Post Communism

En las regiones tropicales de Suramérica, el dengue ha aumentado aceleradamente su incidencia y tasa de morbilidad, sobre todo en la población infantil. En este sentido, Venezuela se encuentra entre los países con mayor repercusión epidemiológica. Objetivo: describir el comportamiento clínico del dengue en los niños atendidos en el Hospital Dr. Osio, de Cúa, estado Miranda. Métodos: estudio de corte transversal, realizado en el período julio-diciembre de 2014, que analizó las variables gravedad de la enfermedad, principales manifestaciones clínicas, signos de alarma y condiciones de gravedad, para 284 niños menores de 13 años, con diagnóstico de dengue. Los resultados fueron expresados en frecuencias absolutas, media, desviación estándar y porcentaje. Resultados: prevalecieron los niños de 10-13 años de edad (37,68 %) y los de 5-9 años (31,69 %). En el 82,40 % de los casos la enfermedad se comportó sin signos de alarma; el 13,73 con signos de alarma y el 3,87 % presentó dengue grave. La disminución brusca de las plaquetas se observó en el 61,54 % de los que tuvieron dengue con signos de alarma. La extravasación de plasma estuvo presente en el 63,64 % de los pacientes con dengue grave. Conclusión: aunque la enfermedad se mostró generalmente sin signos de alarma, el descenso brusco de las plaquetas, el sangrado por las mucosas y el aumento del hematocrito fueron los más observados. La extravasación de plasma y el deterioro grave de órganos diana fueron las principales condiciones de compromiso vital.

El presente trabajo busca abordar un espacio intersticial, la crisis cubana de los anos 90 en tanto segmento historico que logro exponer algunas tensiones constitutivas de la modernidad. En este sentido resulta clave la restitucion de la figura de Virgilio Pinera por parte de los escritores de dicha generacion (Rojas 2013) porque ella permite acudir a dos fugas, que leemos tanto en la poesia de la revista Diaspora(s) como en antologias cubanas contemporaneas: la recuperacion de significantes vinculados con la experiencia post comunista (post sovietica y eurasiatica) y una escritura que funciona como bisagra entre las politicas sobre los cuerpos y las politicas de la vida; esto es, una serie de menciones sobre lo vivo y lo animal que permiten reflexionar nuevamente por la nocion de comunidad. Para este fin, el articulo comienza con un primer apartado en donde se recuerda la obra de teatro Los siervos de Virgilio Pinera (1955) y su ficcion de un futuro sovietico global. Y continua con...

ALEKSANDRA KUSTRA-ROGATKA** "(...) History is like the ocean. Years of quiet, when gentle wind blows and waves splash against the shores, alternate with stormy times, when waves rise like mountains and hit against the shore as if they would swallow the land. In history, as well, there are periods of quiet, continuous development, but there are also periods of fierce and aggressive change, when the dormant forces of history erupt onto the surface." A. Visegrády 1

Je remercie chaleureusement ma directrice de thèse, Marie-Élizabeth Ducreux, avec laquelle le dialogue constant et nourri a largement contribué à l'orientation prise par cette thèse. Son soutien, ses remarques, ses compléments ont été indispensables à sa rédaction et son achevèment… Je suis très reconnaissante aux acteurs associatifs et personnes qui ont répondu avec soin à mes questions, m'ont permis d'entrer dans leur histoire personnelle et, pour

Je remercie chaleureusement ma directrice de thèse, Marie-Élizabeth Ducreux, avec laquelle le dialogue constant et nourri a largement contribué à l'orientation prise par cette thèse. Son soutien, ses remarques, ses compléments ont été indispensables à sa rédaction et son achevèment… Je suis très reconnaissante aux acteurs associatifs et personnes qui ont répondu avec soin à mes questions, m'ont permis d'entrer dans leur histoire personnelle et, pour

