Relational Equality

It is well-established that those facing homelessness suffer severe harms and deprivations. Homeless persons are among the worst-off people in any given society. And yet homelessness is a relatively undertheorized issue in ethics and social and political philosophy, and it remains an enduring feature of many affluent, liberal democratic societies. This paper aims to provide an account of the underacknowledged moral harms of homelessness that can ground and motivate adequate durable solutions and public policy reform to alleviate homelessness. The paper argues that the few existing philosophical accounts of the moral harms of homelessness—the freedom-based, privacy-based and care-based accounts—reveal important insights but suffer limitations. The paper then advances a novel status-based account that foregrounds the social and moral status poverty of homeless persons. This account reveals an underacknowledged but fundamental moral harm of homelessness, addresses the limitations of existing accounts, and grounds adequate durable solutions. This more complete account can then help challenge the unsettling tacit acceptance of homelessness in contemporary societies and provide a normative framework for urgent reform.

The idea of a 'tobacco-free generation' promises to make smoking a thing of the past by making cigarettes unavailable to birth cohorts in the future. If implemented, such a generational ban would lead to a society in which some individuals are allowed the freedom to smoke while others are not. This paper examines the ethical significance of this fact through the lens of 'relational egalitarianism', an approach to social justice that emphasises equal and respectful social relationships. It explores various dimensions in which a society can fail to live up to the idea of equal status, such as the denial of moral agency, discrimination, stigmatisation, the unequal recognition of interests and violations of political equality. While acknowledging the complexity of practical and ethical challenges, the paper maintains that the generational ban need not violate egalitarian commitments.

In this paper, I develop a novel relational egalitarian theory of social exclusion that explains how society fails to treat socially excluded individuals -- such as people experiencing homelessness, individuals with substance use disorders and mental illness, and sex workers -- as equals. I argue that society places and keeps excluded individuals at the very bottom of the social status hierarchy by treating them as socially invisible, or by rendering them physically invisible, or both. The upshot, then, is that part of what is wrong with social exclusion is that it creates the invisible social class.

Justice Across Ages offers an attractive account of justice between the young and the old that brings together three notable principles of age-group justice: complete-lives equality, relational equality, and prudence. Yet, the book says little about the fact that many of us live longer than others, and the little it does say casts doubt on whether lifespan inequality threatens justice as construed by the three principles. This essay argues, instead, that theories of justice between the young and the old should not dispense with a conception of justice between different longevity groups. It concludes that we must be sensitive to lifespan variations when designing policies to promote justice across age groups.

What does a "City of equals" look like? What does it mean to embody the egalitarian spirit? What makes a city attractive to people who are egalitarian? Drawing on both theoretical and practical research, the book City of Equals aims to answer those questions in a novel way: by looking beyond matters of income distribution and wealth, and by proposing a multidimension account of equality. Jonathan Wolff and Avner de-Shalit started their reflection by saying that cities which are often attractive to egalitarians are not necessarily 'equal'. They explore puzzling cases that present a gap between being attractive for egalitarians because of its services, territorial organisation, and habits, and having a high-income inequality. For instance, Berkeley, in the US, and Frankfurt, in Germany, which are very often identified as egalitarian places to live by city dwellers, but very unequal in terms of income distribution. Therefore, the egalitarian spirit and income dimensions do not always correlate. This unexpected disconnection between income distribution and attractiveness leads the authors to investigate which other factors impact a city's egalitarian character. Wolff and de-Shalit propose, in this new book, a multidimensional account of what makes an egalitarian city, if not just income distribution and wealth as translated into good infrastructure and services.

This article develops a theory of what a relational egalitarian society owes to individuals whose agential capacities are impaired due to mental health issues. I argue that the social condition of impaired agents generates a tension between the demands of relational equality, and I propose a novel account of respect for persons' agential capacities that overcomes it. This account offers a coherent and convincing explanation of how the state should express appropriate respect for all persons' equal standing. Furthermore, it reveals that relational egalitarians must rethink some of their most fundamental commitments: respect for persons sometimes requires evaluating their level of agential capacities. And, while this kind of respect often does not violate persons' status as equals, even when it does, this is not as morally problematic as they commonly believe.

