Presidential Studies

On this day in history August 8, 1974, the 37th President Richard Nixon in a televised address announces to the American public that he is resigning the presidency as of noon on August 9, because of lack of support in upcoming impeachment proceedings Congress was taking against him over his role in covering up the Watergate break-in scandal. To avoid the House of Representatives’ impeachment trial, Nixon decided to become the first president in history to resign from the office, when he did on August 9, 1974, over two years after the Watergate burglary began the president’s descent into a cover-up that consumed his presidency and launched the nation into a Constitutional Crisis. It would take less than a month later when on September 8, his successor Gerald Ford, would pardon Nixon and the “long national nightmare” would truly be “over” left for history to judge the legacies of Nixon and Ford.

On August 6, 1945, the world changed when the United States dropped the first atomic bomb on the Japanese city Hiroshima. Three days later a second bomb was dropped on another Japanese city, Nagasaki. The decision to drop the atomic bomb was left to one person, President Harry S. Truman. Since the decision to use the atomic bomb and following the unprecedented destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, many questions regarding the decision have been asked, including if President Truman had made the correct decision by unleashing the bomb and what his actual motivations for doing so.

A century after his death, Theodore Roosevelt remains one of the most recognizable figures in U.S. history, with depictions of the president ranging from the brave commander of the Rough Riders to a trailblazing progressive politician and early environmentalist to little more than a caricature of grinning teeth hiding behind a mustache and pince-nez. Theodore Roosevelt’s Ghost follows the continuing shifts and changes in this president’s reputation since his unexpected passing in 1919.

In the most comprehensive examination of Roosevelt’s legacy, Michael Patrick Cullinane explores the frequent refashioning of this American icon in popular memory. The immediate aftermath of Roosevelt’s death created a groundswell of mourning and goodwill that ensured his place among the great Americans of his generation, a stature bolstered by the charitable and political work of his surviving family. When Franklin Roosevelt ascended to the presidency, he worked to situate himself as the natural heir of Theodore Roosevelt, reshaping his distant cousin’s legacy to reflect New Deal values of progressivism, intervention, and patriotism. Others retroactively adapted Roosevelt’s actions and political record to fit the discourse of social movements from anticommunism to civil rights, with varying degrees of success. Richard Nixon’s frequent invocation led to a decline in Roosevelt’s popularity and a corresponding revival effort by scholars endeavoring to give an accurate, nuanced picture of the 26th president.

This wide-ranging study reveals how successive generations shaped the public memory of Roosevelt through their depictions of him in memorials, political invocations, art, architecture, historical scholarship, literature, and popular culture. Cullinane emphasizes the historical contexts of public memory, exploring the means by which different communities worked to construct specific representations of Roosevelt, often adapting his legacy to suit the changing needs of the present. Theodore Roosevelt’s Ghost provides a compelling perspective on the last century of U.S. history as seen through the myriad interpretations of one of its most famous and indefatigable icons.

У розвідці проаналізовано особливості розвитку й різновиди напівпрезиденталізму в Україні упродовж 1991-2015 років, окреслено інституційні патерни різних сценаріїв напівпрезиденталізму в Україні, детерміновано формальні та фактичні атрибути українського напівпрезиденталізму, а також визначено перспективи реформування напівпрезиденталізму в Україні. Аргументовано, що в Україні після 2014 року використано практику збалансованого напівпрезиденталізму. Визначено інституційні патерни, ризики та ефекти збалансованого напівпрезиденталізму в Україні, а також ключові напрями його модифікації. Виснувано, що збалансований напівпрезиденталізм, зокрема й в Україні, становить інституційно нестабільний сценарій системи державного правління. Зроблено припущення, що збалансований напівпрезиденталізм в Україні повинен трансформуватись у напівпрезиденталізм із посадою номінального президента або у парламентаризм.
Ключові слова: система правління, напівпрезиденталізм, президент-парламентаризм, прем’єр-президенталізм, збалансований напівпрезиденталізм, Україна.

In recent decades, Western democracies have witnessed substantial changes in the role played by political leaders. In particular, prime ministers have benefited from increasing decision-making autonomy in both the cabinet and the party, to the detriment of party organizations. In this context, Germany represents a deviant case, when compared to other West European democracies: if, on the one hand, the personalization of politics has provided the chancellor with further visibility in the media, on the other hand strong political parties and a complex system of institutional veto points have remained significant sources of limitation to monocratic government. Nevertheless, the policy autonomy of the head of government has increased in many fields: how has this been possible? This chapter investigates how German chancellors have used domestic and international crises as windows of opportunity to find new room for maneuver and promoting crucial policy turns, often in opposition to their parties. The analysis focuses on two chancellors: Gerard Schröder and Angela Merkel, whose governments are contextualized within the executive history of the Federal Republic of Germany since 1949. Particular attention is paid to Merkel’s management of the Covid-19 crisis and the institutional constraints on her action. Findings show that a relative informal strengthening process of the figure of the chancellor has not been paired by relevant changes in chancellor’s normative powers. From a comparative perspective, this result is interpreted as a signal of continuity in the ability of German political institutions to work as counterweights vis-à-vis more personal forms of leadership.