Je remercie chaleureusement ma directrice de thèse, Marie-Élizabeth Ducreux, avec laquelle le dialogue constant et nourri a largement contribué à l'orientation prise par cette thèse. Son soutien, ses remarques, ses compléments ont été indispensables à sa rédaction et son achevèment… Je suis très reconnaissante aux acteurs associatifs et personnes qui ont répondu avec soin à mes questions, m'ont permis d'entrer dans leur histoire personnelle et, pour

and 2014. While it did not fulfill any formal academic requirements, it was pursued as a voluntary initiative to explore and critically analyze the public history of the Pashtun people. This endeavor aimed to engage in meaningful academic discussions and foster dialogue on historical narratives, collective memory, and identity within Pashtun communities. Throughout this project, I actively participated in public conversations, debates, and intellectual exchanges with respected scholars, historians, social scientists, civil society members, and trade unionists at GCU university and Lahore. These discussions provided a rich platform for interdisciplinary exploration, addressing themes such as the representation of Pashtun public history, the construction of public memory, and the socio-political implications of historical narratives. My engagement with this research extended beyond the academic environment of GCU. It involved collaborative efforts with members of the civil society and trade unions, allowing me to incorporate diverse perspectives and lived experiences into my analysis. This inclusive approach deepened my understanding of the dynamics of Pashtun public history and its relevance in contemporary discourse. This research was driven by my commitment to the study of history as a tool for fostering critical thinking, dialogue, and cultural understanding. It represents not only my early academic interests but also my dedication to bridging the gap between scholarly research and public engagement.

More Info: Autorzy: M. Hartliński, P. Bajda, L. Hurska-Kowalczyk, D. Mikucka-Wójtowicz, M. Kubat, M. Papla, M. Sikora-Gaca, J. WojnickiOrganization: Instytut Nauk Politycznych UWM w OlsztyniePublication Name: Przywództwo partyjne w państwach postkomunistycznych, M. Hartliński (red.)

Twenty-five years after the fall of Communism in Southeastern Europe, the continued struggle with authoritarian governments, state capture, radical income inequality, and poor social services leaves many asking "what went wrong"where is the "Freedom" and "Democracy" that was the promise of 1991? In the Western Balkans, this question of what happened to the imagined "good society" that would emerge after Communism was overthrown is further complicated by post-conflict reconstruction and the increasing political instability of the region. While several studies in recent years have begun to reexamine transition-era politics in Southeast Europe and the Western Balkans, Albania has received very little critical attentiona fact which is unsettling as the Albanian populations in Kosova, Macedonia, Montenegro, and Greece are extremely important in the political life of the region, and Albanian immigration from the early 1990s through today has and continues to significantly impact neighbor countries. Fred Abrahams' Modern Albania: From Dictatorship to Democracy in Europe thus offers a much-needed retrospective on an often overlooked country. Modern Albania provides a detailed account of transition in Albania, the last country in the region to begin the long, torturous path from Communist dictatorship to political pluralism and entry into the global market economy. The book is strongest in its thick description of the formation of political parties after the collapse of the Communist regime and the consolidation of political power, in tandem with emerging criminal networks, in the early 1990s. Abrahams also makes a compelling argument about international complicity in the pyramid schemes that collapsed the economy in 1997, and how the chaos and violence that followed the collapse of the economy and government were factors in Albania's role arming the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). His analysis of the increasing trajectory of authoritarianism in Albania from 2000 onwards warns us of the perils of supporting political figures who seem to promise stability while building their power base on corruption and consolidation of political power. Modern Albania reads somewhat like a novel-length feature story, combining the genres of reporting and literary narrative with self-reflective analysis in a retrospective of development over time. Abrahams first went to Albania during his graduate study at Columbia University as part of a Soros-funded project to establish a media training center and student newspaper at the University of Tirana. He later covered events in the country for Human Rights Watch, and has been an active observer of developments in the country ever since. His deep immersion in the events of the time as a reporter and eye-witness, combined with extensive longitudinal interviews and his personal relationships with the elite of Albanian political life, imbues the narrative with rich detail that popular accounts of the years of transition lack. Indeed, much that is written within Albania suffers from memory distortion or an over-generalized homogenization that turns events into tropes. Parallel to this, much that is written about Albania by internationals

