Regionalisation

Suvremeni županijski ustroj Republike Hrvatske kao i strateško autocestovno povezivanje hrvatskih regija, posebice srednjeg i južnog dijela jadranskog priobalja kroz lički prostor, određuju nove funkcionalne poveznice središnjeg dijela Jadranske Hrvatske. Nasuprot recidivima nekadašnjih podjela i razgraničenja hrvatskoga prostora od Osmanskog Carstva, Habsburške Monarhije i Mletačke Republike, kraj 20. i početak 21. stoljeća označili su obnovljene procese prometnog, gospodarskog i funkcionalnog povezivanja suvremenoga ličkog i sjevernodalmatinskog prostora, slične nekadašnjim procesima u antici i u razdobljima afirmacije prvotne hrvatske državne jezgre. Izgradnja autoceste unutar Jadransko-jonskog koridora, usmjerenost na najbliže priobalno pročelje sa zračnom i pomorskim lukama, povezivanje turističkih kompleksa na potezu Novalja / Karlobag – Nin – Zadar – Biograd – Vodice – Šibenik – Primošten – Rogoznica s plitvičkim turističkim kompleksom, veći broj nacionalnih parkova i parkova prirode, potiču kroz neposredne i lako uočljive društvenogeografske procese novo, pojačano povezivanje. Tome pridonosi i razmjerno jednostavno i spontano prožimanje u sferi trgovine, prometa, bankarstva, uprave, školstva, sudstva, sigurnosti itd., što omogućuje, unatoč pojedinim, politički usmjeravanim ili naslijeđenim rješenjima te lokalnim prijeporima uvjetovanim razlikama i preklapanjima interesnih grupa, svrsishodno i učinkovito suvremeno životno povezivanje u gravitacijski jedinstveni i funkcionalan regionalni kompleks. Značenje postojećih i afirmiranih gravitacijskih središta, među kojima se Zadar kao staro razvojno žarište i čvorište na jadranskom hrvatskom pročelju ističe, od prvorazrednog je značenja, posebice u razdoblju demografske recesije ne samo manjih i ruralnih, nego i većih gradskih središta i ovoga regionalnog kompleksa, ali i čitave Hrvatske. Znanstveno i multidisciplinarno prepoznavanje suvremenih procesa razvitka i prostornih odrednica kod odabira suvremenoga regionalnog ustroja Republike Hrvatske povezano je i sa suvremenim upravno-teritorijalnim, dakle naslijeđenim i tradicionalnim županijskim ustrojem. Jednako je poželjno uskladiti ih i s NUTS regionalizacijom (posebice NUTS-3 razine) Europske unije, što je zahtjevan, ali i neodgodiv zadatak radi ravnomjerne raspodjele egzistencijalnih dobara i uravnoteženog, decentraliziranog i što kvalitetnijeg razvitka ličkog i sjevernodalmatinskog prostora, kao i Hrvatske u cjelini, u budućnosti. The modern county system in the Republic of Croatia, and the strategic motorway network linking the Croatian regions, particularly the central and southern parts of the Adriatic coast via the Lika area, have defined new functional links in the central part of Adriatic Croatia. In contrast to reversions to previous divisions and demarcations in the Croatian area made by the Ottoman Empire, Habsburg Monarchy and Venetian Republic, the late 20 th and early 21 st centuries have seen renewed processes in the transport, economic and functional connectivity of modern Lika and North Dalmatia, which are similar to those in Antiquity and periods when the original nucleus of the Croatian state was affirmed. The construction of the motorway within the Adriatic-Ionian corridor, the focus on the nearest coastal frontage with an airport and sea ports, linking tourist complexes in the chain Novalja / Karlobag – Nin – Zadar – Biograd – Vodice – Šibenik – Primošten – Rogoznica with the Plitvice Lakes tourist complex, and a greater number of national and nature parks, have encouraged new, improved connectivity through direct, easily perceptible sociogeographic processes. This has been helped by relatively simple, spontaneous permeation in trade, transport,
banking, administration, education, the judiciary, security, etc., which in spite of individual, political or inherited
solutions and local issues prompted by groups with different or overlapping interests, has facilitated appropriate,
effective, modern-day and essential integration towards a gravitationally unique, functional regional complex.
The signifcance of existing, established centres of gravity, among which Zadar is prominent as an old
developmental hub and node on the Croatian Adriatic coastal front, is of prime importance, particularly in
a period of demographic recession, not only for small, rural centres, but also larger urban ones, this regional
complex, and Croatia as a whole.
Scientifc, multidisciplinary recognition of modern processes in development, and spatial determinants in
selecting a modern regional system in the Republic of Croatia, are also linked to the modern administrativeterritorial, i.e. inherited, traditional county system. It is equally desirable to align these with EU NUTS
regionalisation (particularly the NUTS-3 level), which is a challenging, but undeferrable task, for the purpose
of the equitable distribution of basic goods, and balanced, decentralised, high quality development in Lika and North Dalmatia and Croatia as a whole in the future.

