Racial Justice

Charles Mills began his career as a Marxist but at a particular point shifted to a focus on race, deliberately leaving behind an explicit concern with class, though implying that both class and race (along with gender) constitute distinct, interacting, domination systems in society. I argue that Mills’s permanent contribution to political theory is to see white supremacy as a sociopolitical order with its own character and logic, but that his specific account of race and white supremacy is faulty because class processes are internal to the racial domination system, and “racial injustice” already incorporates some aspects of class injustice. Thus Mills fails to recognize that white supremacy can fail to benefit and indeed can positively harm some white people. More generally, he fails to theorize class as a pervasive domination system.This argument does not reduce race to class, as Mills was correct in criticizing Marxism for (sometimes) doing. Some aspects of race do not concern class, while others do. Mills also fails to consistently articulate the specific normative character of current racial injustice, misleadingly conflating it with the “subperson” view of Black people dominant in the earlier colonial, slavery, and Segregation periods of white supremacy. For example, people of color now are accorded (if sometimes imperfectly) a panoply of rights denied in those earlier periods, and for Mills denial of rights is a core criterion of subpersonhood. The current period, better characterized by the idea of “racial disrespect” than “subpersonhood,” involves a form of wrongfulness much more similar in character to contemporary class injustice than the sub-personhood period did. Mills thus gives a misleading picture of the severity of class injustice in relation to racial injustice; they are much more similar than he says. And he also fails to recognize that racial injustice also incorporates forms of class injustice.

Looking at the growth of social media and ourselves being affected/absorbed by it, especially by digital monopolies, it becomes apparent that focusing on teaching critical media literacies is increasingly essential for socio-environmental justice and planetary sustainability and must continuously evolve along with technological ‘developments.’ In this chapter we discuss the needs, possibilities, and challenges of teaching ecopedagogical literacies reinvented from Freirean pedagogies to critically read technologies through lenses of postdigitalism, media culture theories, globalizations, (de)coloniality, (eco)racism, (eco)feminism, queer theories, and Southern/Indigenous epistemologies, among others. After discussing oppressive and dominant divides, we argue that educators must teach through diverse models of ecopedagogies for praxis to disrupt unjust and unsustainable divides that other us from one another and from the rest of Nature. Through a case study of a higher education ecopedagogical course in which students created a mass literacy campaign to disrupt these divides, we discuss first-hand the key ecopedagogical needs, challenges and possibilities for disrupting and sometimes bridging socio-environmental divides. We conclude by arguing that understanding of and fighting for justice and sustainability (within and beyond the anthroposphere) must occur both inside and outside of digital spaces.

The American Civil War has been commemorated with a great variety of monuments, memorials, and markers. These monuments were erected for a variety of reasons, beginning with memorialization of the fallen and later to honor aging veterans, commemoration of significant anniversaries associated with the conflict, memorialization of sites of conflict, and celebration of the actions of military leaders. Sources reveal that during both the Jim Crow and Civil Rights eras, many monuments were erected as part of an organized propaganda campaign to terrorize African American communities and distort the past by promoting a “Lost Cause” narrative. Through subsequent decades, to this day, complex and emotional narratives have surrounded interpretive legacies of the Civil War. Instruments of commemoration, through both physical and digital intervention approaches, can be provocative and instructive, as the country deals with a slavery legacy and the commemorated objects and spaces surrounding Confederate inheritances. Today, all of these potential factors and outcomes, with internationally relevance, are surrounded by swirls of social and political contention and controversy, including the remembering/forgetting dichotomies of cultural heritage. In this article, drawing from the testimony of scholars and artists, I address the
conceptual landscape of approaches to the presentation and evolving participatory narratives of Confederate monuments that range from absolute expungement and removal to more restrained ideas such as in situ re-contextualization, removal to museums, and preservation-in-place. I stress not so much the academic debate but how the American public is informed about and reacts to the various issues related to Confederate memorialization. My main point, where my premise stands out in the literature, is that, for the sake of posterity, and our ability to connect and engage with a tangible in situ artifact, not all Confederate statues should be taken down. Some of them, or remnants of them, should be preserved as sites of conscience and reflection, with their social and political meanings ongoing and yet to be determined in the future. The modern dilemma turns on the question: In today’s new era of social justice, are these monuments primarily symbols of oppression, or can we see
them, in select cases, alternatively as sites of conscience and reflection encompassing more inclusive conversations about commemoration? What we conserve and assign as the ultimate public value of these monuments rests with how we answer this question.