As we are accustomed to, the predigious Polirom publishing house from Iaşi is offering students, specialists in social sciences but also to the grand public a new, interesting and wothy paper. It appears in the social science and anthropology collection, the Colegium collection and is coordinated by the well-known professor of Social Science at the University of Bucharest, Marian Preda. The paper Risks and social inequities in Romania, which has come out at the end of the year 2009, represents a sociologic analysis of great dimensions, in which an image of the present Romanian society is presented. Being published as a result of a diagnostics made by the Presidential Comission for Social and Demografic Risk Analysis (established on 13th of January 2009), with Marian Predea as its coordinator, the paper does not only bear the collaboration of renowned sociologists from Bucharest, Iaşi, Cluj and Sibiu, but also of the institutions of the state, meaning the President's Office, under the protection of which the entire scientifical intercession took place. We recall as the authors of the seven chapters of the paper:

In this study we propose to analyze the way the act of justice behaves a series of social engineering. Starting from the building social theory measure expressed by the P. Berger and Th.E. Luckmann and taking into account the research made by A. Cicourel in the 1960's,we believe that we can talk about a phenomenon of social construction in the field of justice. Research of two criminal papers, direct observations and the documentation made, have highlighted this fact. Moreover, our research led to the finding of two types of social construction of justice, one that is part of the normality logic (innocent social construction) and one which subscribes to abnormality (guilty social construction).

In this study we propose to analyze the way the act of justice behaves a series of social engineering. Starting from the building social theory measure expressed by the P. Berger and Th.E. Luckmann and taking into account the research made by A. Cicourel in the 1960's,we believe that we can talk about a phenomenon of social construction in the field of justice. Research of two criminal papers, direct observations and the documentation made, have highlighted this fact. Moreover, our research led to the finding of two types of social construction of justice, one that is part of the normality logic (innocent social construction) and one which subscribes to abnormality (guilty social construction).

The paper follows in the assumption that the transformations of central-european and Balkan cities taking place in the second half of the 20th century can be considered a symptom of complex economic, social and political processes related to the development and decline of the culture of socialism. Changes after the second world war were closely interconnected with the urbanization project, which was implemented in two ways-either by rebuilding, reorganizing and resemantizing old cities, or by creating cities and urban communities-in a modernist spirit-from scratch. we consider these issues by comparing three examples of cities with different historical experience, which shaped their identities within culturally and politically different frames of reference. The subject of thus oriented considerations is the question of what happened to the socialist utopia which at the end of the 20th century was put to the test. what was its fate depending on various politically-but also culturally-motivated scenarios of political transformation? in what way and by whom is its heritage appropriated in the 1990's? while analyzing the fate of the utopia of the new city from a post-communist perspective, it should be noted that although individual projects did not meet the ideals and hopes of their designers, they proved to be an impulse that released social activity qualitatively different from existing traditional patterns and initiated a thorough redefinition of urban identities.

This article deals with the mysterious side of Mircea Nedelciu's fictional geography. Often underestimated by the critics in terms of their aesthetic and conceptual value, these "mysterious territories" (utopian "mysterious islands" and "vanishing points") play, however, an important part in the overall signification system of Nedelciu's works. In order to prove it, I have identified them and interpreted their symbolic value(s) through recent anthropological and cultural theories concerning the concepts of space and utopia , thus showing that they are a main contribution to the literary representation of the author's weltanschaaung.