This paper aims at showing that the regionalization, innovations, smart specialization and sustainable tourism development like contemporary basis of rural tourism development can significantly contribute to increasing the competitiveness of both of the whole region and all its parts, and hence rural ones. We used several methods such as literature analysis and empirical research based on the questionnaires distributed to the stakeholders in the tourism of the Šumadija District. Our conclusion is that there is a positive attitude among the stakeholders towards creating a tourism region in the Šumadija District based on innovations, smart specialization and sustainable development. We also claim that rural tourism is a priority and that the stakeholders in the Šumadija District should focus on this type of tourism.

Depuis la fin des années 90, le Maroc est rentré dans une phase de profondes transformations à la fois économiques, sociétales et politiques dont rend compte en partie ce livre. Ces transformations ont eu des conséquences, entre autres, sur le plan territorial, l’un des indicateurs les plus visibles étant l’inscription de la problématique de la région, de la régionalisation et du concept de territoire au rang des priorités nationales et l’organisation d’un véritable débat public autour de ces notions. Le concept de territoire dans ses multiples sens a fait irruption au cours des vingt dernières années à tous les niveaux de la réflexion ou de la gestion, et la région en tant qu’outil de gestion territoriale s’est imposée. Le mouvement de déconcentration administrative et celui d’une certaine décentralisation du pouvoir politique à l’échelle de la nation qui l’a suivi et qui est toujours en maturation ont abouti en 1997 à la naissance de 16 régions institutionnelles, puis à 12 en 2015.
Le papier analyse les deux processus de production des territoires au Maroc. Le premier, correspondant au territoire légal, renvoie à la production officielle des territoires par l’État. Le second, correspondant au territoire réel, concerne les territoires qui naissent non pas de la volonté de l’État, mais de la réalité géographique, économique et humaine des espaces qui les font se différencier les uns des autres. Ces deux trames territoriales se chevauchent et se superposent, et parfois, la définition du territoire officiel peut s’appuyer sur les limites du territoire réel. C’est pourquoi, pour une présentation territoriale complète et fidèle de la réalité du Maroc, l’analyse tient compte de ces deux facettes des territoires en les étudiant l’une après l’autre, tout en se focalisant sur les dynamiques qui ne cessent de les façonner depuis les années 90.

ntroduction W ater is one of the most important resources needed for the development of a country or region. Every aspect of development, from the growing of foodstuffs to the production of industrial goods and hydroelectricity, depends on the reliable availability of sufficient supplies of clean fresh water. Nevertheless, another equally important consideration is the availability of so-called second-order planning; the institutional and social structures needed for the mobilisation and proper management of water resources. These are represented at the national level by state laws, which regulate the different aspects of surface and sub-surface water resources. At the regional and global levels matters are more complicated, as different state and non-state actors are involved. At this level of politics, intergovernmental organisations (IGOs) normally devise and implement regulatory mechanisms or regimes. Within Southern Africa, one such IGO is the Southern African Development Community (SADC), which has drawn up two protocols on shared watercourses.

A look at the political framework of regional integration in ASEAN, and the higher education initiatives at the regional level arising from these
frameworks. Examining how regional integration can further advance harmonisation of higher education in the wider ASEAN region.

The chapter deals with peculiarities of establishment of the regional
nuclear nonproliferation regime in the Asia Pacific as well as its condition in the modern period. From the standpoint of research methodology, the paper actively utilizes advances of the international regimes theory. The author analyses premises of the formation of different aspects
comprising nuclear nonproliferation system in the Asia Pacific region,
from military and politics (e.g. positive security assurances provided
to NNWSs) on out to economy (in particular, with regard to the situation
on the nuclear energy and raw materials market). Special attention is paid
to the pressing problems of nuclear nonproliferation, NWFZs in the region and their functioning and role of the nuclear factor on the agenda
of the regional organisations. In spite of certain legal discrepancies intrinsic to the nonproliferation regime in the APR, states of the region
make a significant contribution to nonproliferation of nuclear weapons
and disarmament globally.

ARALIK 2009 ISPARTA ÖNSÖZ Bu proje, 2509 kodlu TÜBİTAK ile Fransa Dış İşleri Bakanlığı "Programme of Integrated Actions (PIA)-Bosphorus" İşbirliği Programı çerçevesinde gerçekleştirilen bir çalışmadır. Proje numarası 107K336'dır ve "Türkiye ve Fransa'da Yerelleşme ve Bölgeselleşme: AB Çok-Düzlemli Yönetişim Sistemi Çerçevesinde İki Üniter Devlet İçin Karşılaştırmalı Bir Analiz" başlığını taşımaktadır. Proje Türkiye ve Fransa'daki genel tarihsel/yönetsel arka planı, her iki ülkenin kendine özgülük ve benzerliklerini, özellikle Avrupa Birliği'nin (AB) etkilerini dikkate alarak yerelleşme ve bölgeselleşme eğilim ve deneyimlerini incelemeyi hedeflemiştir. Mayıs 2007 başvuru döneminde proje başvurusu yapılmış ve Ekim 2007'de proje çalışmalarına başlanmıştır. Proje süresi 24 ay olarak öngörülmüştür. Bir KAMAG projesinde araştırmacı olarak çalışan Doç Dr. Hüseyin ÖZGÜR dışında proje yürütücüsü de dâhil olmak üzere tüm proje ekibi bir TÜBİTAK projesinde ilk defa yer almışlardır. Proje 15 Ekim 2009 tarihinde sonlanmıştır.