Justice Across Ages offers an attractive account of justice between the young and the old that brings together three notable principles of age-group justice: complete-lives equality, relational equality, and prudence. Yet, the book says little about the fact that many of us live longer than others, and the little it does say casts doubt on whether lifespan inequality threatens justice as construed by the three principles. This essay argues, instead, that theories of justice between the young and the old should not dispense with a conception of justice between different longevity groups. It concludes that we must be sensitive to lifespan variations when designing policies to promote justice across age groups.

Integration is a pivotal concept in migration studies. Yet, over time critiques have been formulated that question the very assumptions that the concept of integration rests on. Willem Schinkel, one of the major criticasters explains what is wrong with the concept. Is it that bad? Some of his discussants believe yes, but offer alternative conceptualizations as way out, whilst others believe the critique is unjustified and write in defense of integration.

This paper draws from a unique database spanning over 35 years of Canadian CEOs' compensation to explore the interplay among: the information available to boards of directors of Canadian companies for making executive pay decisions, the Canadian business environment, and the compensation that Canadian CEOs received. We find a very strong correlation between Canadian CEOs' compensation and the amount of information on CEO compensation available to boards of directors. We further note that the evolution of the Canadian business environment has shaped the information produced and made available to boards of directors regarding CEO compensation.

In international comparison, the level and the performance sensitivity of executive pay in Japan are low. Both characteristics can be related to the prevalence of internal labor markets. These not only select the ones who will be promoted to the top, but also strongly influence the way by which the level of executive pay is determined. Last but not least, lifelong company careers provide for forms of control that can function as a substitute for explicit incentives built into remuneration packages.

Textbooks can serve as artifacts that provide insights into how content was presented historically. In this study, we examined the equal sign and relational equality in four widely adopted textbooks (Grades 2 and 6) over a longitudinal period that spanned four decades from 1970-2010 (where possible). The textbooks (N = 29) were coded page by page using 11 categories. While the results of our study show that textbooks have made progress over the years towards including multiple contexts for the equal sign, there is still a need for inclusion of a greater variety of problem tasks to improve students' understanding of the equal sign. There were few differences between modern and longstanding textbooks examined in this study. The most dramatic difference in Grade 2 textbooks was the gradual reduction of treating expressions as equations in Holt, Scott Foresman (SF), and the University of Chicago School Mathematics Program. The SF textbook in both grades 2 and 6 showed the greatest improvement in the odds for students to see items conducive to understanding the equal sign over time. Across both grade levels, all the textbooks had a greater percentage of items conducive to understanding the equal sign as compared to Saxon.

In this paper, I criticize two views on how political equality is related to equally distributed political power, and I offer a novel, pluralist account of political equality to address their shortcomings-in particular, concerning their implications for affirmative action in the political domain, political representation, and the situation of permanent minorities. The Equal Power View holds that political equality requires equally distributed political power. It considers affirmative action-e.g., racial or gender electoral quotas-, representation, and more-than-equal power to permanent minorities pro tanto objectionable. The Equal Status View, in contrast, holds that political equality concerns equal relations and status, and it is only contingently related to equally distributed power. I argue that while the Equal Status View is right that equal power can be insufficient for-or even objectionable from the viewpoint of-political equality, it is wrong to conclude that equal power has no independent significance in an account of political equality. My pluralist account shows that political equality entails not only status-based requirements but also independent egalitarian requirements to distribute political power equally. This account provides a finer-grained understanding of affirmative action in the political domain. It justifies affirmative action but holds that it should only be used to realize equal political status until thorough-going social reform allows us to maintain both equal political status and equally distributed political power at the same time. Similarly, representation should be amended with power-balancing institutions, and permanent minorities should enjoy equal status with minimal compromise to power equality.

Background: Mathematical equivalence is a critical element of arithmetic understanding and a key component of algebraic thinking which is necessary for success in all levels of mathematics. Research studies continue to highlight misconceptions related to equivalence and reveal that many primary school students have a narrow and limiting view of the equals sign as an operation.Aim: This study aims to investigate young students’ understanding of mathematical equivalence in South Africa with a particular focus on their interpretations of the equals sign.Setting: Research data was obtained from students across six schools from different contexts within the Western Cape.Methods: We gave students an adapted standardised assessment containing 15 items related to equivalence.Results: Our analyses indicated that students focus more on the equals sign as an operation which involves calculating an answer. While some referred to equivalence as meaning the same as, most of them were inclined to ...