Introducción:El dengue es una enfermedad viral transmitida por un vector (mosquito aedes aegypti) que es endémica en nuestra ciudad y que presenta sintomatología inespecífica hasta su periodo de fase crítica en la que se pueden manifestar signos de alarma que nos lleven al manejo más especializado del paciente para evitar complicaciones y la muerte. Materiales y métodos: Se trata de un estudio descriptivo de series de casos de tipo retrospectivo que incluyó a los pacientes ingresados en el hospital de infectología "Dr. José Daniel Rodríguez" que fueron diagnosticados con dengue con signos de alarma durante el período de enero de 2013 a marzo de 2013. Objetivos: Determinar el signo de alarma más común en nuestra población y describir la sintomatología más común. Resultados: Se incluyeron 52 pacientes en nuestro estudio con diagnóstico de dengue con signos de alarma. Entre los signos de alarma clínicos más comunes tenemos en primer lugar al vómito con 38.46% de los pacientes, seguido de dolor abdominal con 32.69%, la acumulación de líquidos clínicamente demostrable en un 21.15%, encontrándose con mayor frecuencia edema perivesicular 9.05%, seguido de derrame pleural 7.05% y liquido libre en cavidad abdominal 5.05%. Los sangrados de las mucosas en un 19.23%, los cuales incluyeron con mayor frecuencia epistaxis y melena en un 5.8%, hematemesis y hemoptisis en 3.8% y gingivorragia y hematuria en 1.9%. Se encontró también hepatomegalia en 19.23% de los pacientes. Entre los datos de laboratorio que corresponden a el aumento del hematocrito y la caída del valor de plaquetas encontramos que el 98.08% de los paciente tuvieron una de estas dos alteraciones, siendo la más frecuente plaquetopenia en el 87% de los casos y el aumento del hematocrito en 13% todos de los casos. Conclusiones: El signo de alarma clínico más común es el vómito y el dolor abdominal, mientras que el de laboratorio es plaquetopenia. En la ecografía abdominal la acumulación de líquidos en forma de edema perivesicular es también un signo de alarma frecuente en pacientes con dengue. Estos signos clínicos acompañados de los síntomas generales del dengue y la alta sospecha de esta patología, sobre todo en la región Costa, nos pueden ayudar a dar el diagnóstico adecuado y a tiempo para evitar las complicaciones del dengue. ABSTRACT Introduction: Dengue fever is a viral disease transmitted by a mosquito (aedes aegypti) which is endemic in our city Guayaquil and is presented with general symptoms until it reaches its critical phase where it can turn into a more severe disease presenting alarm signs that warns about complications if supporting treatment is not given. Materials and methods: This is a descriptive case series study that included patients from Infectology Hospital "Dr. José Daniel Rodríguez" with diagnosis of dengue fever with alarming signs from January to march 2013. Objective: To determine the most common alarm signs in patients with dengue fever. Results: 52 patients were included with diagnosis of dengue fever with alarm signs. 38.6% of patients presented with vomiting, 32.69% presented abdominal pain. 21.15% had fluids accumulation: in gallbladder (9.05%) pleural effusion (7.05%), free abdominal fluid (5.05%). Mucosae bleeding included nose bleeding and blood in stool (5.8%), hematemesis and hemoptysis (3.8%), gum bleeding and hematuria (1.9%). I also found enlargement of the liver in 19.23% of patients. In laboratory findings low platelet count was the most common finding with 87% of patients, and rising hematocrit in 13% of patients. Conclusions: The most common alarm sign of dengue fever in our city is vomiting and abdominal pain. The most common laboratory finding is low platelet count. In abdominal ecography, gallbladder edema is the most common finding. This signs accompanied by general symptoms of dengue fever and high suspicion of this disease, especially in our Coastal region, can help us make an appropriate diagnosis and avoid complications.

The article examines four centre—right parties in East-Central Europe in order to assess the impact of ideology on party organization and revisit the thesis of organizational weakness in the region. The data collected indicate that, together with electoral success, inherited resources and national context, ideology does indeed shape the style of organization. Centre—right parties, as opposed to leftist parties, tend to be less bureaucratized, have fewer staff members, a simpler structure, more individualized leadership and the `party-in-public-office' tends also to have a more elevated role. Parties that have more individualistic ideologies tends also to have `lighter' organization and weaker embeddedness, while parties subscribing to a more collectivist and corporatist type of conservatism have developed more complex party organization and rely more heavily on affiliate organizations. Analysis of temporal changes uncovers a degree of organizational vitality that is surprisi...