Автореферат на защитена дисертация в научно направление 3.9 „Туризъм”. Целта на докторската й теза  е анализ и оценка на ресурсния потенциал за устойчиво развитие на туризма в община Ботевград. Обект  на изследване  е туристическият потенциал на община Ботевград. Предмет на изследване са проучването, анализът и оценката на туристическия потенциал (туристически ресурси/ атракции, човешки ресурси, материална база, административен капацитет). Защитаваната изследователска теза  е, че постигането на устойчиво развитие на туристическа дестинация на местно ниво е възможно само при системно използване и прилагане на критериите и показателите за анализ и оценка на туристическия потенциал, ясно дефиниране и следване на стратегическите цели и приоритети за устойчивото развитие за развитие на туристическа дестинация Ботевград.
 
За повече информация:  http://ibsedu.bg/bg/page/156-PhD

Depuis une vingtaine d’années, le fait régional et l’action régionale semblent s’être fortement développés en Europe. La promotion de l’Europe des régions a été sur le devant de la scène dans la conclusion de nouveaux traités jalonnant la construction européenne depuis quinze ans. Et, de manière emblématique, a été établi un Comité des régions. Celui-ci reste à ce jour doté d’une influence formelle modeste mais son établissement atteste d’un intérêt renouvelé pour l’échelon régional, quand bien même celui-ci recouvre des réalités différentes dans les Etats membres de l’Union européenne.    En parallèle à cette affirmation du fait régional, des mouvements et des partis de revendication régionaliste ont marqué les esprits par leur percée dans certains Etats. En Grande-Bretagne, en France, en Espagne ou en Italie, pour ne citer que quelques exemples, des partis régionalistes ont fait la une par leurs performances électorales et politiques, ou par leur propos : songeons au parti nationaliste basque, au Sinn Fein, à la Ligue du Nord, au Vlaams Belang, ou au parti national écossais.    L’objet du livre est d’analyser l’essence de ces partis régionalistes, d’examiner leurs rôles et leurs performances dans les sociétés européennes, de questionner la nouveauté du phénomène et d’étudier dans quelle mesure ils appartiennent à une même famille. Ce travail est réalisé avec la contribution de plusieurs des meilleurs spécialistes de ces problématiques en Europe.

La communication montre le rôle de la région comme collectivité locale à créer dans l'atténuation des déséquilibres régionaux et dans le processus du développement territorial en Tunisie.
Communication au Séminaire "Urbanisme et services urbains à l’échelle des métropoles et des régions".

This project examines the feasibility of proposals recommended by a number of significant reports published over the past 5 years, namely: 'Improving Efficiency, Interoperability and Resilience of our Blue Light Services'; and 'Facing the Future'. Through a comprehensive review of relevant literature it investigates case-studies of privatisation of the public sector and industrial action in the emergency services, as well as identifying the roles and responsibilities, and restructuring options of the emergency options. To supplement this literature review, primary data in the form of phenomenological semi-structured interviews were conducted with senior officers and officials from each of the emergency services, the data of which was thematically analysed. After a discussion that combined results of the interviews with that of the literature review, conclusions were formed around the project objectives, which in turn provided recommendations for future policy and further research.
This project aims to fill a gap in the literature where, not only is industrial action not taken into account in other discussions of the future of the emergency service, but also that direct practitioner opinion is not included or even considered.

This report examines student mobility from various countries and regions to Turkey with regard to the trends, rationales, policies implemented by Turkey’s higher education institutions (HEIs) and the outcomes of the scheme.

The report addresses the representatives of Turkey’s higher education (HE) and stakeholders in HEIs to propose measures to increase Turkey’s attractiveness as a destination country. It may also benefit governments, education institutions, students and families in source countries from which international students hail to receive education in Turkey. The report is based on the review of the literature and research on globalisation, internationalisation of higher education (IoHE) and student mobility vis-à-vis the implications of these processes for Turkey. Besides these sources, the policy recommendations presented in the final section of the report are formulated from the author’s three-month long ethnographic research which has included observations at various HEIs, field notes across social and academic spaces where international student are engaged, interviews conducted with international as well as local students, institutional stakeholders, state officials and the representatives of non-governmental organizations, and the analysis of relevant documents.

The Introduction part introduces the definition of the key terminology employed in the report. It also captures the link between globalization, internationalization of higher education (IoHE) and inward student mobility. The second part titled Globalisation and Reconfiguration in Turkey’s Higher Education Policies tackles with the impact of globalization that has led Turkey to implement major changes in higher education policies and practices, which has eventually paved way to an increasing internationalization trend and student mobility. Next section, Internationalisation of Turkey’s Higher Education and Rationales for Inward Student Mobility, explains Turkey’s expectations from incoming students and the political, economic and cultural diplomacy advantages it brings. It also introduces key institutions involved and their function and role in student recruitment strategies. The fourth part focusing on Trends: Student Mobility from Strategic Regions introduces which countries and regions Turkey attracts highest number of students and why. It also explains on Turkey’s focus on strategic regions such as Africa, Balkans and Middle East with their specific dynamics and meanings. Finally, Looking into Future and Areas for Improvement presents a number of suggestions for policymakers and higher education institutions.