Music and songs command public attention and generally appeal to a large number of people. During the 2015 Nigerian presidential election, some politicians and their parties virtually took over the musical space to woo voters. The message creators for incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan and his challenger, Muhammadu Buhari, crafted music-laden television commercials to convey their manifestos. This chapter used a content analytical method to investigate how various pieces of musical compositions were used as communication tools in the television adverts used in the elections. Specifically, it examined the musical genre, words, context, message, and discourse. Overall, most of the political advertisements used in the election were built around music and songs in praise of the candidates or used to tarnish their image.
KEY WORDS: Political music, presidential campaigns, Nigerian presidential election, voters, campaign managers, campaign messages, television advertisements, manifestos, electoral campaigns, political messaging.

Kniha nabízí systematický rozbor českého demokratického režimu po zavedení přímé a všeobecné volby prezidenta v roce 2012. Autoři současný stav konfrontují s různými koncepcemi poloprezidencialismu, přičemž nabízejí vlastní definici a ptají se, zda se Česká republika v posledních letech posunula k poloprezidencialismu, nebo zda zůstává i nadále parlamentním režimem. Zvláštní pozornost je věnována otázce postavení prezidentů v české politice a společnosti se zaměřením na působení prvního přímo a všeobecně zvoleného prezidenta Miloše Zemana. Autoři docházejí k jednoznačnému závěru, že Česká republika zůstává parlamentním režimem, byť značně deformovaným a špatně fungujícím. Podrobně jsou rozebrány příčiny a následky tohoto stavu. Prezident Zeman v tom všem hraje důležitou a problematickou roli.

Co je poloprezidentský režim?
Proč je český režim parlamentní, a ne poloprezidentský?
V čem spočívají deformace a potíže českého parlamentarismu a proč jsou tak vážné? Jaké postavení mají prezidenti v české politice a společnosti?
Jak ovlivnilo zavedení přímé a všeobecné volby prezidenta českou politiku?
Jakou roli v tom všem hraje prezident Miloš Zeman?

In this essay, I argue through analysis of the genre of campaign announcements that third-party presidential candidates have rhetorical norms of their own that address their unique challenges as political outsiders. Specifically, I contend that their announcements are a variant of the announcement genre and are warranted by the recurring situational barriers, perceived strategic constraints, and overall purposes for minor-party presidential campaigns. In addition to offering an alternative theory of third-party announcements based on analysis of over 40 such statements, I provide three case studies—including statements by Progressive Henry Wallace, Independent Eugene McCarthy, and Reform Party nominee Patrick Buchanan—to demonstrate this variant of the genre. Finally, I conclude by discussing the implications of this study for understanding third-party rhetoric.

A first lady intézményének rövid bemutatása.
Kik az amerikai first lady-k? Milyen tevékenységet végezhetnek?
Miért lényeges, hogy a beiktatási ceremónián milyen öltözetet  viselnek?
Mi a Smithsonian Institute?
Milyen protokoll vonatkozik az öltözködésükre?

La investigación presenta las repercusiones legislativas de los grados de pluralidad partidista en la Cámara de Diputados en México durante el siglo XX. Se evidencia que la pluralidad en la integración de las legislaturas ha sido un elemento que influye tanto en la aprobación, como en las modificaciones de las propuestas de ley, así como en la participación de los diputados a través de la presentación de iniciativas.  Un conjunto de reformas institucionales como la creación del partido político que gobernó el país durante setenta años, la prohibición de la reelección inmediata de legisladores, las modificaciones en las fórmulas para elegir representantes populares y la competencia electoral, produjeron cambios en la integración de la representación política, a partir de lo cual es posible identificar diversos periodos históricos de la cámara baja entre 1917 (año en que se aprobó la Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos que hasta 2018 es vigente) y el 2000 (año en el que perdió por vez primera el partido oficial, la Presidencia de la República).

I am currently working with seed grant money from the Georgia Humanities Foundation to produce a pilot episode for a podcast series on President Jimmy Carter. Many grant funders for media projects ask for a pilot episode or other work example when applying for funds. Such examples can have a significant impact on the funding decision. Thus, I am requesting additional support from the President’s Research and Creative Endeavors Mini Grants Initiative to ensure that my pilot episode stands out in future grant applications.

This article revisits Jeffrey Tulis’s The Rhetorical Presidency in the age of Trump, discussing the debates to which it originally responded, its core thesis and empirical evidence, as well as its impact on political science in the last three decades. The article’s second half turns to a recent critique of Tulis’s thesis by Ann C. Pluta, which manifests many of the misunderstandings that have persisted since The Rhetorical Presidency’s original publication. Habits of thought revealed in Pluta’s misunderstandings, I argue, are emblematic of the political culture that is amenable to the simplistic yet politically effective appeals characteristic of rhetorical presidents like Donald Trump. Elements of the broader political-science world that are on display in Pluta’s article are symptomatic of political pathologies sustained and aggravated by the culture of the polity that political scientists inhabit and purport to study—the culture of the rhetorical presidency.

‘Civilization is a blazing fire that burns and obliterates those who will not acknowledge it’ – Kemal Ataturk.
Usually, people grown up in typical lower-middle-class families are able to leave memorable contributions not only to the history of their country, but also to that of the world`s. One vivid example, which proves this, is Kemal Ataturk. His determined, vigorous view of life inspired me from the moment I got acquainted with his, so-called, descendant during my recent visit to Turkey. Ali, as he called himself, had a talent of adroit story-teller. Never have I heard a more precise description of the ideas and the terms of the character of Ataturk.

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American law clerks often draft opinions for their judges. Yet American legal culture is remarkably diffident about that simple fact. The role that law clerks play in drafting opinions is not a secret. Far from it. But it might qualify to be somewhere in the outer vicinity of being an “open secret.” And it continues to be controversial.

This essay explores a set of questions about opinion-writing by law clerks. The first major question is meta-normative. The goal is not to decide whether the practice of law clerks drafting opinions is proper or improper, but why it is occluded and controversial in the first place. Specifically, why is there so much more diffidence and doubt about the role of law clerks than about the work of aides in the other branches of government such as Presidential speechwriters and Congressional staff?

The second question is hermeneutic. Should the fact that judges might not always draft their own opinions lead us to read and interpret those opinions differently, especially when we draw conclusions about the “jurisprudence” of this or that judge or Justice or the way that legal doctrines often seem to be shaped by longstanding, dialectical, debates among judges or Justices?

The discussion of both questions tries to shed some light on broader constitutional and jurisprudential questions, including the distinctly metonymic relationship between the “President” and the rest of the Executive Branch and the complicated connections between judicial reasoning, the exercise of judicial authority, and the identity of the individual judge.

This essay was written as part of symposium marking the hundredth anniversary of the formal institution of Supreme Court law clerks.

The article is dedicated to theoretical, methodolo gical and empirical analysis of the essence, nature and types, constitutional and p olitical challenges and consequences of different republican systems of government. Special attention is paid to theoretical and empirical comparative analysis of semi-presidentialism. The author single s out different varieties of semi-presidential system of government and identifies the examples of different types of semi-presidentialism in the world. The researcher uses several approaches to th e classification of semi-presidentialism: formal, factual and both formal and factual. The usage of d ifferent types of semi-presidentialism is tested within the parameters of their performance, includi ng the indicators of political rights and civil liberties, governance effectiveness and human devel opment. On this basis, the researcher builds a synthetic model of semi-presidentialism, which is t he sum of various interinstitutional relations, each of whi...

В статі розглянуто еволюцію інституту президентства в політичній історії України. Визначено стадії становлення, повноваження, роль та місце інституту президентства в системі правління України на різних історичних етапах її політичного розвитку. Окреслено історіографію дослідження інституту президентства в Україні. Поетапно структуровано еволюцію політико-правової думки з приводу суті та призначення інституту президентства в Україні. Фактологічно окреслено повноваження, роль та місце інституту президентства у системі правління в Україні (на етнічних українських землях) в першій половині ХХ ст. Визначено вплив інституту президентства в СРСР на особливості становлення і роль інституту президентства в пострадянській Україні. Поетапно розкрито динаміку становлення інституту президентства в незалежній Україні впродовж 1991–2014 рр. З’ясовано проблематику інституційного наслідування інституту президентства, зокрема його повноважень, ролі та місця у системі правління, в контексті історичного впливу одних історичних віх становлення української державності на наступні. Аргументовано, що інститут президентства в Україні (зокрема та загалом у зрізі системи правління) потребує реформування з огляду на інституційну і політико-правову спадщину інституту президентства в Україні у минулому, а також з огляду на досвід застосування інституту президентства в державах Центрально-Східної Європи.

Ключові слова: президент, президентство, система правління, парламентаризм, президенталізм, напівпрезиденталізм.

During the transitions to multi-partyism that began in the late 1980s, presidential term limits were adopted into the constitutions of a majority of sub-Saharan African states. Yet, a sizable minority of African governments resisted implementing such restrictions on executive power. How can this variation be explained? This article proposes an expanded strategic choice approach that posits that the degree of electoral uncertainty affects institutional choice in cases of controlled, unilateral constitutional revisions (which were common across Africa) just as much as it shapes institutional choice in situations of cooperative constitution-making through bargaining and pact-making. Based on this logic, I argue that term limits were adopted as an electoral insurance mechanism in all cases where constitutional drafters perceive the degree of future electoral uncertainty to be high, regardless of whether the constitutional review process is cooperative or controlled. Alternatively, term limits are eschewed in cases where one unified party fully controls the constitutional review process and also perceives that they will win elections into the foreseeable future. The argument is tested through a statistical analysis of the determinants of term limit choice across all relevant sub-Saharan cases.

Presidentes elegidos en Latinoamérica se han utilizado de mecanismos de cambio constitucional para la creación de regímenes autoritarios o semi-autoritarios, teniendo como objetivo permanecer en el poder y/o debilitar el sistema de control. La estrategia hace con que las Constituciones parezcan democráticas a la distancia, y el peligro a las reglas del juego democrático y a la democracia liberal pasen desapercebidos de la comunidad internacional (Schepelle). El artículo propuesto trabaja con la hipótesis de que el diseño presidencial brasileño, sumado a la conflictiva experiencia del presidencialismo de coalición, como también al histórico de autoritarismo en el país, favorece esta especie de maniobra, siendo la causa de una crisis democrática e institucional.

Palabras clave: constitucionalismo abusivo; presidencialismo; separación de poderes; democracia; autoritarismo;

ABSTRACT: Charismatics presidents elected in Latin America, as well as in other ancient authoritarian regimes, have been using constitutional change mechanisms (amendments or new Constitutions) with the aim of destroying both constitutionalism and democracy. They create new autocratic regimes in order to remain in power and/or weaken the control system. The strategy makes the Constitution appear democratic at a distance and the danger to the rules of democratic play and liberal democracy goes unnoticed by the international community (Schepelle). The proposed presentation works with the hypothesis that the Brazilian presidential design, combined with the conflictive experience of coalition presidentialism, as well as the history of authoritarianism in the country, benefits this kind of maneuver, being the cause of a democratic and institutional crisis.
Keywords: abusive constitutionalism; presidentialism; separation of powers; democracy; authoritarianism;

This book offers a bold reinterpretation of the prevailing narrative that U.S. foreign policy after the Cold War was a failure. In chapters that retell and reargue the key episodes of the post-Cold War years, Lynch argues that the Cold War cast a shadow on the presidents that came after it and that success came more from adapting to that shadow than in attempts to escape it. When strategic lessons of the Cold War were applied, presidents fared better; when they were forgotten, they fared worse. This book tells the story not of a revolution in American foreign policy but of its essentially continuous character from one era to the next. While there were many setbacks between the fall of Soviet communism and the opening years of the Trump administration, from Rwanda to 9/11 and Iraq to Syria, Lynch demonstrates how and why the U.S. remained the world's dominant power. 'Lynch has written a cogent, graceful, provocative account of American foreign policy in the wake of-but, he argues, still powerfully influenced by-the Cold War.

Przygotowana publikacja jest zbiorem referatów przedstawionych podczas  studenckiego seminarium naukowego pt.: „ Modele prezydentury a pozycja ustrojowa Prezydenta w Polsce”, które odbyło się w dniach 22 - 23 kwietnia 2016 r., w Szczyrku. Spotkanie to zostało zorganizowane staraniem studenckich prawniczych kół naukowych  Uniwersytetów  Jagiellońskiego oraz Śląskiego. Wspomniane seminarium umożliwiło nie tylko dyskusję na temat istotnych zagadnień polskiego i obcego prawa konstytucyjnego, ale również, jak każde tego rodzaju spotkanie, pozwoliło zacieśnić współpracę organizacji studenckich dwóch sąsiadujących ze sobą Uniwersytetów.

this may be of interest to those who have not seen our case. in 2015 i caused a Notice of Default to be filed against BONYM et al. It is in the case and filed into the country recorders. The Waiver of Tort was violated, leaving over 15 million dollars owed to my estate by the criminals and the judge over looked it, hence part of appeals. Give it a read if you like! It also has a UCC filed against it too, so go figure the county made it appear it was them against me, NOT!

Il capitolo opera una mappatura delle sfide più significative che il Presidente della Repubblica si trova ad affrontare nel mondo dei nuovi media. Il contributo si sofferma sulle difficoltà di delimitare in via teoria il profilo oggettivo dell’indagine, e predilige perciò un approccio concreto, andando a setacciare la presenza on-line del Presidente della Repubblica, innanzitutto mediante un’analisi dei contenuti del sito istituzionale, e quindi tramite l’analisi della presenza del Quirinale sui social media. Nel capitolo ci si interroga dunque su quali siano i contorni delle sfide disegnate dall’intreccio tra nuovi media e Quirinale che abbiano un potenziale impatto sul diritto costituzionale, esplorando in particolare come i nuovi media possano facilitare una torsione della forma di governo contra constitutionem. Infine, accertati i rischi in questione, si proveranno a comporre alcuni ipotetici scenari nel cui quadro le sfide in questione potrebbero essere affrontate, valutandone la percorribilità e la compatibilità con il quadro costituzionale.

John Hanson is a man who may have been completely lost to history, if not for one indisputable fact: on November 5, 1781, he was elected President of the United States of America. Another fact is that George Washington was not elected until seven years later in 1788 and did not take office until the following year. As John Adams said, “facts are stubborn things.” 

This paper will examine the life, impact, and memory of John Hanson by attempting to answer three questions: Who was John Hanson?; What did Hanson’s presidency mean to Americans at the time?; and how has he been included, or not, in the American memory?

Senator Marco Rubio’s (R-FL) presidential prospects have been the subject of media speculation from the moment of his election to the Senate in 2010, and these discussions only intensified when Rubio was considered a potential candidate for vice-president in the 2012 election and then was an actual candidate in 2016. This essay analyzes these discourses—including comparisons between Rubio and Obama, discussion about Rubio’s appeal to Hispanic/Latinx voters, and his potential to be the first Hispanic/Latinx vice-president or president—and the competing and sometimes problematic ways that they figure the representational power of the presidency, ethnic political candidates, and Latinidad and Latinx communities. The study helps to grasp shifts in racial presidentialities in the post-Obama era and to discern some of the ways that Latinidad is deployed in political and electoral discourses.

Автореферат диссертации на соискание ученой степени
доктора филологических наук (2005 год). Актуальность исследования обусловлена недостаточной изученностью речевых аспектов профессиональной деятельности политика, устных форм взаимодействия власти с народом, а также необходимостью разработки принципов лингвистического описания политического текста для мониторинга тенденций в сфере общественного сознания.

President O'bama’s eulogy for Clementa Pinckney took the form of a sermon in the black vernacular tradition. This particular sermon exhibits ring-form composition; as such it is symmetrical about a structural midpoint. It opens with the recitation of a scriptural passage and closes with the hymn, “Amazing Grace”. Grace is introduced as a theme in the middle section, which is also where Obama mentions the killer. The sermon is placed in a traditional of black performance going back to 19th century camp-meetings. Finally it is suggested that the performance takes place in an emerging discursive space that is neither religious nor political, but partakes of both.

Barber's Psychological Power theory and Naustadt's Theory of Presidential power are both compelling theories understanding the influence of presidential power. This paper will investigate and test on the significance of both theories and apply them to recent US presidents. The aim of this paper will see if either or both of these theories are applicable to modern presidents of America. Context

Basándose en un viejo juego ideado por Tucker llamado el dilema del prisionero, a través de la misma lógica, se evaluaran las próximas elecciones presidenciales. Exactamente se evaluará si los dos candidatos presidenciales, Petro y Fajardo, deben o no unirse, si el actuar como lo han hecho hasta el día de hoy es una estrategia racional (o por el contrario si estos candidatos son seres irracionales) y si esta estrategia es la mejor posible.

Politics and history are far too important to leave to professionals. All people have the right to control their own fates, to not die before their time from unneeded wars or other preventable deaths, and to not be asked to approve of atrocities done in their name, often in secret. They should be able to seek out knowledge of such matters and not see control of their lives handed off to elites.

Final year dissertation thesis analysing U.S. strategy - initial, shift of, and development of - at the 1945 Potsdam Conference. Draws heavily on conference minutes and personal memoirs, and considers the acquired knowledge of U.S. nuclear capabilities (Manhattan project) as a key catalyst in the shift in U.S. approach.