اختتامی بات یہ ہے کہ میکسول کی مساواتیں صرف نظری نشانیاں نہیں ہیں بلکہ انہیں عملی اوزار سمجھا جا سکتا ہے جو طبیعی عالم کے سمجھنے اور الیکٹرومیگنیٹک پدیدائیوں کو فنیاتی ترقی کے لیے بہتر بنانے میں کردار ادا کرتے ہیں۔ ان کا اثر بنیادی طور پر طبیعیات سے روزمرہ کے انجینئرنگ اطلاقات تک پھیلا ہے، جو انہیں سائنس کے اہم ترین اور دائمی شعبے میں ایک مقرر کرتا ہے۔

This article deals with the mysterious side of Mircea Nedelciu's fictional geography. Often underestimated by the critics in terms of their aesthetic and conceptual value, these "mysterious territories" (utopian "mysterious islands" and "vanishing points") play, however, an important part in the overall signification system of Nedelciu's works. In order to prove it, I have identified them and interpreted their symbolic value(s) through recent anthropological and cultural theories concerning the concepts of space and utopia , thus showing that they are a main contribution to the literary representation of the author's weltanschaaung.

As in other settler/invader colonies that artificially invented and inserted themselves as nation-states in regions where they did not naturally belong, the collective feelings of estrangement and the reassessment of Canada’s history and national identity have been ongoing. Inspired by recent theories of globalization, this study proposes the understanding of Canadian colonialism as a form of macro-globalization, taking place during the second stage of historical globalization, and of official multiculturalism as a type of micro-globalization, which foreshadows the third and more intense wave of globalization that started in the second half of the twentieth century. This perspective dismantles the myth that Canada’s multi-national nature is determined by its so-called “exceptionalism,” which Irene Bloemraad explains as the result of the economic selection of immigrants, geographical location, and most of all the worldpraised tendency to welcome ethnically diverse immigrants because ...

Manole explores how an exilic actor’s foreign accent can evolve from a barrier to working in mainstage theatre to a site of simultaneously acknowledging and negotiating differences between natives and exiles. As a case study, she discusses the career of Nada Humsi, an Arab Canadian born in Syria, who reinvented herself as a hyphenated Arab-Canadian theatre artist. Manole emphasizes not only her professional but also her emotional journey, from a theatre star in her native Syria to a retail associate in a Canadian convenience store, to an actress and an Artistic Associate with the MT Space theatre company in Kitchener, and finally to one of the founders and the Artistic Producer of the KitchenerWaterloo Arab Canadian Theatre/KW-ACT. The second part of the article analyzes Humsi’s performance in Hazim Kamaledin’s Black Spring, where she played both an Iraqi immigrant and an American journalist.

Sexual politics play a key role in anti-Muslim narratives. This has been observed by scholarship-W subjects focusing on countries such as France, the USA and the Netherlands. Yet interrogations into how these debates play out in European national contexts that are located outside of the Eu W attention. Drawing on qualitative data collected in Poland this article aims to begin to fill this gap by analysing the centrality of feminist discourses within Islamophobic agendas in Poland. The article mobilised simultaneously, and paradoxically, by both secular and Catholic groups in-P B ideologically opposing groups, we sketch out some of the complexities in the ways Islamophobia operates in a Central and Eastern European context.