Nous étudions « l’union sacrée » des syndicats de salariés, du patronat, de l’Etat et du Conseil Régional en région Lorraine à l’occasion de la crise économique mondiale de 2008. Ces acteurs ont décidé à l’unanimité d’une action de formation professionnelle dans les TPE/PMEs, ainsi que de la création d’une instance de gouvernance régionale pour le temps de la crise.
Cette « union sacrée » permet d’étudier la dynamique d’un Moment Critique d’Unification (MCU), dans lequel un acteur plus puissant que les autres, ici l’Etat, s’appuie sur d’autres acteurs non étatiques, ici le conseil régional et les partenaires sociaux, afin de mettre en place une action publique. Grâce à notre grille d’analyse inspirée de l’étude de la formation des Etats-Nation européens au XIXème siècle par Daniel Ziblatt, nous mettons en évidence les 3 facteurs qui tendent à provoquer un MCU : 1-le besoin de ressources financières de l’acteur unificateur ; 2-le besoin de ressources humaines de l’acteur unificateur ; 3-la volonté d’union des cadres dirigeants de l’acteur unificateur.
Nous montrons ensuite le poids déterminant du pouvoir infrastructurel (p.i.) détenu par chacun des acteurs, c’est-à-dire de leur capacité à mettre en place des politiques publiques comme pourrait le faire un Etat (Michael Mann).
Le p.i. détermine la forme finale que prendra le dispositif. Là où les acteurs ont un pouvoir infrastructurel fort, ils pourront négocier une alliance entre indépendants et conserver le contrôle de leurs ressources, comme c’est le cas en Lorraine. Là où les acteurs ont un pouvoir infrastructurel faible ils seront absorbés par l’acteur unificateur et perdront ainsi leur indépendance, comme c’est aujourd’hui le risque au niveau national.
On observe aussi une inversion des pouvoirs. Là où avant le MCU, l’influence des acteurs dépendait de leur pouvoir institutionnel – c’est-à-dire tel que garanti dans les textes -, donnant en Lorraine l’avantage au MEDEF, pendant le MCU c’est désormais leur pouvoir infrastructurel qui détermine le poids de chacun dans les négociations, et donc leur capacité à orienter l’action publique en leur faveur et à en tirer profit. L’inversion des pouvoirs avantage ici la CGPME, rivale du MEDEF et surtout le Conseil Régional de Lorraine (CRL), qui renforce son importance au niveau régional à l’occasion de cette crise.
Dans le contexte de crises multiples que connaissent les Etats-Providence européens, cette étude offre une première validation d’un nouveau cadre théorique qui permet d’anticiper la forme que pourrait prendre l’action publique dans des cas similaires.

In this chapter, we look at how economic, political, social, cultural and biological influences work together within the space of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ (ASEAN) political, economic and social ‘community’ experiment, which today encompasses over 600 million people. We focus specifically on how economic liberalization and the corollary increases in movements of people, goods and services within, between and beyond ASEAN member-states is transforming and challenging entrenched ideas about who is entitled to and responsible for health and social care within and across national borders.

How do regional changes affect the process of global governance? This article addresses this question by examining how the International Monetary Fund (IMF) responded to the challenges presented by Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) between the signing of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992 and the launch of the euro in 1999. Based on primary research from the IMF archives, the article illustrates how the IMF’s efforts to reconfigure its relationship with European institutions evolved gradually through a logic of incremental change, despite initial opposition from member states. The article concludes that bureaucratic
actors within international organizations will take advantage of informal avenues for promoting a new agenda when this fits with shared conceptions of an organization’s mandate. The exercise of informal influence by advocates for change within an international organization can limit the options available to states in formal decision-making processes, even when these options cut across
state preferences.