The debate over the extent and causes of rising inequality of American incomes and wages has now raged for at least two decades. In this paper, we will make four arguments. First, the increase in the incomes and wages of the top 1 percent over the last three decades should be interpreted as driven largely by the creation and/or redistribution of economic rents, and not simply as the outcome of well-functioning competitive markets rewarding skills or productivity based on marginal differences. This rise in rents accruing to the top 1 percent could be the result of increased opportunities for rentshifting, increased incentives for rent-shifting, or a combination of both. Second, this rise in incomes at the very top has been the primary impediment to having growth in living standards for low- and moderate-income households approach the growth rate of economy-wide productivity. Third, because this rise in top incomes is largely driven by rents, there is the potential for checking (or ev...

This study examined students' conceptions about the equal sign in light of historical findings with an international comparison group. Textbooks for preparation of students as mathematics teachers were examined. Participants were sixth-grade students from the USA ( n = 105) and China ( n = 145). About 98% of the Chinese children correctly answered all items by providing conceptually accurate explanations, but only 28% of the U.S. sample did. Textbooks for education majors who would teach in the USA rarely discussed the equal sign as equivalence while the Chinese texts introduced the “equal sign” in a context of relationships and discussed it as “balance,” “sameness,” or “equivalence.”

This study reports findings from comparative samples of sixth-grade Chinese and U.S. students' interpretations of the equal sign. Ninety-eight percent of the Chinese sample correctly answered 4 items indicating conceptions of equality and provided conceptually accurate explanations. In contrast, only 28% of the U.S. sample performed at this level. We examine how teacher preparation materials, students' textbooks and teachers' guidebooks treat equality in each country. U.S. teacher preparation textbooks rarely interpreted the equal sign as equivalence. On the contrary, Chinese textbooks typically introduced the equal sign in a context of relationships and interpreted the sign as "balance," "sameness," or "equivalence" and only then embedded the sign with operations on numbers.

Existing studies of the political determinants of top incomes and inequality tend to focus on developments within individual countries, neglecting the role of potential interdependencies that transcend national borders. This article argues that the sharp rises in top incomes around the world in recent years are in part a product of specific features of the US political economy, which were subsequently exported to other economies through the global expansion of US-based financial investors. To test the argument, we collect fine-grained micro-level data on executive pay and firm ownership structures for a comprehensive sample of publicly listed firms in the United Kingdom (UK). Our analyses uncover robust evidence that the Americanization of UK firm ownership leads to sizable pay increases for high-level managers at those firms. Scrutinizing the causal mechanisms underlying this effect, we find them to be more consistent with changes in executive bargaining power than market-related f...

Why has US income inequality surged to unprecedented heights since the 1970s? The rise in inequality was not simply the natural result of differential rates of return but was powerfully driven by politics and policy. This article explores the underlying mechanisms with a focus on market governance, including corporate governance, financial regulation, labor relations, antitrust, sectorspecific regulation, and intellectual property rights. Firms and individuals actively shaped market governance in their own favor and then took advantage of that favorable governance in the marketplace. This "inequality snowball" was particularly pronounced in the United States because firms were more aggressive in their business and political strategies and because the political system delivered more winner-take-all policy outcomes than the more consensual political systems of continental Europe and Japan.

This chapter serves as an introduction to the collected volume. In the first section, we aim to provide background on important themes in social egalitarianism and to set the context for understanding which significant questions the chapters in this book pose and attempt to answer. In this section we focus especially on what could be said to characterise socially egalitarian relationships, on which relationships are of concern, and on what might make social egalitarianism distinct. In the second section, we provide a brief explanation of the structure of the book and each of its chapters.

Textbooks can serve as artifacts that provide insights into how content was presented historically. In this study, we examined the equal sign and relational equality in four widely adopted textbooks (Grades 2 and 6) over a longitudinal period that spanned four decades from 1970-2010 (where possible). The textbooks (N = 29) were coded page by page using 11 categories. While the results of our study show that textbooks have made progress over the years towards including multiple contexts for the equal sign, there is still a need for inclusion of a greater variety of problem tasks to improve students' understanding of the equal sign. There were few differences between modern and longstanding textbooks examined in this study. The most dramatic difference in Grade 2 textbooks was the gradual reduction of treating expressions as equations in Holt, Scott Foresman (SF), and the University of Chicago School Mathematics Program. The SF textbook in both grades 2 and 6 showed the greatest improvement in the odds for students to see items conducive to understanding the equal sign over time. Across both grade levels, all the textbooks had a greater percentage of items conducive to understanding the equal sign as compared to Saxon.