This article explores the role of politics and public debates in the pursuit of transitional justice after communism. Our analysis of Albania and Poland enables a variation of both explanatory factors and results. The two cases feature different arrays of political actors who have picked up the issue and made it a part of the political contest, but they have also opted for different models and recorded different degrees of success in dealing with the past. The paired comparison follows a similar structure, proceeding from the actors involved and the unfolding debates, to the analysis of the models adopted, and the process of implementation in each of our cases. The paper finds that political interests have permeated the entire process of ensuring transitional justice but, concentrated public contestation proved important to restrain political strategies and usage of transitional justice at the service of narrow political agendas.

This article explores the role of politics and public debates in the pursuit of transitional justice after communism. Our analysis of Albania and Poland enables a variation of both explanatory factors and results. The two cases feature different arrays of political actors who have picked up the issue and made it a part of the political contest, but they have also opted for different models and recorded different degrees of success in dealing with the past. The paired comparison follows a similar structure, proceeding from the actors involved and the unfolding debates, to the analysis of the models adopted, and the process of implementation in each of our cases. The paper finds that political interests have permeated the entire process of ensuring transitional justice but, concentrated public contestation proved important to restrain political strategies and usage of transitional justice at the service of narrow political agendas.

The paper is a critical commentary of The Legacies of Totalitarianism: A Theoretical Framework authored by Aviezer Tucker. This book presents the evolution of totalitarian communism, its transformation and an analysis of problems of East-Central Europe societies. Although the reviewed book is a very rare attempt at a synthetic view of the genesis and transformation of communism, its author accepts too narrow an understanding of class and class interest. This leads to an idealistic interpretation of Stalinist purges and an institutionalistic understanding of transformation which does not allow for the economic dimensions of post-communist transformation to be placed in a wider social perspective.

Myslim and Shermin Mustafa who opened the door to the American dream to me and so many others and to my parents Astrit and Myhyre Mustafa who sacrificed their lives for their children's education.. v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This dissertation would not have been possible without the practical, academic, and moral support of many people and institutions in Albania and the United States. Charles Lindholm's leadership by example and patient advice inspired me to conduct painstaking fieldwork and the writing of the thesis. Robert Hefner has been a constant source of loyal and heartening support. My main readers' wide-ranging exposure and understanding of Muslim societies and their keen interest and devotion to their advisees made this multi-layered project a stimulating and rewarding learning experience. This study was possible thanks to the hospitality that was offered by the Albanian Bektashi and their willingness to let me into their lives and religious bearing. I thank my gracious hosts for nourishing my thirst for Bektashi knowledge and understanding and for their endurance with my longer than usual stays in their spiritual centers. I hope that this work which documents the dilemmas and internal dynamics of the reinstatement of religion after communism justifies our lengthy and vigorous collaborations. I was fortunate to get to know Dede Reshat (rahmet pastë). He permitted this study and allowed my stay at the Bektashi headquarters in Tirana and other centers throughout Albania. In Tirana, I am appreciative for conversations with Dervish Mikel, Dervish Sali, Muhib Kastriot, and Muhibe Ismete. On my away visits, I consider myself privileged to have been hosted and guided by Baba Hysni of Martanesh,

Myslim and Shermin Mustafa who opened the door to the American dream to me and so many others and to my parents Astrit and Myhyre Mustafa who sacrificed their lives for their children's education.. v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This dissertation would not have been possible without the practical, academic, and moral support of many people and institutions in Albania and the United States. Charles Lindholm's leadership by example and patient advice inspired me to conduct painstaking fieldwork and the writing of the thesis. Robert Hefner has been a constant source of loyal and heartening support. My main readers' wide-ranging exposure and understanding of Muslim societies and their keen interest and devotion to their advisees made this multi-layered project a stimulating and rewarding learning experience. This study was possible thanks to the hospitality that was offered by the Albanian Bektashi and their willingness to let me into their lives and religious bearing. I thank my gracious hosts for nourishing my thirst for Bektashi knowledge and understanding and for their endurance with my longer than usual stays in their spiritual centers. I hope that this work which documents the dilemmas and internal dynamics of the reinstatement of religion after communism justifies our lengthy and vigorous collaborations. I was fortunate to get to know Dede Reshat (rahmet pastë). He permitted this study and allowed my stay at the Bektashi headquarters in Tirana and other centers throughout Albania. In Tirana, I am appreciative for conversations with Dervish Mikel, Dervish Sali, Muhib Kastriot, and Muhibe Ismete. On my away visits, I consider myself privileged to have been hosted and guided by Baba Hysni of Martanesh,