The Isan region of Thailand, and especially its Mekong riparian border towns, has in recent years come under the influence of the Asian Development Bank-Greater Mekong Sub-region (ADB-GMS) regional development scheme, its aim being to improve infrastructure and facilitate trade and investment. In support of this, the people, institutions and organizations, as well local governments in this area, have enthusiastically engaged with the GMS project. One such institution is a Rajabhat University, which has also become closely involved with the regional development context. Within the field of education at the Thai border, many young Vietnamese from Vietnam have traveled to Thailand over recent years to study for a degree at several Rajabhat Universities in Isan. This research is situated in a border province in southern Isan, where there is a large Viet Kieu community and recent years attract the Vietnamese students to study at Rajabhat Univesity. The research illustrates how a higher education institution in this border town induces transborder cooperation with Vietnam after the East-West Economic Corridor was initiated in 2001.
In the GMS after the 1990s, the Mekong countries, through regional cooperation, began to expand the market for trade and investment among members. This atmosphere attracted flows of people, capital and finance into the area, as well as different cultures. In this province at the borderland, the consequences of the GMS have included that the region’s political conditions, plus Thailand’s citizenship laws, have allowed the overseas Vietnamese or Viet Kieu in the province in the borderland to express their identity in the public sphere and become a part of local agencies, whether governmental, in the private sector or within higher educational bodies. These agencies have also sought to establish regional cooperation between this province at the borderland and the local governments in Vietnam, as well as education institutions there. In particular, a Rajabhat University at this province at the borderland has also employed Viet Kieu people as lecturers and a member of the education hunting team from the university to establish cooperation with other Mekong higher education institutions, to build an “international network” beyond the Isan region. Students study at this Rajabhat University for many reasons based on their social backgrounds and for personal reasons. As a consequence, the Vietnamese who graduate from the university have been able to utilize their educational credentials, Thai language skills and knowledge as social and cultural capital when applying for jobs, plus have been able to create Thai-Vietnamese business network. Most Vietnamese graduates from the university have ended-up working in the tourism sector, because the tourism degree is the most popular among them. Others work as Vietnamese teachers at Thai schools, translator in the private hospital, or run their own businesses back home. Those Vietnamese who engage in the tourism sector are able to develop a “market niche”, as they have the ability to speak Thai and Vietnamese, plus have good knowledge of both Thai and Vietnamese tourist sites.
Under the GMS, the establishment of the East-West Economic Corridor (EWEC) has created a borderland that stretches across Isan, through central Laos and into central Vietnam. A variety of actors live in the border towns located in these countries; however, regional conditions have opened the way for all actors in the region to accumulate capital that flows across borders. These people and institutions have become highly active agents, able to accumulate language for trade, as well as knowledge and skills, and university degrees, for use in jobs (cultural capital), and to make friends and develop business partners (social network). These forms of capital intersect through active agents who possess both formal and informal educational qualifications (capital interconvertibility), who can speak languages such as Thai, Lao, Vietnamese and/or English, and who have friends who live around the borderland under the GMS initiative, plus are imbued with the discourse of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC), which is due to open in 2015.

This paper  analyses the  dynamics  of  the  multilevel  governance  of migration  flows between  West  Africa  and  Europe.  Firstly, I examine
bilateral,  multilateral  and  inter-regional  frames  of  cooperation  on  human  mobility.  Secondly,  I  analyse  the  type  of governance
emerging from  the  cooperation,  focusing  on  his  main  axis 
- readmission and  externalisation  of  control - and  on  the  tools  used  to
prompt  the  negotiation, and particularly on  the  linkage with  development  and  the  subsequent  emergence  of  a ‘migratory
conditionality’  in  this field.  Thirdly,  I  underline  how,  during  the  last
decade and  more  clearly  after  the  recent  La  Valletta’s  EU-Africa
summit on migration,  a  hegemonic  European  securitarian  approach  of  human  mobility  had spread and has produced a de facto displacement of the Euro-African border. Finally, I consider the consequences of this rise of the immigration issue between Africa and Europe, from the point of view of
States as well as people on the move.

In order to frame the analysis of the BRI’s regional implementation, this special issue draws on Freeman’s (2018) conception of China’s “regionalism foreign policy” and Zhou and Esteban (2018) “regional multi-lateral cooperation.” Freeman interprets the BRI as a “comprehensive approach to regional security whereby it seeks to engage [a] region through multiple vectors […] as part of an overarching security strategy to advance China’s power and influence” (Freeman, 2018: 92). Similarly, Zhou and Esteban (2018: 488) see China’s focus on regions via the BRI as

a multifaceted grand strategy […] promoting China’s soft power and building its role as a normative power through the promotion of alternative ideas and norms, and reshaping global governance in a way that reflects China’s values, interests and status.

They point to the need to eclectically combine theoretical insights from realism, liberalism, and constructivism to analyse the complex material, ideational, and institutional factors that have are being generated by the emerging BRI (cf. Tang, 2013). This issue follows their lead in understanding that it is not possible to encompass China’s multi-faceted approach to the BRI using only one theoretical or methodological approach; it is instead necessary to take an eclectic approach, which at the same time sets out to frame the initiative in a coherent, integrated fashion as far as possible.

Résumé

Cet article explore les évolutions de la politique de sécurité sociale en Belgique dans le cadre d’un fédéralisme en constante évolution et actuellement instable au chapitre des interactions qui se nouent entre les différents niveaux de pouvoir — national, régional, communautaire et même européen. Au fil des réformes institutionnelles qui ont conduit la Belgique à devenir un État fédéral, la sécurité sociale est restée dans les compétences de l’État central. Ceci dit, la question de la défédéralisation de la sécurité sociale fait l’objet d’une revendication de la plupart des partis politiques flamands, qui désirent que cette question soit mise à l’ordre du jour lors d’une prochaine réforme institutionnelle.

Abstract

Social security in Belgium: Between regionalisation and Europeanisation

This article details changes in social security policy in Belgium. Such changes are taking place within a constantly shifting and currently unstable federalism with respect to the issues that link different levels of power, whether at the national, community, or even European level. During the reform process that led Belgium to become a federation, social security was always considered a federal responsibility. Nevertheless, reassignment of social security to the sub-national level is a demand of most of the Flemish political parties and they hope to see it as an agenda item for future constitutional reform.

À l'heure où « l'affaire du rabotage des quais des gares » défraie la chronique, Juliette Maulat et Arnaud Passalacqua analysent le système complexe du rail français. Ils mettent en perspective la réforme ferroviaire engagée depuis trente ans et les fortes tensions entre opérateurs, établissements publics et collectivités territoriales.