We measure the size and evolution of the wage premium for a job in finance. In thirteen developed countries, wages, especially high wages, increased at a sustained pace in this sector during the 1990s and 2000s, contributing strongly to the increase in the share of the national top 1% and hence to inequality. The explanation of this gap by differences in talent is not enough. In France, salaries remain 25 to 30% higher once the effect of the diploma is deducted. We offer an alternative explanation based on the ability of employees to move financial activity with them from one firm to another.

The objective of this paper is to analyse matemathics education students' understanding of the equal sign, their strategies in solving the equivalent equations and the relationship between the two. Data were collected through responses from 167 first year students of mathematics education in University of Muhammadiyah Malang, East Java, Indonesia to the assigned tasks and the data were descriptively analysed using a Chi-square statistics. The results of the analysis showed that their operational understanding of the equal sign is more dominant than their relational conception. In solving equivalent equations, they tended to adopt operational procedures by making solutions, comparisons and substitutions, instead of paying attention to the existing relations in equivalence, called a strategy to recognize equivalence. No significant relations exist between students' understanding of the equal sign and their strategies in solving equivalent equations. Then gender and repondents' origin of areas are also discussed.

Limit 5 pages single spaced. Background/context: Description of prior research, its intellectual context and its policy context. Mathematical equivalence is a foundational concept of algebraic thinking that serves as a key link between arithmetic and algebra (MacGregor & Stacey, 1997). Typically represented by the '=' symbol, equivalence is the principle that two sides of an equation represent the same value. True understanding of equivalence requires thinking about the relation between the two entities on either side of the equal sign (i.e., relational thinking). Several studies have shown that knowledge of the concept supports greater algebraic competence, including equation-solving skills and algebraic reasoning (Kieran, 1992; Knuth, Stephens, McNeil & Alibali, 2006; Steinberg,Sleeman&Ktorza,1990). Unfortunately, numerous past studies have also pointed to the difficulties that elementaryschool children have understanding equivalence. Although elementary school students have some basic understanding of what it means for quantities to be equal, these children often interpret the equals sign as simply an operator signal that means ''adds up to'' or ''gets the answer.

There is widespread disagreement about what equality of opportunity in education requires. For some it is that each child is legally permitted to go to school. For others it is that each child receives the same educational resources. Further interpretations abound. This fact presents a problem: when politicians or academics claim they are in favour of equality of opportunity in education, it is unclear what they mean and debate is hindered by mutual misunderstanding. In this article, I introduce a framework to ameliorate this problem. More specifically, I develop an important but neglected framework for the concept of equality of opportunity and apply it to examine particular conceptions of equality of opportunity in education. In doing this, I hope to produce a piece of applied conceptual analysis that can both help clarify existing positions within the equality of opportunity in education debate and allow those seeking to produce new positions to express them more clearly.

This volume brings together a collection of ten original essays which present new analyses of social and relational equality in philosophy and political theory. The essays analyze the nature of social equality, and its relationship with justice and with politics. Is equality valuable? This question dominates many discussions of social justice. These discussions tend to center on whether certain forms of distributive equality are valuable, such as the equal distribution of primary social goods. They tend to neglect what is known as social or relational equality. Social egalitarians often argue that this form of equality is a more fundamental notion of equality than distributive equality. Rather than being primarily about distribution, equality, they claim, is foremost about relationships and interactions between people. When we appeal to the value of equality, we primarily mean the value of egalitarian and non-hierarchical relationships, and not of distributions. The ideal of social equality features heavily in the history of the development of equality as an important part of political theory, and a number of contemporary philosophers have written about the significance of this form of equality. It has also played an important role in real-life egalitarian movements. However, as it has been relatively neglected ? it requires much more theoretical attention. This collection is an attempt to help to redress this neglect by providing in-depth analyses on the nature and distinctiveness of socially egalitarian relationships.

In this essay, I offer a philosophical–ethical analysis of inequalities in global health partnerships. Using literature from medical anthropology and the health sciences as a basis, I begin by distinguishing two categories of concern. First, I identify the inequalities between partners, such as between research institutions in the United States and African countries, which can include resource, epistemic, and power inequalities, and, second, I highlight associated concerns such as the lack of acknowledgement of inequalities. I then focus on what might be ethically wrong with these inequalities, emphasizing that there can be significant instrumental and noninstrumental harms associated with them. By underscoring what may be ethically troubling about inequalities in global health partnerships, this essay provides preliminary guidance on how to create more equal and more equitable relationships between partners in the field of global health.

Increasing inequality cannot be a long-run steady state – i.e. a trend that can continue indefinitely. Because the bottom 99% and top 1% in the U.S. and Canada have had very different rates of growth of market income among since the 1980s, consumption and savings flows have necessarily changed. If aggregate expenditure is to equal aggregate income, the added savings of the increasingly affluent must be loaned to enable the expenditure of other agents – but increasing indebtedness implies financial fragility, periodic financial crises, greater volatility of aggregate income and, as governments respond to mass unemployment with counter-cyclical fiscal policies, a compounding instability of public finances. In Canada and the United States, increasing economic instability is thus a necessary implication of increasing inequality. However, in Mexico the establishment of a large social transfer program, rural out-migration, expansion of primary and secondary enrolment, increased female...

EREK PARFIT'S DISTINCTION BETWEEN telic and deontic egalitarianism has stimulated a large amount of discus-sion concerning the value of equality. Recently, egalitarians have argued that his distinction does not capture many of the plausible alternatives to deontic and telic ...

In his recent Lindley Lecture, "The Diversity of Objections to Inequality," 1 T. M. Scanlon reopens the debate on equality with the claim that it is not an independent ideal, as many egalitarians think; rather, it is needed only in order to achieve other values, such as the elimination of harm. His argument rests on the contention that in the political arena equality is best defended by appealing to other values. He concludes: "Taken together these values account for at least a large part of the importance that equality has in our political thinking. They may account for all of this importance, or there may be an important role to be played by a further moral idea of substantive equality. But it remains unclear exactly what that idea would be." 2 My overall purpose in this paper is to indicate that further moral idea. Scanlon states that he is actually defending equality because his clarifications make it easier to argue against inequalities. 3 In other words, those who argue for equality as a primary ideal are easier to defeat in a political arena than those who understand why equality is actually desired: to avoid harm, to prevent coercion, to make processes fair, and so on. He may be correct about this. Ours is a world filled with egregiously harmful inequalities that are too frequently ignored. But though it may be best, politically speaking, to argue in favor of equality using less abstract ideals, such as the prevention of harm, this does not mean that philosophically speaking equality does not deserve its place as a primary value. In fact, I will argue that Scanlon is wrong: equality is a full political ideal; moreover, it stands, in proper moral thinking, at the center of values. I claim, in the first section, that using other values to argue in favor of increasing equality does not entail a secondary status for equality and that, indeed, equality is a moral ideal similar to ideals that Scanlon supports. In the second section I go further. Through an examination of some widely supported political values, I argue that a key moral role of substantive equality is to provide a basis for a full, morally acceptable understanding of those values: in short, that equality is an indispensable political ideal. I Scanlon's lecture is about substantive equality and not about, for example, procedural equality, involving, say, equal moral consideration. He does not indicate what he means by 'substantive equality,' but perhaps this is unnecessary, because his argument seems to apply to many formulations, whether these involve equality of welfare, income, or Rawlsian primary goods or whether goods are to be equally distributed among individuals or

It is well known that the distribution of income in the United Kingdom has widened considerably in the last three decades. This rise has been a result of a widening at both the top and bottom of the wage distribution. More recently, most of the action appears to have occurred at the top of the distribution with lower wage workers keeping pace with the median. This paper explores this increased dispersion at the very top of the wage distribution. We show that the growth has occurred primarily within the top few percentiles and that the rise in inequality in recent years is much more pronounced when we focus on annual earnings as opposed to weekly wages (where most work has concentrated). This is because annual wages include bonuses. By the end of the decade to 2008, the top tenth of earners received £20bn more purely due to the increase in their share (it would have been only £173bn had their share of the pie remained the same as 1998), and £12bn of this went to workers in the financial sector (almost all of which was bonus payments). We consider various reasons why the bankers have managed to capture an increasing share of the wage bill over the last decade. JEL No.

This paper examines the compensation package of the CEO of both the Nordic and US markets and their roles in the organization. The paper contains the comparison between the compensation package of Nordic and US CEOs along with the harmony of the determinants. The work pattern and compensation are different in these two markets, certainly. It has been a big influence in the organization or working places to provide the most desired efforts on the particular or assigned responsibilities. This study is based on a systematic review of literatures, empirical evidences and surveys extracted from 23 articles of the previous studies on the compensation packages of CEO of both Nordic and US markets. The paper will be discussing about the chief executive body in the organization, the compensation design along with their compensation package system, discussing about the theories and determinants' differences of their compensation practices and how this package is designed in both the Nordic and US markets. The difference between these two markets will be elaborately discussed and following by the author's own discussion. The paper will end by providing a valid conclusion about the whole study.

The prediction of students' achievement in algebra in eighth and ninth grades has become a research interest for practical issues of placement. A group of simple, easily accessible variables was used to predict student performance in algebra after completion of eighth grade. The three variables of school type, grade level, and previous year mathematics performance explained 54% of the variance in algebra performance. Furthermore, school type was the dominant predictor of performance, explaining 33% of the total variation in algebra achievement.

Background: Mathematical equivalence is a critical element of arithmetic understanding and a key component of algebraic thinking which is necessary for success in all levels of mathematics. Research studies continue to highlight misconceptions related to equivalence and reveal that many primary school students have a narrow and limiting view of the equals sign as an operation.Aim: This study aims to investigate young students’ understanding of mathematical equivalence in South Africa with a particular focus on their interpretations of the equals sign.Setting: Research data was obtained from students across six schools from different contexts within the Western Cape.Methods: We gave students an adapted standardised assessment containing 15 items related to equivalence.Results: Our analyses indicated that students focus more on the equals sign as an operation which involves calculating an answer. While some referred to equivalence as meaning the same as, most of them were inclined to ...

Algebra is a focal point of reform efforts in mathematics education, with many mathematics educators advocating that algebraic reasoning should be integrated at all grade levels K-12. Recent research has begun to investigate algebra reform in the context of elementary school (grades K-5) mathematics, focusing in particular on the development of algebraic reasoning. Yet, to date, little research has focused on the development of algebraic reasoning in middle school (grades 6-8). This article focuses on middle school students' understanding of two core algebraic ideas-equivalence and variable-and the relationship of their understanding to performance on problems that require use of these two ideas. The data suggest that students' understanding of these core ideas influences their success in solving problems, the strategies they use in their solution processes, and the justifications they provide for their solutions. Implications for instruction and curricular design are discussed. Kurzreferat: Algebra ist einer der Schwerpunkte der Reformbemühungen in der Mathematikdidaktik, und viele Mathematikdidaktiker fordern daher, dass algebraisches Begründen in alle Klassenstufen ab der Vorschule bis Jahrgangsstufe 12 integriert werden sollte. Neuere Studien haben begonnen, Reformen des Algebraunterrichts im Kontext des Mathematikunterrichts an der Grundschule zu untersuchen; dabei legen sie den Schwerpunkt auf die Entwicklung von algebraischem Argumentieren. Bisher gibt es nur wenige Untersuchungen, die sich mit der Entwicklung des algebraischen Argumentierens im unteren Sekundarbereich befassen. Dieser Beitrag untersucht nun vor allem das Verständnis von Lernenden des unteren Sekundarbereichs hinsichtlich zweier algebraischer Grundideen-Gleichungen und Variablen-sowie den Zusammenhang ihres Verständnisses mit ihren Leistungen bei Aufgaben, für welche die Anwendung dieser beiden Grundideen zentral ist. Die Daten legen die These nahe, dass das Verständnis der Lernenden hinsichtlich dieser beiden zentralen Ideen sowohl Auswirkungen auf ihre Erfolge beim Lösen der Aufgaben haben, als auch auf die während des Lösungsprozesses verwendeten Strategien sowie auf die von ihnen gegebenen Begründungen für ihre Lösungen. Ferner werden Auswirkungen auf Unterricht und Curriculumentwicklung diskutiert.

When we appraise others as talented or virtuous, we esteem them: we register admiration of their traits and virtues. It is generally believed that, unless they involve a violation of respect, distributions of esteem are not a concern from the point of view of justice. In this paper, I want to dispute this commonly-held view. I will argue that attributions of esteem can become problematic when a particular trait becomes such a uniquely relevant source of social esteem in a community that its absence becomes a reason to regard others as less than full members of the community. For instance, in contemporary capitalist societies those perceived as lacking certain socially valued traits and unable or unwilling to make certain kinds of contribution to the community, such as those who are unemployed or have committed criminal offences, are widely disesteemed and also regarded as inferior qua members of the community by others. From the fact that they fail to possess particular qualities a ...

Relational egalitarians argue that democratic institutions are justified by appeal to relational equality. According to the skeptical challenge, equality of political power is not required for relational equality, and the relational egalitarian case for democracy fails. I defend the relational egalitarian justification of democracy. I develop an analysis of social status and show that inequalities of power will not entail inequalities of status. I then show that inequalities of power will robustly cause inequalities of status and argue that this vindicates the relational egalitarian case for democracy, because such theories have a much more pragmatic standard of success for the justification of democracy than conceptual necessity. I consider the objection that if inequalities of power robustly cause inequalities of status, then relational egalitarians should also oppose democratic institutions, because officials such as legislators or judges will have more power than citizens. In reply, I argue that relational egalitarians are only opposed to inequalities of status that mark a failure of recognition respect, and that inequalities of status that follow from democratically licensed inequalities of power will not mark such a failure. I conclude that the skeptical challenge is unsuccessful, and that the relational egalitarian justification of democracy is sound.

The world we live in is unjust and the existing political institutions fail to adequately address the current injustices. In this paper, I will discuss the role and the responsibilities of individual citizens in affluent countries 1 in the face of global structural injustice (GSI): How, if at all, should such individual agents, morally, respond to GSI? This is a challenging question because it links the smallest unit of agency, single persons, with complex moral challenges of an extremely large scale. Different from attempts to determine the role and moral responsibility of individuals through specific acts and concrete duties, I will propose that a theoretical discussion of global individual responsibility should proceed in terms of an individual-and subsequently potentially collective shared-"ethos." An ethos is understood as an attitude based on normative commitments that pervasively influence the multiple ways in which individual agents think and feel, talk and act. Proposing and defending the view that the moral responsibility of individuals in the face of GSI consists in fostering an ethos of cosmopolitan responsibility corresponds with the entanglement of individuals in the distinctive moral wrong of GSI. It highlights how individuals can contribute to overcoming structural injustice through targeting its relational origins. However, even a cosmopolitan ethos held by many individuals alone will not be sufficient to end GSI. What is ultimately needed is significant institutional reform.

The teacher as an educator plays an important role in the process of forming a concept image of students about the equal sign in learning mathematics. Teachers must have an equal sign meaning in accordance with the capacity, learning experience, and knowledge which is a source for them to compile a certain didactic design. The didactic design that has been compiled becomes a learning environment that triggers students' mental perceptions and actions so that a concept image of the equal sign is formed. This study aims to explore teachers' understanding and confirm that the concept image formed by these students may be the impact of the learning process with didactic designs that have been compiled by the teacher. The investigation was conducted qualitatively using a case study approach involving 6 teachers and 55 elementary and middle school students. The data collection methods included teacher questionnaires and interviews with two selected teachers, as well as students answering a series of questions then six students were deliberately selected to be interviewed based on their responses. The results show that the teachers' concept images about the equal sign are generally difficult to say that they already have a well-developed relational view, in addition, they lack the knowledge and skills to identify, anticipate, reduce, or correct students' misconceptions about the equal sign. As a result, the majority of students do not have a concept image about the equal sign that matches the scientific conception that should be.

In this chapter, Fourie identifies and systematizes the impairments associated with having privilege and evaluates their implications for theories of relational equality and distributive justice. Having certain social privileges, for example, being a man in a patriarchal society, can also be damaging; in other words, there are “impairments of privilege.” Fourie delineates six kinds of impairments—epistemic, evaluative, emotional, health-related, affiliative, and moral. She then goes on to assess the implications of the impairments of privilege for two theories in political philosophy. Relational egalitarianism, she argues, has the theoretical resources to identify and address the problems associated with these impairments, whereas distributive egalitarianism does not. Furthermore, she argues that assessing the impairments of privilege through relational egalitarianism helps to characterize a society of equals: we must address the causes of functional impairments, express respect for the worse off by not normalizing the experiences of the privileged, and minimize competitive positionality.

This is the revised June 2020 version of my review of Private Government (2017) by Elizabeth Anderson. The first version of this review appeared online through the official Anarcho-Syndicalist Review website as a special bonus to issue 78. **Update: recent empirical findings suggest there was little to no decoupling between wages and productivity for US workers prior to the Great Recession if you take into account a broader measure of income. However, after the Great Recession, and especially after COVID, wages and productivity have decoupled.**