Across Europe, traditional parties of the left seem to be in terminal decline. In Western Europe, support for social-democratic and socialist parties sank to insignificance in the 2017 French and Dutch elections. In the 2018 German parliamentary elections, the once-mighty Social Democratic Party (SPD) received its lowest vote share since the end of the Weimar Republic, and in Scandinavia, long the redoubt of social democracy, center-left parties struggle to maintain 25 to 30 percent of the vote. The situation in Central and Eastern Europe is even grimmer. In Hungary, the Socialist Party (MSzP), initially one of the strongest posttransition parties, garnered only 12 percent of the vote in April 2018 elections for the National Assembly. In Poland, the social-democratic Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) is no longer represented in parliament, and in the Czech Republic just 7 percent of voters opted for the centerleft Social Democratic Party (CSSD) in 2017 parliamentary elections. The trend continued in May 2019 elections to the 751-member European Parliament, where the center-left Socialists and Democrats bloc lost 38 of the 191 seats that it had carried in 2014. Despite the Europe-wide nature of this trend, most explanations of the left's problems focus on idiosyncratic region-specific factors. For example, many analyses of diminishing support for leftist parties in Western Europe emphasize changing class and value structures. The decline of West European manufacturing during the late twentieth century

RESUMEN El Dengue es un malestar vírico epidémico y endémico, es trasferido por mosquitos del género Aedes, hasta la actualidad va produciendo una arbovirosis a nivel mundial en términos de morbilidad, mortandad e impacto financiero. El objetivo y propósito del presente trabajo investigativo es el de fundamentar la cuantificación plaquetaria y manifestaciones clínicas en pacientes diagnosticados con el virus dengue durante su fase aguda. Este trabajo investigativo se realizó bajo la modalidad de revisión bibliográfica. La metodología aplicada fue de tipo descriptiva, cuenta con un diseño documental y un tipo de estudio informativo. Dentro de los criterios de inclusión se utilizaron datos actualizados sobre el Dengue a través de portales web con fecha de publicación de los últimos 5 años (2017-2022). Las principales manifestaciones clínicas presentes en pacientes diagnosticados con el virus dengue fueron fiebre, cefalea, mialgias, erupciones cutáneas, dolor abdominal y retro ocular. El paciente infectado con dengue se encuentra evidenciando un nivel bajo de plaquetas significando trombocitopenia. Entre las pruebas más utilizadas para el diagnóstico del dengue se encuentra la prueba rápida NS1, seguida de prueba rápida IgM. Diversas investigaciones han demostrado la relación entre los pacientes diagnosticados de dengue en su fase aguda y se asocian entre ellos.

This thesis focuses on novels, essays, films, and popular culture miscellanea representative of Central and Eastern Europe, in the attempt to explain how nostalgia developed in this area since the fall of the Iron Curtain. Post-socialist Central and Eastern Europe has undergone a major-and, for many, unsettling-historical shift, thus, perhaps not surprisingly, nostalgia for the former communist regime does not lack in popularity. Due to the region's turbulent past cum present, millions of Eastern Europeans have migrated westward; homesickness is only one of the feelings they share. The region is also a cauldron for far-right ideologies, which carry their own nostalgias. Obviously non-exhaustive, this dissertation takes on a series of study cases representative of two fundamental forms of nostalgia: personal and collective. I am examining two essential aspects that define each form of nostalgia: firstly, nostalgia's relationship with suffering; and, secondly, nostalgia's ability to be toxic or useful.