This special issue examines the impacts and implementation of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in the Asian and European regions towards which the initiative is primarily directed. Introduced by President Xi Jinping in a pair of speeches in late 2013 (Xi, 2014: 315-324), and previously entitled "One Belt, One Road," the BRI was conceived as transport corridors to be constructed based on ancient Silk Road trade routes. Hence, the "belt" is defined as the land route (or routes) from China across Central Asia, Russia, and the Middle East to Europe, while the "road" somewhat confusingly refers to the maritime route that passes from the South China Sea into the Indian Ocean and hence to East Africa and the Mediterranean. The main routes of the BRI, at least as roughly outlined in the National Development and Reform Commission's (NDRC) publication Vision and Actions on Jointly Building Silk Road Economic Belt and 21 st Century Maritime Silk Road (2015), are shown in Figure 1. Despite the rhetorical broadening of the BRI since 2016 to supposedly include other regions such as Africa, the Americas, and the Arctic, the transportation "corridors" outlined in the Vision and Actions publication (National Development and Reform Commission [NDRC], 2015) are all in Europe and Asia. This implies that the initiative is primarily Eurasian in its scope and that the core aim of the BRI is to connect China with Europe (Yilmaz et al., 2018). Although no official map of the BRI exists, those circulated by Chinese state media during the BRI's early years invariably emphasise (similarly to Figure 1) land and sea routes from Asia to Europe. Despite Chinese attempts to stretch the initiative's scope beyond its logical geographical limits, the five key BRI

Une réforme de la carte des régions françaises, à la fois collectivités territoriales dotées d'un conseil élu et circonscriptions administratives à la tête desquelles se trouvent un préfet nommé par le pouvoir central, est intervenue en 2015. Cette réforme consiste en la fusion de régions existantes pour passer de 22 à 13 régions en France métropolitaine. Il ne s'agit certes pas d'une refonte du système français d'administration territoriale, mais plutôt d'une opération qui accroit le gap entre le niveau des intercommunalités et celui de la région administrative, écartant davantage la perspective de la disparition des départements ou au moins des conseils départementaux. Comme pour toute opération de recomposition territoriale, l'apparition de nouvelles entités s'acompagne du choix de leur chef-lieu et de leur nom. S'agissant d'entités issues de fusion se pose la question du destin et de l'évetuel réemploi des noms et des capitales préxistantes. Nous allons ici nous intéresser à la néotoponymie régionale induite déjà largement commentée. Les nouvelles régions françaises se sont donc dotées de leurs noms de baptême en 2016. Ceux-ci et les réactions qu'ils engendrent sont tout sauf anecdotiques. On sait à quel point la nomination est au coeur des processus d'identification et comment elle est susceptible d'orienter l'appropriation des nouveaux territoires par leurs habitants à titre individuel et collectif. Par ailleurs, les noms assurent une visibilité et donnent éventuellement une plus value aux territoires dans le cadre d'un positionnement compétitif dans la mondialisation. Ces nouveaux noms viennent donc parachever le processus de passage aux (plus) grandes régions dans une double perspective d'identification et de marketing territorial. L'équation toponymique semblait certes difficile, mais clairement identifiée: a) assurer une cohésion interne, autrement dit dépasser les tensions géopolitiques internes, et b) assurer un régime de visibilité au niveau international en valorisant la ou les ressources régionales identifiables. Les nouvelles nominations relèvent elles ce double défi ? La carte des 13 régions appelait des nouveaux noms pour au moins les 7 nouvelles issues de fusion. Deux ont choisi (pour l'instant) d'en rester à l'addition de ceux de leurs anciennes régions fusionnées : Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes et Bourgogne-Franche-Comté, tandis que 5 se sont dotées d'un véritable nouveau nom éventuellement complété à titre secondaire par celui des anciennes régions. Nous avons donc les régions : Hauts-de-France ; GrandEst (Avec en nom secondaire: Alsace Champagne-Ardennes Lorraine) ; Nouvelle Aquitaine (avec en nom secondaire Aquitaine-Limousin–Poitou-Charentes), Occitanie (avec en nom secondaire Pyrénées-Méditerranée) et Normandie. En ce qui concerne le positionnement toponymique de ces nouvelles entités, ils sont révélateurs des aspirations des exécutifs qui ont piloté l'opération et des citoyens qui ont joué le jeu des différents types de consultations préalables. Celles-ci ont été organisées dans une perspective de démocratie participative désormais systématique pour les questions de néotoponymie. On a pu encore à cette occasion constater les limites ou l'encadrement de l'exercice, avec des consultations surtout destinées à faire émerger ou valider des propositions filtrées et complétées par des comités ad-hoc sous contrôle des présidences de région. Ainsi un nom retenu in fine (GrandEst) fut introduit par l'exécutif dans les propositions soumises au vote bien que ne figurant pas dans liste préétablie par le comité d'experts et de citoyens. L'héritage toponymique régional de la fin des années 1950

Today, 'special technology infrastructure' [STI] represents a new process of economic development and has been used as a tool of regional development. It is a region that generates sustained and propulsive economic activity through the creation and commercialization of new knowledge. In the developed world, the term 'STI' is used in various forms such as 'science and technology park' and 'technopole' in Europe, 'research park' in the United States and Canada. In the process of facilitating competitive technological progress and thus reforming their underdeveloped form of economies, the East Asian governments used a similar concept in the name of 'industrial parks' in their region and extracted most economic benefits. In resemblance of this pattern, the underdeveloped economies [such as Bangladesh, Nepal, Fiji] have also been trying to use EPZ strategy to overcome many of their growth obstacles such as lacking of FDI, inability of impro...

Author through historical experience discusses, that the legalhistorical
facts indicate the necessity of the provinces. Without provinces,
it is not possible to effectively ensure that segment of the constitutionally
guaranteed state competence in planning and active support of spatial,
urban, agricultural, forestry, hydrological, meteorological, cultural,
demographic, ethnic, economic, infrastructural, social and ecological
planning. Historical lands have emerged over the centuries. The
experience of development testifies to the fact that it does not matter what
correlation the individual levels of government are with each other, it is
necessary to be aware that everything is for the benefit of the user - the
citizen.

Over the past three decades, the V4 shifted from a normative conformity with the West to pursuing a counter-hegemonic strategy in relation to the EU following the adoption of the Council Decision on resettlement quotas. What becomes apparent in this context is that questions regarding the European migration and refugee policies became a defining issue for EU’s politics as well as its future. Thus, explaining the “why’s” behind the stance of the Visegrad Group and by extension that of Central and Eastern Europe is relevant to understanding the particular sensitivity associated with the issue and its impact on the further development of Europe. The study argues that there are evident inconsistencies in the theoretical approaches proposed for the study of the relationship between macro-entities such as the European Union and meso-level formations such as the Visegrad Four. Hence, as part of the argument, this study suggests that events such as the migration crisis have served as a catalyst for a discursive clash between members of the V4 on the one hand and actors within the European Institutions on the other. In turn, this led to an identity redefinition within the V4, igniting thus a process of sub-regional reaffirmation. In addition, following the same line of argumentation, this study suggests that the V4 evolved into a new form of sub-regionalism. Regarding the latter, this study argues for a new category of sub-regionalism, namely that of “opportunistic sub-regionalism”.  This alternative form of sub-regionalist grouping implies that there are observable attempts at achieving a level of actorship without formal institutionalization. Lastly, it is suggested that (sub)regional groupings such as the Visegrad Four can be sui generis and exist outside normative arguments of convergence and formal institutionalization.

The Middle East is often considered to demonstrate a case of weak regionalism. This article suggests that the continued prevalence of Arab identity as the hegemonic component of regional consciousness contributes to this. The dominance of a discourse of ‘Arabness’ reduces the region's flexibility to adapt and develop regional institutions in several ways and particularly vis-a-vis the non-Arab communities and states that are found within the spatial boundaries of the Middle East. To explore the role played by Arab identity politics in regionalism with regard to the status of non-Arab states, this article presents a study of the competing hegemonic regional discourses employed by Turkey, Iran and Egypt during a two-year period following the 2011 uprising in Egypt. This analysis suggests that even during a time of crisis, non-Arab states face obstacles to their assertion of regional projects and that Arabness is a central factor in the narratives resisting alternative interpretations of the interests and definition of the Middle East as a region. The article concludes that Arabness forms the hegemonic discourse that shapes the international relations of the Middle East.

The article compares educational regionalisation in Europe and Latin
America. This analysis unveils the influence of three social phenomena in
the two case studies, namely power, fields of activity and knowledge.
Mostly, it focuses on the initiatives led by the European Union and the
Organisation of Ibero-American States in order to implement large
strategic, multi-government educational plans in each continent. The
actions of international political players, the theories (or ‘ontologies’)
embedded in these devices and the consequences for sub-national politics
are observed.

This special issue highlights the present state of development of the global competition between high-tech centres. Special attention is paid to science parks as a development policy option and the extent to which this policy has been adapted in the USA and major European and Asian countries. Another important framing theme of the special issue is to outline the development of science parks and clarify the science park terminology. In addition, the functions, performance and new directions of science parks are briefly discussed. The structure of the special issue of IJTM at hand is outlined in the editorial introduction.

The adoption of administrative boundaries as approximations of housing markets has long restricted the scope for housing market analysis and planning policy development to be undertaken within a functional housing market framework in England. This has prompted consideration of the value of deriving housing market areas (HMAs) to underpin the development of housing market intelligence for planning and policy purposes. Drawing on a case study of North West England, this paper critically reviews alternative approaches that have been used to define HMAs. The review highlights that in practice technical and methodological constraints have restricted the operationalisation of an idealised conceptualisation of HMAs.

The Malaysian government recently commented on the o?cial use of the national language, Bahasa Malaysia (BM), internationally. It has been suggested that ASEAN adopt BM as its "second o?cial" language. Depending on how all ten member nations handle this, such a proposal could be an unnecessary distraction for ASEAN and an inconsequential, non-issue for the grouping. On February 25 2022, Prime Minister Ismail Sabri Yaakob paid an o?cial visit to Thailand. The two leaders discussed bilateral ties, economic cooperation, and regional and international issues. He apparently spoke in Bahasa Malaysia (BM) at all o?cial functions in Bangkok. Reports also claimed that the Prime Minister said all Malaysians on o?cial duty should use BM internationally because "it is our language, there is no reason to feel 'awkward'". A month later, a second proposal was made, this time for BM to be made the "second o?cial" language of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). ASEAN has a "working", not an o?cial language. It is English. This is not the Vrst time Malaysian leaders made such proposals. In July 2017, a former PM proposed that BM be made the "main" language of ASEAN and become one of the world's "major mediums". This was less than a year before the nation's 2018 General Elections (GE14). In 2015, when Malaysia was the ASEAN chair, the then Communications and Multimedia Minister suggested that ASEAN should use BM as its "homogenous" language. He stated this at a seminar on the Malay language at a Malaysian public university. In 2011, the then Minister of Information, Communication and Culture made a similar suggestion when he visited Indonesia.

This paper looks beyond the negative response to the reversal of Globalization. I highlight the intercultural clash between the values imposed through the uneven process of West-led Globalization and Islamic and (Confucian-)Socialist traditions in the Middle-East and East-Asia regions. Further alliance formation (example: Security Council P5 blocs on the situation in Syria) as a " symptom " of the 2 polarisation in a post-hegemonic multiplex system necessitates cultural diplomacy for better-coordinated collective action, and coherent mechanisms of prevention and prosecution for international terrorism, while carefully considering implications of the growing cyberspace in this issue. Reflecting on the future, I defend the possibility of creative fragmentation, illustrating it with South-South (specifically, China-Africa) cooperation in education, trade etc. Studying these phenomena holistically to harmonise the inevitable multidimensional fracturing to provide " good enough " global governance in a divided yet interdependent world is ultimately considered the goal of politics.

Despite the global power shift from West to East and almost everyone in the EU recognising that the importance of Asia is growing, there has been a lacking willingness to devote time, energy and resources to deepening relations with the region. There has been a lack of a unified strategic vision for the region, and due to internal policy divisions and institutional squabbles, the EU has failed to become a strong, cohesive, actor. Thus, the EU needs to prioritise and focus if to be able to successfully pursue a strategy towards East Asia.East Asia is the home to the fastest growing economies in the world. It contains both like-minded partners, economic powerhouses, and a number of developing countries with an interest in learning from the EU experiences. The EU has a unique advantage in the region; besides having economic weight it is seen as a nonthreatening partner in the region, giving a comparative advantage over other major powers such as the US and China. However, the success o...

To cite this keynote conference: Calzada, I. (2021), Smart City-Regions’ Citizenship: Data Devolution in Pandemic Times. The making of city-regions: Mobility, innovation and networks. SwissLab_2021. Lugano-Locarno (Switzerland). 9-10 September. doi:10.13140/RG.2.2.20408.26888.

The paper deals with the development of the administrative system in Hungary with a special focus on centralisation and decentralisation processes. The paper considers the historical patterns and the geographical characteristics in Hungary, and their impact on the above processes. It discusses the possibility of regionalisation in in a highly centralised era of the socialist period, the regionalisation processes started during the transition period, and the impact of EU membership on the new structure of regionalism in Hungary. Finally, it presents the most recent changes under the Orbán government towards a stronger centralisation in administration, and its motives.

Federalisation, regionalisation and local governance has been an important issue of legal and administrative sciences. Although the differences of decentralised and federal systems have remained , several transformations could be observed and in several countries the model of the public administration has changed in the last decades. A convergence or hybridisation of the models can be observed: the competences of the municipal bodies have been strengthened. Although the boundaries between municipalities and member states of the federation have blurred in the governance of these entities, the legal distinction between them remained solid: the regional municipalities with broad competences do not have their statehood.

As the new programming period is starting, the Assembly of European Regions (AER) is willing to look into the role that regional authorities actually play in European politics and in Europe in general in 2014. To what extent is the subsidiarity principle implemented in European countries? Have Regions seen their competences and influence developed in the last years? How does multilevel governance look like in the various European states?  If we consider the case of EU regional policy, to what extent has the partnership principle been respected for the setting up and implementation of this key policy for European regions?


These questions will be at the heart of a study which will be run in 2014, and whose results are expected to be published at the end of the year, and promoted in 2015, year of the 30th AER Anniversary.

En analysant les discours produits par les institutions, les acteurs économiques et les médias, cet article reconstitue la définition du projet eurorégional à partir de positions énonciatives variées et indépendamment des langues et des implantations géographiques. D'un côté, les résultats montrent comment des métaphores caractéristiques du discours politique (construction, expérimentation, corps) introduisent l'imaginaire d'un continuum territorial en Europe. D'un autre côté, les résultats font apparaître des zones d'ombre (divisions, approximations, dispersions, compétitions) qui rendent la définition du projet eurorégional floue et difficile à comprendre pour le citoyen européen. L'analyse est fondée sur un corpus authentique multilingue pour détecter des régularités relatives au discours eurorégional. Elle mobilise des résultats textométriques simples mais vérifiables qui encadrent l'analyse qualitative.

This article aims to analyse the advancement of regional film agencies in Norway, with the creation of 11 agencies during the 2000s and 2010s. This regionalisation does not only involve a territorial change in the film production landscape. It is also part of a significant change in film policy and the legitimatization of subsidies, with a new emphasis on economic objectives. This article will discuss the role of both state and local/ regional authorities in this regionalisation, with the main perspective on how funding for the regional agencies have been legitimated.