This chapter explores the conceptual relation of facts about racial injustice to two key aspects of Rawls’s ideal theory. First, it explains why Rawls excludes race from his representation of a well-ordered society and why he believes this exclusion does not mean that justice as fairness cannot support racial justice. Second, it considers three recent accounts of the justificatory role of facts about racial injustice in justice as fairness, focusing on the methods of the Original Position and Reflective Equilibrium. It concludes with a reinterpretation of the method of Reflective Equilibrium that shows why it provides a promising pathway for showcasing the explicit role of facts about racial realities in ideal theory. Namely, their consideration can add justification to the idea of justice as fairness.

This case study examines the controversial third verse of "The Star-Spangled Banner," which includes the phrase "hireling and slave" who "dare not breathe" under the American flag. Written by Francis Scott Key in 1814, the anthem has long been a symbol of American patriotism. However, the third verse, which refers to enslaved African Americans and those who fought for the British during the War of 1812, has largely been omitted from public performances due to its racially charged language. This study explores the historical context of the verse, analyzing its connection to the racial dynamics of the time, including the promise of freedom to enslaved people by the British and the exclusion of African Americans from the ideals of liberty espoused by the American flag. By investigating the intent behind Key’s words and the subsequent erasure of this verse from mainstream performances, the study sheds light on the complex relationship between national symbols, race, and historical memory. The analysis underscores the ongoing significance of this verse in contemporary discussions about racial justice, national identity, and the struggle for equality in the United States.

This essay argues that Charles Mills's normative vision for racial justice-a reformed, race-attentive liberalism-is fundamentally self-undermining because it embraces the liberal property form. Specifically, I show how Mills's insistence on the practical utility of the property form for racial justice ignores both W.E.B. Du Bois's signal warning about the reactionary power of propertied interests and how the hegemony of Lockean liberalism is a key mediator of racial/colonial domination in the United States. The essay first shows how Mills's anti-racist, social democratic liberalism relies on and legitimizes a property rights framework. I then analyze Du Bois's critique of liberal abolition-democracy during Reconstruction, surfacing how white propertied interests constantly threaten progressive gains and social democratic change. Building on Du Bois, I argue that Mills's reformed liberalism, by preserving the property form, places racial justice on an inherently unstable foundation while also excluding struggles for Indigenous sovereignty. Finally, I question Mills's pragmatic argument for restricting racial justice to a reformed liberalism. Mills's "Black radical liberalism" is not as straightforwardly practical as he suggests because of the deep historical hold of Lockean, rather than Kantian, liberalism. Here, I excavate how hegemony around Lockean liberalism in the United States has been periodically reconsolidated, looking at the interwar and Cold War context as well as the deeper influence of Locke on US constitutionalism. Ultimately, against a politics that restricts racial justice to a social democratic horizon, I contend that it is necessary to challenge the liberal property form in the pursuit of racial justice and Indigenous sovereignty.

In this symposium, we explore learning racial justice across different research contexts, from social movements and formal educational settings using the framework of Pedagogies of Witnessing. We take up the possibilities and limitations of witnessing how people learn about racial justice within varied contexts. We use data from across formal and informal learning environments to trace 1. liberatory witnessing, 2. harmful witnessing, and 3. multimodal aspects of witnessing as a methodological approach. By bringing our studies into conversation, we identify lessons about when and how witnessing can serve as a productive or damaging pedagogical practice, and explore the broader lessons for theorizing learning racial justice.

In 2019, the Maryland Lynching Truth and Reconciliation Commission (MLTRC) was established. The first of its kind in the United States, this official body was tasked with investigating racial terror lynchings of African Americans in the state of Maryland and their legacy. While the MLTRC’s work is ongoing, it has already held six public hearings in different state counties where racial terror lynchings occurred. Each hearing provides an opportunity for descendants of victims, perpetrators, and witnesses to testify regarding the impact these lynchings have had on their lives and that of their families. The descendants are also invited to share recommendations for achieving healing, justice, and reconciliation. Archivists, scholars, and expert witnesses are similarly provided the opportunity to offer testimony about the lynched victims, the impact of racial terror on the respective county, and to provide suggestions for addressing the legacies of racial terror lynchings. As part of a larger comparative project focused on truth commissions addressing racial and indigenous injustice in the United States, this paper will analyze the
MLTRC Hearings. More specifically, this paper will explore how descendants and expert witnesses understand both the legacies of racial terror lynching and what is needed for healing, justice, and reconciliation. It will conclude with a brief discussion of the MLTRC’s significance and challenges that it faces.

Liberalism is often claimed to be at odds with feminism and critical race theory (CRT). This article argues, to the contrary, that Rawlsian liberalism supports the central commitments of both. Section 1 argues that Rawlsian liberalism supports intersectional feminism. Section 2 argues that the same is true of CRT. Section 3 then uses Young’s ‘Five Faces of Oppression’—a classic work widely utilized in feminism and CRT to understand and contest many varieties of oppression—to illustrate how Rawlsian liberalism supports diverse feminist and CRT projects, and why it may be critical to achieve solidarity between feminism, CRT, and Rawlsian liberalism. Finally, Section 4 responds to five objections.

One way to describe a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) is as a listening exercise.

TRCs are intended to strengthen democracy, peace, and human rights by, at least in part, listening: listening to members of a community who have not been adequately heard and, as a consequence, who have experienced marginalization or invisibility that can make it easier for societies to harm them. Listening is a form of recognition and inclusion, and listening leads to the creation of new narratives that can help redefine societies and change behavior.

Truth and Reconciliation commissions (often called simply “truth commissions”) and related initiatives have been established in societies whose members have been victims of atrocities such as war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide, or other forms of severe societal trauma such as, for example, the experience of torture and forced disappearance in Argentina, the repression, violence, and institutional racism of Apartheid in South Africa, or the cultural genocide of First Nation and indigenous peoples who predate the modern country of Canada. In the United States, there has never been a national TRC, but local initiatives are emerging in many states, often to examine racial injustice or the legacies of the transatlantic slave trade.
There have been dozens of TRCs in every world region over the past 40 years — perhaps most famously, for example, in South Africa, Chile, and Canada — and each one is unique. In addition to formal TRCs established by governments, there have been hundreds, if not thousands, of civil society initiatives established by nonprofit organizations, faith-based groups, community organizations, universities, and victims’ associations that resemble truth commissions.

The role of the teacher in higher education extends far beyond the simple transmission of knowledge. It involves cultivating relationships, engaging ethically, and co-constructing identity within a dynamic institutional framework. Traditionally seen as an autonomous and static construct, teacher identity is relational, formed through dynamic, dialogical interactions with students, colleagues, and institutional structures. Here I will attempt to reimagine teacher identity by building on philosophical and pedagogical foundations, particularly Martin Buber's (1958) philosophy of dialogue and Paulo Freire's (1970) pedagogy of liberation. Buber's "I-Thou" relationship concept highlights the transformative potential of authentic engagement between teacher and student. Freire views education as a collaborative process where educators and learners co-create knowledge. Together, these frameworks reject the notion of an autonomous self and instead place the relational teacher-student interaction at the center of educational practices and moral development.

Over the last 30 years, the Department of Justice (DOJ) has used the pattern-or-practice initiative to implement police reform in maligned law enforcement agencies. Despite the longevity of the program, there is limited empirical evidence that assesses the effectiveness of the initiative, and what evidence exists shows mixed results. This paper advances prior scholarship in this area by considering what is known about the program, outlining the implied theory of the DOJ's efforts, lamenting the lack of evaluation evidence, and prescribing a modern research agenda for this topic area.

The United States is a racially diverse nation that also is saturated with severe racial injustice. At the same time, it is a nation within which countless residents seek full flourishing for all peoples despite the hazards of a racialized hierarchy. In this context of prejudice and distrust, how is it possible to nonviolently cross racialized boundaries to approach some measure of dignity and justice for all human beings? This chapter argues that a Spirituality of the Precious Blood is one resource that can form women and men to become ministers of reconciliation and social healing in this context.

This paper investigates the relationship between certi ed green buildings and biophilic design principles, aiming to assess how biophilic design aligns with Green Building Rating Tools (GBRTs). To achieve this, three widely used GBRTs (LEED, BREEAM, and LBC) are compared to the WELL Building Standard, which has best adopted biophilic design patterns. The research team conducted a thorough review of available crosswalks and alignment documents, using WELL as a benchmark against the other three GBRTs. They identi ed overlapping equivalency levels of the seven concepts of WELL and their related 100 features, assigning weighted scores accordingly. The ndings reveal both opportunities and challenges in the alignment between WELL and other GBRTs. While partial equivalency is possible, achieving full compliance is unlikely due to the extensive scienti c basis of WELL features requiring further testing and analysis. LEED stands out with the largest share of equivalent features, covering 59% of the total, indicating full compliance, while BREEAM scored 36% for equivalent features. However, LBC performed differently, with only 8% of features deemed equivalent due to its reliance on actual performance rather than prescriptive measures observed in LEED and BREEAM. This article offers valuable insights for architects, designers, and policymakers in fostering integrated and sustainable built environments. It holds signi cant relevance due to its potential to uncover unexplored territory, promising to reshape discourse on green building certi cations and their impact on human well-being and environmental sustainability.

To write about race and transitional justice begins in many ways from a point of radical impossibility. There is no plausible repair for the transatlantic slave trade. There is no apology available for apartheid. There is no amount of money, prison time, truth or apology that could possibly address either the atrocities of slavery and colonialism or the brutally unequal afterlives they have wrought. Despite the inevitable incommensurability of any forms of justice with the practices of violence they address, justice must nonetheless be pursued. The three works discussed here, along with many other important recent contributions, grapple admirably with both the horrific scope of the problems and the difficult, unsatisfying work of repair. The foundational question of how to understand or to remember-let alone to redress-'historical' harms reverberates throughout work on race and transitional justice. Both the transitional justice enterprise and the study of constructions of race, racialization and racism require a Janus-faced approach to time, looking simultaneously forward and backward. Transitional justice has always been caught between accounting for the past and establishing basic guarantees for the future. 1 While one impulse lies in the desire to discover what has happened in the past-and, if possible, to hold someone or some state/institution accountable for it-the future-oriented

White defensiveness in response to racial justice education has increasingly been understood through the “white fragility” framework. This study puts forth a new framework that instead identifies a typology of white defensive moves that actively work to uphold and fortify the white racial contract. Inspired by Solórzano and Delgado-Bernal’s (2001) framework for understanding students of color resistance to racism as active (even when it might look passive, on the surface), our theoretical model illustrates four distinct categories of white racial defense that actively protect whiteness. Because white defensiveness has been primarily examined in the context of Traditionally White Institutions, where white students have been presumed to be “ignorant” or “lacking stamina” for encounters in which whiteness is challenged, we provide examples from an instrumental case analysis (Stake, 1995) of 15 in-depth interviews with white students attending three different Historically Black Universities, where their whiteness has become hypervisible and salient. We identify a typology of four agentic forms of defense: The “Innocent Defense,” The “Liberal Defense,” The “Antiracist Defense,” and The “Persecuted Defense.” We refer to these defenses together as “the whiteness protection program” to connote a collective agreement (part of the racial contract), which calls for rethinking the individualized and passive notion of white fragility.  In the end, we argue that understanding these modes of resistance as agentic, rather than fragile results of lack of exposure and knowledge, is essential to disrupting white supremacy and fostering students of color well-being.

On June 30, 2023, the Supreme Court of the United States issued the decision in Biden v. Nebraska, striking down the Biden Program of student debt forgiveness. The decision reignited the debate about the cost of higher education in the U.S. This paper aims to analyze the issue from a comparative legal history perspective, combined with some methods borrowed from intersectionality. Through the lens of history, the main goal of the research is to show that the current settings of higher education costs are the product of deliberate ideological, political, economic, and legal choices that still have an asymmetrical impact on discriminated groups. In this regard, intersectionality provides an appropriate analytical framework to show how the entire legal framework of student debt in the United States represents the perpetuation of certain power structures, such as racism and class stratification, in a combination that has made and continues to make some individuals more vulnerable than others. To substantiate these claims, legal education will be examined as a case study.

On May 29, 2020, in the Brooklyn borough of New York, a demonstrator who was arrested waits in the back of a bus during a protest against the death of George Floyd, a black man who was killed while being restrained by a Minneapolis police o cer on Memorial Day that year. (AP/Frank Franklin II)

Despite the increased numbers of students of color in higher education, racial stratification is deeply entrenched in the university system (Carnevale & Strohl, 2013), and it is within these racialized systems of inequality that students of color seek academic excellence. This paper describes three student activism initiatives at Bridgewater State University focused on racial justice, in response to the nonindictments of white police officers lethal brutality toward men of color in New York and Missouri, and in the face of pervasive systemic racism. During the 2014-2015 academic year, students, in collaboration with employees, organized a Black Lives Matter event, an Acting for Justice Troupe, and a state-wide summit focused on the success of male students of color. The paper outlines the relational nature of these student activism initiatives, how non-traditional mentoring relationships with employees support students, and the impact on the campus community as well as higher educat...

When remembering the revolutionary period in American history known as the civil rights movement-a nonviolent social and political movement and campaign that set out to abolish legalized institutional racial segregation, discrimination, and disenfranchisement throughout the United States and lasted from 1954 to 1968-several key figures come to mind. Perhaps it is Thurgood Marshall and his groundbreaking work on the Supreme Court case that came to be known as Brown vs. Board of Education; Rosa Parks, whose unwillingness to give up her seat on the bus played a pivotal role in the Montgomery bus boycott; or maybe the most prominent figure, pastor and theologian Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. who was a key participant and organizer for the March on Washington, the Selma to Montgomery marches, and the Poor Peopleʼs Campaign to name just a few. But what o en doesnʼt happen in our recollections of this tumultuous and challenging time is considering the active role that many Catholics, specifically Black Catholics,

This article highlights a four-year community engagement project to engage residents in remembering historic and iconic places, which served the community during its heyday, and envisioning future development. The project was realized over four years through a partnership between a capstone community development service-learning course and a community development corporation (CDC), located in North Philadelphia, PA. The CDC was challenged to engage residents in developing a community vision after decades of disinvestment. Engaging residents in storytelling through multiple forms such as historic narratives, memories, and conversations was seen as the root of the projects' success.

This article,  which appeared in New Politics in Winter 1968,  is not currently in the NP archives, although it is available online: https://www.unz.com/print/NewPolitics-1968q1-00005/ 
I am posting it as a public service. Note the author is Steve Zeluck although the website shows me as the author.

Elisa Sanchez stood up and spoke during the January 8, 2006, memorial service for Clinton Jencks in San Diego, California, as recounted in James Lorence's Palomino. Sanchez, a child in Grant County, New Mexico, during the Empire Zinc strike made famous by the movie Salt of the Earth (dir. Herbert J. Biberman, 1954), remembered Jencks as a leader who nurtured local leadership while being invisible. "While I can remember being conscious of "El Palomino," he was never the focus, our own leadership was" (197). She called him "the flint" and the local Mexican American community "the kindling" for what some Mexican Americans in the area remember as "a true American revolution in Grant County" (ibid.).

am glad, humbled, and honoured to be part of the publication, the official journal of the United Theological College Bangalore. My article is "Re-reding the life and work of Ecumenical Personalities: Charles H. Brenty, J.H. Oldham, and William Temple in the Present-day Context."
In my article, we can see the contribution of C. H. Brent, William Temple and J. H. Oldham to uniting Churches amid different doctrines and faith practices and their support for social reforms. We will also see how the ecumenical personalities raised their voice and contributed to their work and writing for racial justice and war. Black lives matter, and voices against racial discrimination we can hear and see everywhere. Still, these ecumenical personalities raised their voices against all these kinds of crimes long before this article will enable us to learn from them.

In this thesis we will examine the debate between ideal theory and non-ideal theory. This is a debate that has already been much discussed, but new authors are constantly adding new arguments and new approaches. One of the authors who caught our attention is Charles Mills. We believe that he has made several interesting contributions to debates surrounding the relationship between ideal and non-ideal theory and specifically on the methodological aspect. In this study, we will focus on Mills criticisms of the methodology developed by Rawls and the political consequences of these problems. By relating Mills criticism not only to Rawls ideas, but also to contemporary debates, we will observe how his criticisms and his propositions answer certain problems that we can observe when we try to think of concrete actions from the ideal theory.

In the aftermath of the urban uprisings of the 1960s, African Americans pointed to the role of police violence in sparking and fueling the moments of unrest. The police, Los Angeles civil rights lawyer Loren Miller explained after the 1965 Watts uprising, operated as an arm of the state that occupied Black neighborhoods and enforced a racially segregated and hierarchical social order. "When night falls in the ghetto," Miller observed, "nobody is left except the residents and the police officers who seem to the ghetto dwellers to be an army of occupation sent there to conserve a way of life that seems to enforce the code of the majority that insists on racial separatism." 1 Or, as James Baldwin explained in response to calls for "law and order" following the Harlem uprising of 1964, "Whose law, one is compelled to ask, and what order? There is a very good reason for the Negroes to hate the police in Harlem … their role in Harlem is simply to corral and control the citizens of the ghetto, and protect white business interests. They certainly do not protect the lives or property of Negroes." 2 If Miller and Baldwin pointed to the police as an occupying force that used violence to enforce a racialized "law and order," policymakers, government commissions, and the police themselves ignored the central role of the police as purveyors of violence and the police power as a central grievance motivating participants in urban rebellion. The Kerner report, released by Lyndon Johnson's National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders in 1968, pointed out that a routine police action sparked nearly all the 1960s urban uprisings. But portraying the police as a mere spark missed how African Americans-those who were policed-had specific grievances with the daily practices of law enforcement and the use of the police power to maintain a racialized and hierarchical social order through a violent program of occupation and repression prior to, during, and after the uprisings. Because the Kerner report did not view the police as the linchpin upholding racial order and, by implication, the uprisings as a protest against that racial order and its enforcers, the commission's analysis of urban unrest and solutions to it focused on procedural reforms to change officer behavior and weed out "bad apples." It did not question the police power, the structure of the police, or the significance of state violence carried out by the police in the uprisings. 3 As Miller and Baldwin suggested, the problem was rooted in how the police power was bound up in perpetuating white supremacy. To fully understand the meaning of the urban uprisings of the 1960s, as a result, requires taking police violence and power in cities and African American life seriously. 4 Investigations into the causes of the urban uprisings emerged as soon as they ended. 5 Following studies by sociologists and social scientists, a generation of urban historians began to rethink the 1960s unrest in the context of the urban crisis and the structural changes in the political economy of

This paper builds on James Cones' Black Liberation Theology (BLT) and grants the well-known fact that BLT leans heavily on the Hebrew Bible’s Exodus motif for its hermeneutic.  Cones used the Exodus motif to argue for the need for oppressed communities to create their own space separate from the oppressors whereby they can formulate their own identity. Cones construct in some ways speaks of the first stage of Black Liberation but does not address the inevitable social-structural demands that the oppressed community will have to, at some point, integrate (as American history proves for Blacks in America). In that case,  the New Exodus (Return from Exile) motifs in the Hebrew Bible envision a life of the inevitable integration. But, it offers a potential paradigm, whereby the former oppressors are integrated through a reversal motif in which their power differential has been deconstructed. Tracing then,  the Hebrew Bible's Return from Exile motifs through the trajectory of the NT, whereby it is fulfilled in the Son of Man's ministry, this paper offers another paradigm for racial justice in the Christian context.

Community agriculture initiatives are often run by organizations (1) relying on volunteer structures; (2) growing produce sustainably; and (3) aiming to improve health and access to food in their communities. To clarify “growing produce sustainably,” the Utah Conservation Corps Urban Community Farm (UCC UCF) (a volunteer and AmeriCorps-driven community agriculture model based in Logan, Utah) engages in regenerative agriculture practices, which are reviewed in this fact sheet. Community agriculture benefits and challenges are explored

The rich mosaic of U.S. demographics contains multiple languages, cultures, and belief systems. Yet, the historical legacy of an old, white supremacist "master narrative" continues to dominate our political, social, and educational systems. The authors of this paper are educators who teach in either K-12 classrooms or at the university level in the graduate education of counselors, teachers, and school administrators. As educators, we recognize that the old master narrative generates discord by emphasizing history that promotes the position and status of one group over another, which is antithetical in a democracy that is supposed to value all. Therefore, the authors challenge the biased and obsolete racist narrative that perpetuates cultural, psychological, educational, and sociological impairment. In addressing the embedded tenets of white supremacy, this article serves several purposes. First, the authors emphasize the need to re-frame how students are educated in both elementary schools and in higher education, urging the adoption of a humanist narrative that includes stories of Euro-Americans from the historical record who resisted white supremacy. It also offers recommendations for eradicating white supremacy across multiple contexts, including implications for the workplace. Further, it provides examples of how this alternative approach promotes positive integration of white Euro-Americans into the greater populace, leading to a more inclusive society.

Martin Luther King Jr.'s "I Have a Dream" speech, delivered on August 28, 1963, remains a powerful call for racial equality and justice. While primarily focused on African American civil rights, King's vision for a just society transcends racial boundaries. This critique explores interpreting King's dream through LGBTQ criticism, highlighting interconnected struggles for equality.

King's statement, "injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere," resonates with the LGBTQ movement's principle of intersectionality. His vision of judging individuals by their character, not skin color, extends to advocating for a world free from prejudice based on sexual orientation and gender identity.

The eight student authors of this special issue were all drawn to the mission of a newly formed doctoral program at UC San Diego, Transforming Education in a Diverse Society, which focuses on equity, justice, and collaboration in an effort to transform educational contexts and systems. Our pursuit of a Ph.D. is driven by personal and family experiences, and ignited by our upbringing in a society that marginalizes the voices of Black, Indigenous, and People of Color. Each one of the authors believes in addressing educational disparities while working with historically marginalized communities and educational stakeholders. We are eager to transform educational outcomes and patterns of socialization in formal and non-formal spaces for Black, Indigenous, and People of Color, as well as for all children and youth. This special issue represents our collective attempt to resist the silencing of our narratives by drawing on the knowledge that we carry and the theoretical tools we have gained to advance racial and social justice for Communities of Color in the field of education.

This paper reports on a qualitative participatory curriculum study where 5th graders from southeast Wisconsin investigate the concept of community through a process of countermapping. Framed by place-based education and spatial justice, this counter-mapping curriculum centers student collaboration and analysis, which provides a way for students to share and complicate their relations to place and implicit spatial knowledge of community. Through this curriculum students demonstrated the ability to collaboratively analyze normative assumptions embedded in the idea of community. In the process, they interrogated economic, racialized, and colonial politics of place, and started to interrogate dominant white spatial epistemologies. Counter-mapping as a curricular method not only facilitates new understanding through a shared critical spatial analysis but can also cultivate new ways of relating to and being with one another that are essential for more-just spatial imaginations.

This essay reflects on the many upheavals of the past year and their implications for critical scholarship on surveillance. The COVID-19 pandemic, anti-science policies, radicalized white supremacists, police killings of people of color, and the resurgence of the racial justice movement all inflect surveillance practices in the contemporary moment. In particular, today's polarized political landscape makes it difficult to condemn surveillance in the service of the public good, but irrespective of one's goals or intentions, the embrace of transparency carries its own risks. Transparency, and scientific vision more broadly, is an extension of the Enlightenment and subsequent scientific revolution, which from the start sought to advance knowledge and consolidate white power through the violent subjugation of nature, women, and racial minorities. One fundamental risk of valorizing transparency is that doing so occludes the ways that relations of domination are indelibly encoded into surveillance systems and practices. Given this, I argue that the project of decolonizing surveillance inquiry should now be our primary focus as a field.

Despite an increasing body of research focusing on the use of social media posts for inferring various social phenomena such as influenza spread, political preferences, or information diffusion, less attention has been given to the influence such posts have on user attitudes. Rooted at the nexus of social capital, sociolinguistics, and the theory of critical consciousness, this study aims to explore the social media factors playing a role in racial justice attitude development. Using a matched sample of 5,365 Twitter users, we demonstrate the impact of user posts' topical diversity and bridging and bonding capital on the likelihood of engaging in antiracist discourse online in the aftermath of George Floyd's murder.

The Cultural Resource Centers (CRCs) at Portland State University (PSU) create a student-centered inclusive environment that enriches the university experience. The CRCs value diversity, social justice, cultural traditions, student identities, success and leadership. On November 2, 2016, PSU held a grand opening celebrating the expansion of the CRCs with the addition of two new centers, including the Pan-African Commons (PAC). The growth of the CRCs marks a milestone in PSU’s commitment to social justice and equity. The purpose of the Pan-African Commons 1-Year Assessment was to measure how student experiences and needs within institutional memory related to the experiences of Black students who’ve attended PSU, and how they may inform Pan-African Commons programing and priorities. Findings will be deemed from the data collection of; the Black Student Climate Survey Data administered by Pan-African Task Force, Portland State University’s university Archives special collections, onbo...

The death of George Floyd is just one of several incidents that pushed issues of race, diversity and justice to the front burner in 2020. At the University of Maine, President Joan Ferrini-Mundy created a new council to examine where UMaine stands in relation to these issues and what can be done to foster a more inclusive and equitable campus atmosphere. The Council on Diversity, Equity and Inclusion began its work this fall. We speak with council co-chairs Kimberly Whitehead, vice president and chief of staff to the president, and Susan McKay, a professor of physics and director of the Center for Research in STEM Education, or RiSE Center, about efforts to make UMaine and the education it provides more just and reflective of the diverse world students will enter

The death of George Floyd is just one of several incidents that pushed issues of race, diversity and justice to the front burner in 2020. At the University of Maine, President Joan Ferrini-Mundy created a new council to examine where UMaine stands in relation to these issues and what can be done to foster a more inclusive and equitable campus atmosphere. The Council on Diversity, Equity and Inclusion began its work this fall. We speak with council co-chairs Kimberly Whitehead, vice president and chief of staff to the president, and Susan McKay, a professor of physics and director of the Center for Research in STEM Education, or RiSE Center, about efforts to make UMaine and the education it provides more just and reflective of the diverse world students will enter

Background: Growing recognition of racism perpetuated within academic institutions has given rise to anti-racism efforts in these settings. In June 2020, the university-based California Preterm Birth Initiative (PTBi) committed to an Anti-Racism Action Plan outlining an approach to address anti-Blackness. This case study assessed perspectives on PTBi’s anti-racism efforts to support continued growth toward racial equity within the initiative. Methods: This mixed methods case study included an online survey with multiple choice and open-ended survey items (n = 27) and key informant interviews (n = 8) of leadership, faculty, staff, and trainees working within the initiative. Survey and interview questions focused on perspectives about individual and organizational anti-racism competencies, perceived areas of initiative success, and opportunities for improvement. Qualitative interview and survey data were coded and organized into common themes within assessment domains. Results: Most s...

Effectively addressing both cognitive and affective dimensions of learning is one of the greatest obstacles to teaching race and racial justice in higher education. In this article, we first explore the need to integrate attention to cognitive and affective development, along with evidence-based strategies for doing so. We then provide a case study of an undergraduate sociology course on environmental justice in which the instructor intentionally adopted holistic pedagogical principles of teaching race. Analyzing student responses from a pre- and post- course survey, course assignments, and instructor observations of student participation, we find that both white students and students of color experienced significant growth in their cognitive and affective understanding of the complexities of race and work toward racial justice. However, results also show how challenging it can be to create the conditions for productive multiracial dialogues that produce extensive affective developm...

Teaching on topics of race and racism presents unique challenges to leaders in the university classroom setting. Despite an increasing number of instructors bringing a critical analysis of racial in/justice to their curriculum, many report challenges in teaching this content effectively. In this article, we address these challenges. We define common challenges in teaching racial content and articulate four principles for course planning around topics of race, racism, and racial justice. Then, drawing on a systematic review of scholarship examining issues of difference within a diverse range of disciplinary settings, we introduce a set of five pedagogical strategies, and supporting classroom practices, that will help instructors effectively manage everyday classroom interactions. This article contributes to the vast literature on teaching race and anti-racist education by synthesizing guiding pedagogical principles for course planning and classroom management that are applicable in a...

Family Foundation Giving Trends 2012 is the fifth in a series of reports that annually updates the giving of the largest 100 family foundations in the UK, tracking trends and comparing them with their US counterparts. Giving through family foundations represents around 8% of all private giving in the UK.This year's report is a special edition aimed at providing a more rounded picture of family foundation philanthropy. The regular updating of the annual league tables of giving is complemented by new research on the causes supported, the influences on decision-making in an uncertain environment, and family foundations' outlook for the future.The research was carried out through extracting financial data from annual reports and websites on annual spending and the distribution of grants by cause, and an online survey of decision-making amongst the largest family foundations (40 responses, 45% response rate).For this research, UK and US family foundations are defined as independe...

Bail bond companies act as gatekeepers to freedom for thousands in California every day. Yet despite their ubiquitous role in our criminal justice system, the current framework regulating the commercial bail industry almost exclusively monitors the relationship between bail companies and the state, but fails to mitigate the wide-ranging variety of harms that bail agents can and often do inflict on their customers. In large part, this is because existing policies frame defendants simply as criminals, erasing their simultaneous position as consumers soliciting a commercial service. As a consequence, consumers who make use of the commercial bail bond system, largely poor individuals of color and their families, remain vulnerable to a system ripe for abuse. This paper presents a novel way to frame the interaction between a bail bond company and its customer as a fundamentally consumer interaction that should, as countless similar goods and services are, be governed by a consumer protection framework. This regime would adequately protect individuals who utilize bail bond companies from abuse and generally encourage a well functioning commercial bail industry. This paper provides an avenue for pursuing claims against abusive bail bond companies and suggests policy changes to create a better commercial bail industry. In doing so, this paper argues (1) that commercial bail companies offer a service that can and should be regulated by currently existing consumer protection law; (2) that although no such cases have yet been brought in California, consumers of these bail services can and should bring suit against bail companies for violations of state and federal consumer protection laws; and (3) that despite the availability of such claims, new legislation specifically tailored to the industry is urgently needed to ensure a properly functioning industry free of exploitation and abuse.

Part I of this paper summarizes the process of pretrial detention and bail in California. Part II describes the commercial bail system in California, illuminating the context in which consumers of bail services find themselves. Part II then summarizes qualitative research conducted with 35 individuals in order to describe the variety of harms consumers of bail services often endure. Part III surveys existing consumer protection legislation for consumers seeking relief, focusing primarily on the federal and California fair debt collection practices acts (FDCPA, and CFDCPA), the California Legal Remedies Act (CLRA), and the California Unfair Competition Law (UCL). In Part IV, the paper addresses the broader regulation of the commercial bail industry, focusing on the areas that existing protections may not be able to reach and describing the possibility of enacting new legislation specifically tailored to these deficiencies.

This article presents a qualitative analysis of Black student organizers’ experiences of racism at the University of Missouri, where they led a resurgence of campus struggles in 2015. Analyzing experiences and impacts of everyday violence in relation to broader systems of anti-Blackness and racial capitalism, the article identifies numerous direct consequences of campus racism. Several broader impacts are also delineated, including psychological harm, economic dispossession, and institutional maintenance. The findings illuminate the effects of varied but cohesive instances of anti-Black racism in higher education, making visible repetitive moments of everyday violence that universities both enable and erase.