This article describes the concepts and approaches to Cultural Opposition used by the COURAGE project (funded by the European Commission within the Horizon 2020 programme). It examines how can the legacy of Cultural Opposition be analyzed from the perspective of the cultural heritage and collections and what are the promises of the Cultural Opposition term for the emergence of new possibilities in the historiography of the Communist Era. This article argues that the use of cultural heritage of the socialist Cultural Opposition is strongly linked to the history and trajectory of the Cultural Opposition collections, and that the analysis of the collections story offers a clearer understanding of the post-communist transformation from a different point of view.

Across Europe, traditional parties of the left seem to be in terminal decline. In Western Europe, support for social-democratic and socialist parties sank to insignificance in the 2017 French and Dutch elections. In the 2018 German parliamentary elections, the once-mighty Social Democratic Party (SPD) received its lowest vote share since the end of the Weimar Republic, and in Scandinavia, long the redoubt of social democracy, center-left parties struggle to maintain 25 to 30 percent of the vote. The situation in Central and Eastern Europe is even grimmer. In Hungary, the Socialist Party (MSzP), initially one of the strongest posttransition parties, garnered only 12 percent of the vote in April 2018 elections for the National Assembly. In Poland, the social-democratic Democratic Left Alliance (SLD) is no longer represented in parliament, and in the Czech Republic just 7 percent of voters opted for the centerleft Social Democratic Party (CSSD) in 2017 parliamentary elections. The trend continued in May 2019 elections to the 751-member European Parliament, where the center-left Socialists and Democrats bloc lost 38 of the 191 seats that it had carried in 2014. Despite the Europe-wide nature of this trend, most explanations of the left's problems focus on idiosyncratic region-specific factors. For example, many analyses of diminishing support for leftist parties in Western Europe emphasize changing class and value structures. The decline of West European manufacturing during the late twentieth century

The aim of this article is to characterise Russian youth living in a country which has been at war with neighbouring Ukraine since 24 February 2022. Considering the difficulty of directly reaching the target group, a non-invasive research method was applied, namely, secondary data analysis. The analyses included representative survey studies conducted among the Russian society by the main research centres: Levada-Center, VCIOM, Russian Field. Based on the conducted analyses, it may be asserted that in terms of religion, attitudes towards sexual minorities, views on
the West, using the Internet for obtaining information, and mental health, Russian youth are significantly different from the older generation, and their attitudes align with global trends set by the iGen. Positive evaluations of Putin’s rule and the country’s situation, support for Russia’s involvement in the war in Ukraine, and negative attitudes towards Ukrainians are almost identical to those of the older generation. Russian youth adopt a conformist strategy towards the system, and will continue the direction of the country’s development in line with government directives.
Keywords: Russia, youth, generation gap, iGen, conformism, secondary data analysis.

یہ کتاب کا سب سے اہم باب ہے۔ ہم اسلامی انقلابی ہیں اور کتاب لکھنے کا بنیادی مقصد اسلامی عقلیت کے نظاماتی غلبہ کی راہ ہموار کرنا ہے۔ اس دور میں اسلامی عقلیت کے مدمقابل جو غالب عقلیت ہے وہ ریشنلٹی ہے۔
پھچلے باب میں ہم نے ان چیدہ چیدہ کفار کی فکر کا تجزیہ پیش کیا جنہوں نے ناریخی طور پر عقلیت خبیثہ کو ممکن بنایا۔ اس بات میں ہم ایک ایسے کافر کی فکر کا تجزیہ کریں گے جس نے دور حاضر کے نظاماتی خصائص اور ضرورتوں کے مطابق ریشنل منہج کی تعمیر نو کی ہے۔
اس کافر کا نام جورگن ہابرماس ہے۔ یہ 1929ء میں پیدا ہوا اور ابھی تک (2022ء) زندہ ہے۔ یہ ماڈرنسٹ منہج کے اہم ترین رہنمامفکروں میں شمار کیا جاتا ہے اور ماڈرنسٹ اور میٹا ماