demande d'un rite à poser avant l'acte médical de provoquer la mort ou d'annihiler la conscience. En effet, dans les pratiques belges, la demande d'euthanasie, lorsqu'elle est refusée, se voit souvent remplacée par une sédation ; ce qui n'est pas sans induire de la confusion sémantique et clinique. À quoi renvoie ultimement cette demande ? Peut-on mourir sans rites ? Ce sont des questions auxquelles cet article vise à répondre en trois temps : il sera d'abord question des significations du rite lorsqu'il se trouve sollicité avant un acte de sédation ou d'euthanasie (1) ; en un deuxième temps seront explorés les enjeux de la construction du sens dans le temps du mourir (2) ; en un troisième moment, on cherchera à comprendre un au-delà du rite, qui renverrait à l'horizon plus large de la temporalité construite, où des paroles inédites et des gestes personnels pourraient soutenir la construction du sens en situation de fin de vie.

Undergoing an admission process (an initiation) can induce exaggerated feelings about a group, but there is little research about the role of rewards. This study replicated Aronson and Mills’ (1959) experiment. Seventy participants underwent either a severe initiation or a mild initiation. After the initiation, about half the sample received an extrinsic reward for merely completing the task. The remaining half did not receive an extrinsic reward. This was to vary the amount of dissonance. Initiation severity and reward condition had significant, noncrossing interactions. A reward led to higher group identity than no reward, supporting Levine and Moreland's (1994) group socialization model. A severe initiation did not lead to more group identity than a mild initiation; therefore, Aronson and Mills’ findings were not replicated. Interestingly, a mild initiation followed by a reward led to more group identity than a severe initiation followed by a reward. Another unexpected finding was that the extrinsic reward made no difference to group identity if the initiation was severe. Effects on ratings of the discussion were nonsignificant. Future research needs to establish how new group members ponder the severity of the admission process during the cost–benefit calculation preceding their identification with a group.

Un vent nouveau souffle en Occident sur ce qui touche au souvenir du défunt, amorçant une période de «réappropriation du mort» ainsi que des rites autour de la mort. Alors que les cimetières traditionnels sont de moins en moins visités, les mémoriaux éphémères et virtuels se multiplient comme autant de moyens de réécrire l’histoire et d’affirmer le désir de vivre en société.

An ancient organization in age groups and ancient rites of passage for children and young people in the Aegean Greek world are ideas which was first developed by historical anthropology in XXth century, before being criticized by specialists of the history of Greek cities. However, these questionings have had little impact on the research on Aegean Protohistory, which continues to use of these categories, sometimes excessively, despite the ambiguity of the sources. This paper proposes a review of the documents and literature available on the Late Bronze Age, mainly based on iconography, to highlight the methodological problems of widespread arguments but also the limits of interpretations exclusively based on archaeological data. An assessment of our knowledge on age groups and rites of passage for the youth is finally sketched

Rites of passage practices have caught the attention of educators seeking better methods of teaching adolescents. The fascination with the rites of passage (ROP) is especially prevalent among outdoor educators. Once Van Gennep (1960) defined the rites of passage, a three-stage system of social transformation mediating role changes in a community, anthropologists were able to observe his social conception through out all cultures. Outdoor educators have demonstrated interest in framing outdoor programs as rites of passage because of the structural similarities between outdoor programs and Van Gennep's first and second stages of a rite of passage.

While the ROP model has similarities to outdoor programs, the model is generally ineffective in most contemporary contexts because of the challenge associated with the third stage of the ROP model. It is important for outdoor programs to understand these challenges prior to investing effort into using the ROP models to achieve expected lasting benefits.

Most outdoor adventure programs use a contemporary adventure model to mediate change, a fundamentally different rite of passage from the classic anthropological model. Outdoor educators need to decide among three choices with a ROP: Abandon the ROP framework based upon a lack of congruence, follow a classica model and answer the many challenges the model brings with it, or follow a contemporary adventure model while cognizant of the model's weaknesses.

English translation of title: 'Revenant(s),borderliner(s), double(s): Rites de Passage in Bram Stoker's Dracula' by Michaela Schäuble.

German book title: 'Michaela Schäuble: Wiedergänger, Grenzgänger, Doppelgänger. Rites de Passage in Bram Stokers Dracula'. Münster: LIT Verlag 2006'.

Review published in: Anthropological Notebooks 15 (1). Ljubljana: Slovene Anthropological Society 2009, pp. 101-103.

Il saggio estende l'analisi dei dati discussi in un precedente contributo. A partire dall'esperienza diretta di uno dei ricercatori, e attraverso una metodologia autoetnografica, lo studio si incentra sui processi di addestramento propri di un corpo d'èlite dell'esercito italiano. Si analizzano gli effetti di tale addestramento sulla psicologia collettiva dei militari e vengono individuati dei percorsi di ricerca ulteriori, relativi ai rischi derivanti dalla trasmissione di questi valori ad altri corpi armati, come per esempio quelli di polizia.

À la suite du tremblement de terre qui en 2009 a détruit la ville de L’Aquila,
dans les Abruzzes, j’ai observé sur le terrain que les dispositifs folkloriques se sont
révélés très utiles pour réabsorber le choc causé par le traumatisme et pour maintenir
les communautés après le bouleversement. Les rites sont à la fois une cérémonie
liturgique et des manifestations de socialité visant à contenir l’angoisse : une tentative de dominer ce qui est indomptable, mais aussi une manière active d’exprimer
l’étonnement, l’incrédulité, la colère et la douleur. L’appareil rituel est conçu comme
ce qui a la capacité de capturer, d’orienter, de remodeler et de contrôler les gestes, les
comportements, les opinions et les discours des gens; c’est donc une structure qui a
un lien évident avec le pouvoir, y compris par le biais d’autres outils (la narration,
la langue, le théâtre, le jeu, l’art). La catastrophe bouleverse le temps et l’espace, les
relations et les regards; elle dure dans le temps et teste non seulement les lieux, mais
aussi la communauté qui y vit. Dix ans après le traumatisme du tremblement de terre,
en 2020, un problème nouveau et global, la pandémie de COVID-19, tout en laissant
les maisons intactes, a empêché la socialisation physique et, du même coup, les rituels anciens et nouveaux, publics et privés, que les gens maintenant insistent pour
remettre en place pour des raisons également économiques. L’arrêt des cérémonies
a porté une atteinte aux catégories productives et aux communautés, ce qui est peutêtre pire qu’un tremblement de terre, parce que les communautés mettent en œuvre le dispositif rituel après les traumatismes comme un outil pour réfléchir à leur identité collective et pour s’exprimer selon des procédures qui sont, en fait, culturelles. Sans pouvoir pratiquer ses rites, les communautés locales intègrent une violence politique qu’elles n’hésiteront pas à extérioriser dans les années à venir.

Attached: Introduction, Notes on Contributors.
This collection of articles is a thoughtful examination of the history, function and place of emerging rituals. The discussion goes beyond academic assessment and acknowledgement of the absence of meaningful ritual to focus on the different ways people are responding to the call for ‘new rituals’. It recognises the extent to which sincere ritualisation is essential to the physical, psychological and spiritual health of individuals, family groups, organisations and even society as a whole.
Contributors: 13 authors, 15 transdisciplinary fields:

- Ellen Dissanayake, hon. PhD, an independent scholar focusing on 'the anthropological exploration of art and culture’. Seattle, Washington, USA
- Matthieu Smyth, PhD, Ritual Anthropologist, Professor at the University of Strasbourg.
- Robert C. Scaer, M.D., Neurologist, Psychologist, currently retired from clinical medical practice. Louisville, Colorado, USA.
- Jeltje Gordon-Lennox, M.Div, Psychotherapist and Celebrant Trainer, Ashoka Association, Geneva, Switzerland.
- Andrés Allemand Smaller, journalist and secular celebrant in Geneva, Switzerland.
- Christine Behrend, marketing and consumer behaviour researcher and a secular celebrant in Pully, Switzerland.
- Isabel Russo, Head of Ceremonies at The British Humanist Association, London, UK.
- Michael Picucci, PhD, Psychologist, licensed psychotherapist, New York City, USA.
- Joanna Wojtkowiak, PhD, Cultural psychologist, Assistant professor at the University of Humanistic Studies, Utrecht, The Netherlands.
- Lindy Mechefske, journalist and food-writer in Kingston, Canada.
- Irene Stengs, PhD, Cultural Anthropologist, Senior Researcher Fellow at the Meertens Instituut, Co-editor of Anthropological Journal Etnofoor, Amsterdam, The Netherlands.
- Gianpiero Vincenzo, MA, sociologist, islamist, art critic and novelist; Professor of sociology at the Fine Arts Academy of Catania in Sicily, Italy.
- Jacqueline Millner, PhD, is Associate Dean Research, Sydney College of the Arts, The University of Sydney
- Ida van der Lee, ritual artist, Amsterdam, The Netherlands.
Publication date: early 2017

Bár a középiskolás korosztály küszöbeseményeinek, beavatási (gólyabál) és eltávolítási (ballagás, bolondballagás) rítusainak vizsgálatát tekintve a tudománynak még jelentős adósságai vannak, napjainkban egyre több olyan tanulmány lát napvilágot melyben a szerzők felismerik a diákélet kutatásának fontosságát, folytonossági tényezőket vélnek felfedezni benne, és nem félnek az avatási szertartásokat átmeneti rítusként elemezni 1 .

During the initiation rites of passage into monastic life there took place a total revaluation of religious life. A candidate for the monk resigning from worldly life, became a monk and obtained participation in the life which was regarded more sacral then his previous life. Initiation ceremonies introduced the candidate in a new monastic life, which possessed a rule of its own. After all phases of the initiation rites the candidate attained new position in the monastery and Church. A. van Gennep pointed out two main criteria of the rite of passage: sex (male and female) and religion. In Ancient monastic rules is described only the male initiation into monastic community. There was no universal rite of initiation for a man and for a woman that enter the same monastic community. On religious way the candidate entered the world of sacrum (represented by the monastery) living the world of profanum, which he renounced simultaneously. The first ritual event of the rite of passage was the preliminary gateway test. This time the applicant expressed his intention to renouncing the world and his desire to enter monastic coenobitic community (Rule of St Pachomius 49) and the deliverance from the darkness of the world (The Rule of the Four Fathers 2, 25). Sometimes he had to deny to himself and to forget everything that has happened before (St. Basil the Great, Greater Monastic Rules 6,1) and to renounce material goods (St. Augustine, Praeceptum 1, 2). Later monastic rules indicated the preliminary recognition of candidates' motives. Simultaneously the time of application hale been elongated. Renouncing the Word required the renounce the possession of material goods (The Rule of Pachomius-Prescription 49; Greater Monastic Rules 6; Ordo Monasteri 4; Praeceptum 1, 2-8; The Rule of the Four Fathers
2, 29-33; Regula Magistri 87, 5-18; 91, 1-7. 45-47; Regula Benedicti 58, 9.12-13.14-24; 59, 3-4). According to the majority of ancient rules (except Rule of St. Benedict - after a year of trial period ) the candidate was obliged to renounce estate at the beginning of his life in the monastery. Habit, the distinctive garment was the sign of becoming monk in some rules (Rule of Pachomius, Rule of the Master, Rule of St. Benedict). Some of the rules only mentioned the modest clothing considered a monastic garment. The first cenobit rules (The Rule of Pachomius, St. Augustine, The Rule of the Four
Fathers) mentioned only one short test of time. In the first half of the 6th century (Regula Magistri, Regula Benedicti) appeared a formalised intermediate stage in the monastic legislation. This phase contained different routines for different candidates (priest, nobleman, laic, convers). According the very first monastic rules to enter the monastic community was enough to pass short trial test and issue a declaration of the world renunciation. Regula Magistri and Regula Benedicti introduced the formalized rite of passage. This change of monastic legislation i.e.: the elongation of the period of probation, the formalization of the rite of passage by make monastic profession, seemed to resulted from the  feudalization of the Church at the end of antiquity, and Bysantine theocratisation of the East Church. Authors of the first monastic rules laid stress on the moment when the novitiate passes from the secular to the cloister life. Theological motivation for the full reception into monastic life was the desire to follow the Gospel, and to live into the community of brothers, whose experienced the same evangelical faith. Therefore monks calling themselves brothers
conformed to the rules of Christian life, which were written down in their monastic rule. There was another important social and religious context. Monks refused the secular world of the most people which didn't practice the Christian life.

La naissance est l'occasion de cérémonies accompagnant le passage de la mère et de l'enfant et leur intégration dans le tissu social L'étude de ces rites de passage est riche d'enseignements sur les structures d'une société donnée. Le corpus mésopotamien des incantations relatives à la naissance est relativement fourni mais les sources sont inégalement réparties dans le temps et l'espace.

“All of our images of the adolescent – the restless, searching teen; the Hamlet figure; the sower of wild oats and tester of growing powers ... are masculine figures.” – Barbara Hudson

In the world of medieval romance, women run the risk of being misidentified, ignored, over-looked, confused with or suffused into the identities of men. Perhaps especially studies of Sir Thomas Malory’s Arthurian epic Le Morte Darthur, women frequently fall through the cracks of analysis, often only examined in terms of their importance in relation to Arthurian men or assumed to be “outside the chivalric code” (Kenneth Hodges 86). And yet, throughout the Morte, women not only aid knights on countless occasions but partake in adventures alongside them. In both of Malory’s “Fair Unknown” narratives, “The Tale of Gareth” and “La Cote Male Tayle,” the damsels who first issue the quest remain with the young knights for the entire story. The Fair Unknown tales are exemplary of a genre which is primarily read in terms of masculine identity formation, following the trajectory of a hero whose identity is at first unknown, who passes from youth to manhood and becomes a knight. However, Fair Unknown tales have the potential to be read as stories of not just male but female identity formation. In Malory, bold young maidens – Lyonet in “Gareth” and Maledysaunte in “La Cote” – actively initiate and participate in the quests alongside the two young heroes, Gareth and Brunor. In a male-dominated Arthurian world in which girls are frequently ignored or seen as peripheral functionaries in male-focused stories, these two narratives may be read as examples of overlooked female identity. The two young women can be considered “Fair Unknowns” in their own right, for they are adolescent girls whose identities are initially unclear, who – like their male counterparts – partake in rites of passage leading to experiences of self-discovery and communal reintegration. The power that female Fair Unknowns yield is in large part a power of words, which – like a knight’s skill with the sword – must be properly developed. Lyonet and Maledysaunte use their speech in transformative ways – to motivate, to heal, to restore, and overall to instill a greater sense of chivalric purpose and community in their young companion knights. At the same time, their speech also undergoes an essential transformation; notably, each woman has a reputation of her own to uphold which is linked to the quality of her speech and, ultimately, to her communal identity. Over the course of each story, the two women provide strong support for the Round Table fellowship. Their presence and the bearing they have on events and those around them demonstrates not only that in Malory’s Arthurian world men and women are dependent on one another, but that women are essential not only to the quest but to the maintenance of chivalric ideals.

A néphit szerint a fiatal halottak lelke hazajár, ha nem kapja meg a menyasszonyhoz/vőlegényhez illő végbúcsút. 47 Kunt (1981:31-32) 48 "Továbbá mosogasd bűntől én szívemet, Kegyes kézzel gyógyítsd sebekből lelkemet."GY33 Knapek Dezső TLM NA

A Festa da Moça Nova é o ritual mais importante para dos índios Ticuna. Esta Festa marca a transição da menina, que acabou de menstruar pela primeira vez, da infância para um estado em que a moça pode se casar. Durante o ritual várias provações físicas e o aconselhamento farão com que a moça deixe de ser criança. Segundo os especialistas no ritual, para que isso aconteça, a chamada “moça nova” deve sofrer.  Pretendo mostrar, nesta comunicação, à luz das principais teorias sobre rituais de iniciação, como o sofrimento ritual da menina púbere faz com que ela encerre sua infância.

W setną rocznicę insurekcji kościuszkowskiej, 5 maja 1894 roku, dwudziestosiedmioletni, początkujący pisarz, Władysław Reymont, wyruszył wraz grupą pielgrzymkową z warszawskiej Pragi na Jasną Górę w celu napisania reportażu z pielgrzymki do „Tygodnika Ilustrowanego”. Dzieło najpierw opublikowane w odcinkach, następnie jako debiut książkowy (Pielgrzymka do Jasnej Góry. Wrażenia i obrazy, Warszawa 1895) zyskało przychylność krytyków i przyniosło młodemu literatowi rozpoznawalność. Etnograficzny zapis drogi Reymonta na Jasną Górę jest modelowym przykładem fazy liminalnej obrzędu przejścia według van Gennepa oraz Turnerowskiej communitas. Nie brak w nim również świadectw kontestowania niektórych dyskursów i postaw (Eade, Sallnow). Postawy te często ujawniają się w zachowaniach muzycznych pielgrzymów. Ponadto poprzez opisy śpiewu i muzyki autor Pielgrzymki dokumentuje zarówno nastroje pielgrzymów, jak i swoje własne. Jego relacje obfitują także w omówienia wydarzeń muzycznych, takich jak: spotkanie śpiewającego dziada, nabożeństwo majowe, msza na Jasnej Górze. W Reymontowskim reportażu znajduje się również opis audiosfery pielgrzymowania z końca XIX wieku. Pisarz na sposób literacki scharakteryzował wszelkie dźwięki, brzmienia i szmery dostrzeżone w zmieniającym się krajobrazie dźwiękowym. Ukazał także pejzaż dźwiękowy samej grupy pielgrzymów, zarówno podczas drogi, jak i w czasie odpoczynku. Poprzez wspólny śpiew towarzysze drogi oswajają naznaczoną cierpieniem fazę liminalną rytuału pielgrzymki, jak również udomowiają wędrówkę.

For the centenary of the Kościuszko Uprising, on 5th May 1894, Władysław Reymont, then a 27-year-old beginner writer, joined a pilgrimage from Warsaw’s Praga district to Jasna Góra Monastery. His aim was to write a reportage on the pilgrimage for the weekly Tygodnik Ilustrowany. First published in instalments and later as his book debut (Pielgrzymka do Jasnej Góry. Wrażenia i obrazy, Warsaw 1895), it was favourably received by the critics and earned the young writer some recognition.
Reymont’s ethnographic account of the journey to Jasna Góra is a model example of what van Gennep calls the liminal phase of rite of passage, and of Turner’s communitas. The book also contests some types of discourses and attitudes (Eade, Sallnow), frequently reflected in the musical activity of the pilgrims. By describing the song and music, the author presents both the moods of his journey companions and his own. His text abounds in descriptions of music events, such as meeting a wondering beggar-singer, the May devotion to the Blessed Virgin Mary, as well as a holy mass on Jasna Góra. Reymont’s report also describes the audiosphere of late 19th-century pilgrimages. The author characterises all the sounds and noises that he discovered in the changing soundscape during his journey. He also describes the soundspace of the travelling company itself, on the move and in periods of rest. Group singing allowed the pilgrims from Praga to domesticate the liminal phase of the pilgrim rite, marked by suffering, and make the journey situation familiar as well.

Volgens activisten komt Zwarte Piet voort uit de racistische Amerikaanse blackface-traditie. Maar zijn wortels zijn veel ouder: door heel Europa heeft Sint-Nicolaas zwart geschminkte knechten, die wellicht teruggaan op een prehistorische sjamanistische traditie. Een verhandeling aan de vooravond van het Sinterklaasfeest. door Arnold-Jan Scheer Bekentenissen van een Zwarte Piet HP/DE TIJD 11/2020 3 2 ZWARTE PIET 11/2020

Three days lasting nuptial rites as examples of rites of passage take on a new significance with the contributions of professional musicians in Bergama’s surrounding country-side like elsewhere in Turkey. These musicians living in Bergama are often ‘Roma’. Leading the profession of musicianship up until today, these local musicians provide basically two different kinds of musical service: to encode certain stages with certain tunes over the course of the ritual and to guide the transition. As a female-centered activity, the core of the marriage ritual is a process of liminality in which the bride enters a new phase in her life by the help of the other women around (aunts, musicians, etc.). Unlike the relationship between the male musicians and the groom, female Rom musicians locally named ‘dümbekçiler’ stand by the bride in almost all stages of this transition and guide her to cross the inner tresholds of the ritual properly. This article aims to contribute to the understanding of the ‘liminal’ roles of the male and female Rom musicians in their company consequently to the bride, the groom and all the other members of communitas during the ritual process.
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Geçiş ritüellerinin (rites of passage) üç güne yayılan bir örneği olan evlilik ritüelleri, bugün Türkiye’nin pek çok yerinde olduğu gibi Bergama kırsalında da profesyonel müzisyenlerin katkılarıyla anlam kazanır. Bergama özelinde bu müzisyenler, büyük çoğunlukla bölgede yaşayan ‘Roman’lardır. Müzisyenlik mesleğini geçmişten günümüze profesyonel olarak sürdüren bu yerel müzisyenler, ritüel kapsamında temelde iki farklı müzik hizmeti sunarlar: Ritüel akışı boyunca belirli aşamaları belirli havalarla kodlamak ve geçişe rehberlik etmek. Kadın merkezli bir etkinlik olan evlilik ritüeli özünde gelinin; çevresindeki diğer kadınların (yengeler, müzisyenler vb.) yardımıyla yaşamının yeni bir evresine adım atmaya hazırlandığı bir eşiksellik (liminality) sürecidir. Yörede ‘dümbekçiler’ olarak adlandırılan Roman kadın müzisyenler bu süreçte, erkek müzisyenlerin damatla kurduğu ilişkiden farklı olarak hemen her aşamada gelinin yanında bulunarak ritüel içi eşikleri uygun bir biçimde geçmede ona rehberlik de ederler. Bu makale erkek ve kadın Roman müzisyenlerin ritüel süreci boyunca, başta gelin olmak üzere damada ve diğer tüm komünitas üyelerine eşlik ederken sergiledikleri ‘liminal’ rollerin anlaşılmasına katkı sunmayı amaçlar.

The study has investigated the rites and rituals throughout the life-cycle of man in Nilphamari district. The study found them influenced with local customs, beliefs and religious values as dominant over the passages of life in Nilphamamri district. The transitions i.e. childhood- puberty- adolescence- coming of the age- adulthood- marriage- death involve distinguished customs and conventions which also resemble practices countrywide. The study was qualitative in nature. Most data are qualitative. Mostly, interview, focus group discussion (FGD) and content analysis methods have been used for collecting data. Secondary sources include books, articles, research papers and websites.

The American Navy ceremony of “Crossing the Line” at the equator was a strongly held, often brutal initiation tradition that became highly politicized and transformed in the 1990s as women and LGBTQ+ personnel fought for access to jobs and spaces in the military that were previously denied to them. Examining the Crossing the Line (or “Shellback”) ceremony as a cultural rite of passage, it becomes apparent how intimately issues with these calls for equality are interwoven in the ritual. Through the ritual play, ideas about gender, sexuality, and power are acted out. Although this is only one ritual, and one that not all Navy personnel participate in, it offers a view into how political issues in the Navy are played out and resolved.

This  study  explores  accounts  of  the  revenant,  the  walking  dead  in  medieval Britain through the concept of a failure in the ritual process that surrounded death. This concept is used to explore the rituals leading to, surrounding, and following death, as well as the consequences of their perceived failure. The study of folklore and supernatural beliefs provides a unique insight into the perception of the failed ritual process of death and its consequences, as well as how the community dealt with them. Thus the nature of the revenant and the conditions that lead to its existence as a consequence of a ritual failure will be explored. It is identified as a stagnated presence, divorced from its ritual context, with no foreseeable end. The revenant threatens the community as a whole, be it through physical violence or contagion; it needs to be excised to protect the
community and its members.

Dans la tradition grecque, on s'accorde pour considérer le mythe de Dédale et d’Icare comme celui qui illustre le mieux, dès les temps les plus reculés, le thème des voyages aériens des mortels. À y regarder de plus près les versions attestées du récit et le dossier iconographique qui lui est associé, on constate que de nombreux thèmes s’y entrelacent (fuite/poursuite, hubris/châtiment, homo faber - artisan et inventeur habile des objets volants et des techniques du vol, la fascination du lointain et la tension dialectique entre proche et éloigné, l’initiation et le passage à l’âge adulte, etc.), comme pour témoigner de la nature polysémique des mythes. Cependant, on remarque l’absence des motifs relatifs précisément au thème du vol ascensionnel (à travers l’éther ou dans les airs) des mortels en corps vivant, ce qui donne lieu à une remise en question de l’ancienneté du rêve de vol humain et de ses représentations dans la pensée grecque ancienne.

The myth of Daedalus and Icarus is widely regarded as the paragon of the aerial journeys of mortals. However, we have to notice the lack of specific mythical motifs connected with the ascending flight of mortals. This absence raises significant questions regarding the ancientness of the human yearning to fly and its representations in ancient Greek thought.

Unlike in most wars involving “western” countries, the first people’s concern when the veterans from Mozambican civil war started to return home was to make them overpass their traumatic experiences and guilt. In the southern part of the country, this was done trough innovative cleansing rituals which are rooted on the local exegesis about misfortune and allow, simultaneously, to confine war actions into an exceptional past situation, to expurgate the veteran from some danger he might represent, and to publicly proclaim him a new man, entitled to a fresh start inside the community. Besides their importance to the individual reintegration of the veterans, the generalized performance of such rituals also played an important role in the acceptance of previous enemies as “people like the others” and, through this, in the normalization of the new framework of political competition – peaceful elections. In the center-north of the country, meanwhile, the absence of complex cleansing rituals that might fulfill all the above-mentioned tasks seems to be connected to the persistence of mental health disorders, locally ascribed to the possession by dead soldiers.

Foreword by Isabel Russo, Head of Ceremonies at the British Humanist Association
A unique, hands-on guide to the craft of ritualmaking. Answering the call for new rituals in our secular age, this book recognises the essential importance of rituals to the psychological, physiological and spiritual health of individuals, families, organisations, and society as a whole. The book examines and explains the history, function and place of emerging rituals in different cultures, as well as providing practical guidance for creating your own secular rituals. The author includes examples, risk factors and checklists for the stages of planning new rituals for important life events such as birth, marriage death and public occasions.

Walkabout (Nicolas Roeg, 1971) is a film about transitions: movement between childhood and adulthood, country and city, pre-modernity and modernity. My analysis of Roeg’s classic is part of a study of the genre of environmental film: representations or re-visioning of the human-nature relationship. I explore Walkabout’s transitions by observing how the film interweaves two coming-of-age stories: an aboriginal youth, Black Boy (David Gumpilil) on a walkabout (a trial to prove his readiness for manhood); and the Anglo children, Girl (Jenny Agutter) and White Boy (Lucien John, the director’s son), he rescues in the Australian outback, especially a girl on the threshold of womanhood. But these rites of passage in turn contribute to the film’s larger fabula told primarily through visual narrative: a critique of the post-industrial world’s attitudes towards nature, including its disconnect from (or repression of) what is untamed or natural in human nature.

On the 25th anniversary of his passing, this collection features contributions reflecting the wide application of Victor Turner's thought to cultural performance in the early 21st Century. From anthropology, sociology and religious studies to performance, cultural and media studies, Turner has had a prodigious interdisciplinary impact. The collection of 17 essays demonstrates that, in the face of challenges from poststructuralism and postcolonial studies, Turnerian ideas remain compelling with international scholars located in a range of disciplines illustrating how these ideas have been reanimated, renovated, and repurposed in studies of contemporary cultural performance and experience.

Contributions to this collection are grouped in four thematic sections: 'Performing Culture' covering new ritual, drama, media and reflexivity; 'Rites of Passage and Popular Culture' on popular 'transition' rites and popular investment in the ideas of Turner; 'Pilgrimage and Communitas' with contributions covering contemporary manifestations; and, 'Edith Turner' on her role in the Turnerian project.

Volume contributors address themes ranging from dark communitas and techno tribalism to liminal sports and the mediatisation of social dramas, from backpacking, shopping and protest pilgrimage to what Barbara Babcock calls the "gynesis" of Victor Turner's work. Applying, critiquing and reworking Turner's cultural processualism, with attention to such diverse themes as performing "sorry business" within the context of settler and indigenous Australian reconciliation, improvised ritual-theatre within a tertiary education context, pilgrimage to the Burning Man Festival in Nevada's Black Rock Desert, and recognition of the critical role of Edith Turner in the development of the Turnerian perspective, this collection demonstrates the broad and evolving appeal of the Turnerian project.

An application of Van Gennep's tripartite model for rites of passage to the Bible. Includes exhaustive treatment of the ROP model, as well as application to the uber-narrative in the Bible, specific books of the Bible, and individual biblical characters. Particular attention paid to the ontological implications of ROP transformation in its biblical context.

My inquiry is a hermeneutic investigation into the lived experience of, and
interpersonal and intrapersonal processes involved in transformative learning in primarily affective and imaginal modes of being. Through the lens of an extended epistemology, my inquiry challenges assumptions that critical-thinking and conceptual-rational knowing should be central to the process of perspective change.
We experience, interpret, and know the world through the body, imagination and intellect, and yet the intellect is often privileged in the process of transformative learning. This inquiry seeks a more expansive understanding of the multiple ways in which perspective change might be achieved. It explores the notion that our affective
and imaginal capabilities play a significant role in development because they are central to meaning-making.
My inquiry investigates the proposal that specific creative methods and
methodologies can be employed intentionally to facilitate self-knowing and insights that can lead to change. It explores development as a creative process and through creative processes.
An empathic approach of ‘methodological believing’ is employed to explore the roles of multiple modes of presence and ways of knowing in
developmental learning.
Through my inquiry, we gain a more nuanced understanding about what it might mean to transform. My findings support the argument that critical self-reflection is not always necessary for transformative experience, and that symbolic and performative acts, when guided by intent, can result in the embodied integration of insights and realisations. However, often transformative experience marks the beginning of a much longer process of change, which cannot be guaranteed.

The contributions of the inquiry include development of the concept of the rite-of-passage as a useful metaphor for the process of development. Experiences of transformative journeys are synthesised into a rite-of-passage process network that illustrates the interpersonal and intrapersonal processes of transformative learning in affective and imaginal modes of presence.

« Epargne les cheveux blancs de ton père, épargne l’âge tendre de ton fils : sacrifie pour le salut de l’empereur. Hilarianus demanda : Tu es chrétienne ? Je répondis : Je le suis ». Qu’est-ce qui pousse Perpétue, jeune matrone romaine originaire d’une petite ville proche de Carthage, à montrer tant d’ardeur devant le proconsul, à contrarier son père et ainsi à se tenir prête à mourir ? La foi. Les martyrs, qu’ils soient jeunes ou vieillards, laïcs ou clercs, hommes ou femmes, sont les premiers héros du christianisme. Cela n’est pas sans paradoxe pour les femmes, car montrer une telle vigueur et une telle autonomie ne correspond pas au modèle païen de la femme idéale.
2Ce mémoire est une enquête sur une quinzaine de martyres de femmes à travers quelques récits parvenus jusqu’à nous (les Actes et les Passions de martyrs ainsi que l’Histoire de la persécution vandale, œuvre méconnue de Victor de Vita, évêque chroniqueur de la résistance des catholiques). D’une manière générale, nous nous intéressons à la construction des modèles féminins et aux perturbations des identités de genres que les récits de martyres donnent à voir. Nous avons cherché à éclairer des questions récurrentes ou d'autres laissées de côté dans les recherches précédentes par la mise en perspectives des traditions antiques et bibliques, notamment avec l'appui des études de genre, qui ont considérablement renouvelé outre-Atlantique l'histoire du christianisme ancien.
3Le premier moment de notre démarche est une analyse des valeurs et des qualités qui sont propres aux descriptions de ces femmes engagées dans le martyre : pourquoi les martyres sont-elles souvent faibles, honorables et/ou belles ? La faiblesse, tout d’abord, rend leur vaillance, entendue comme « dépassement de leur sexe », plus glorieuse ; leur statut social élevé souligne ensuite la grandeur exceptionnelle de leur foi, puisque la perte de l’honorabilité dans les condamnations humiliantes, loin d’être une déchéance, devient un acte d’excellence pour Dieu ; la beauté, enfin, permet de magnifier ces vierges pudiques comme les plus nobles « athlètes du Christ ».
4Ensuite, nous nous interrogeons sur les liens et les tensions entre l’identité chrétienne et l’identité familiale et sociale, parce que ces martyres vivent leur engagement sur le mode du conflit, de la rupture avec les solidarités traditionnelles. Nombreuses sont les martyres qui doivent affronter la réprobation de leur famille et surtout de leur père, devant leur volonté de mourir pour leur foi : c’est ainsi que leurs familles et leurs persécuteurs les ramènent régulièrement à leurs rôles de mères, d’épouses ou de filles. Mais un compagnon de circonstance intervient parfois pour partager avec la martyre son combat : ni mari, ni simple frère en religion, cet homme énigmatique, véritable « époux spirituel » accompagne la sainte dans une relation chaste et contractuelle.
5C’est avant tout dans les tortures et dans la mise à mort que le martyre comme acte de foi et d’héroïsme est mis en valeur : nous avons voulu voir si les femmes se différenciaient alors des hommes. Si, fondamentalement, rien ne semble les opposer, c’est dans les rapports au corps que l’on peut déceler des spécificités plus féminines. Ainsi, il est moins fréquent pour une martyre que pour son compagnon masculin de saigner, comme si on désirait conserver un corps intact et inviolé après la mort. Autre singularité féminine : l'accession à la sainteté pour les jeunes vierges est conçue comme un rite de passage, où la martyre affronte seule ses persécuteurs jusqu'à accéder, au bout des pires souffrances, à une reconnaissance éternelle de sa cité.
6Une question traverse toute notre recherche, celle de la virilisation. Il est courant de dire dans l’historiographie, surtout la plus récente revue par les thématiques du genre, que les martyres sont devenues par leur courage telles des hommes. Perpétue ne dit-elle pas dans son dernier songe qu’elle « devint homme » ? Nous avons tenté de reformuler la question en mettant en évidence que la virilisation des martyres est une performance, au sens que lui donne Judith Butler, c'est-à-dire qu’elle se donne avant tout à voir dans des moments particuliers.La voix et la parole participent notamment de ce processus car les martyres, contrairement à l’usage traditionnel, n’hésitent pas, d’une voix claire et puissante, à prendre à partie leurs juges et le public païen venu en masse assister à leur procès et à leur exécution.
7Une nouvelle forme de virilisation apparaît également, celle de mères qui entrent au dernier moment du récit quand leurs fils sont prêts à trépasser. A la fois inspirées des modèles de la Mère maccabéenne et de Marie, ces femmes exhortent, dans une figuration inédite dans la Rome ancienne, leurs fils au courage. La vaillance du fils devient ici une « reconnaissance de dette » pour cette mère qui l’a enfanté et l’a élevé dans la foi.

This paper was submitted for Curso Panorámico de Literatura Norteamericana for the B.A. in English at Universidad de Costa Rica. The paper explains both the anthropological and literary use of the term rite of passage. Finally, the paper applies the concept of rite of passage to the text to analyze it.

It's one of the two Mother's Days here in Thailand. There's one that's celebrated by the rest of the world and there's another observed only by the Thais as it is the Queen's natal day. With the government declaring two days as holidays, we went out to the mall to have lunch and watch a film. And since it was Mother's Day, I got to choose which movie to watch, so off we went to watch Toy Story 3.

En ligne : http://blogs.univ-tlse2.fr/littera-incognita-2/2017/09/24/le-personnage-liminaire-une-notion-ethnocritique/

Résumé : Cet article expose l’apport ethnocritique à l’étude des chronotopes rituels où se noue et se dénoue l’existence (seuils, opercules, passages); retrace le parcours théorique menant à la découverte heuristique de la notion de « personnage liminaire » (M. Scarpa); propose une lecture ethnocritique de Nicolas, personnage liminaire de La Classe de neige de Carrère (1995); et enfin étaye et délimite cette notion ethnocritique en présentant quelques considérations définitoires.

Il n'y a pas de société, pas de famille, pas de reconnaissance sociale sans enfant. La façon dont les enfants étaient perçus, intégrés et élevés au sein de la famille et de la communauté établit les fondements même de la société égyptienne.
Si la vie quotidienne des jeunes Égyptiens ayant dépassé le stade de la petite enfance est le propos central du livre, il ne sera toutefois pas question d'une plongée dans leur univers. En effet, les sources antiques émanent principalement d'adultes masculins peu enclins à s'intéresser à la condition d'enfant. Le ressenti des jeunes Égyptiens et tout ce qui se rapporte à la sphère affective ne pourra donc jamais être déduit des sources. En revanche, la confrontation de quelque 6.600 documents établis sur une période de 3 500 ans aboutit à une réflexion plus générale sur la perception de l’enfant dans la civilisation égyptienne. Quels enseignements peut-on tirer de la façon dont l'enfant était représenté dans l'iconographie ? Comment était-il considéré par ses aînés ? Quels étaient ses rapports avec le monde adulte ? Quel était le quotidien d'un fils d'artisan ? Quel était celui d'un fils de fonctionnaire ? Quels jeux et jouets divertissaient les enfants ? Les enfants étaient-ils vraiment enrôlés très jeunes dans l'armée comme plusieurs textes le soulignent ? Quels moyens étaient engagés pour protéger les enfants des maladies, des démons et des revenants ? L'enfant avait-il un statut particulier au regard de la loi, de la société, de l'État égyptien ?
Richement documenté et illustré par plus de deux-cents planches et dessins, cet ouvrage offre un éclairage inédit sur l'enfance en Égypte ancienne.

Long believed to be a transitional time that left no trace, birth and early childhood have recently emerged as a new field of research. Interdisciplinary approaches have demonstrated that coming into life has a complex and rich history of its own in classical antiquity, involving important issues relating to the history of medicine, religion, family and gender studies. New impulses also came from the results obtained for other periods and societies, allowing useful transfers of questioning on various topics, from the function of babies' "molding" to fosterage relations. In this chapter we will analyze a series of key themes in a comparative way, highlighting similarities and specificities, in search of the many-folded perception of young children in Greek and Roman antiquity. The extent of comparison is uneven because of the lacunary and changing nature of evidence in each culture. Textual sources relating to that first stage of life are limited: infants were mainly in the hands of women, who left almost no direct written evidence. We will also concentrate on freeborn and mostly elite children, as nothing or very little is known about lower-class ones and those born in slavery. Traces of children in material culture (feeding bottles, amulets, toys, etc.) partly compensate the paucity of literary sources, but the interpretation of objects from various contexts (funerary, votive, domestic, etc.) is often still a matter of debate.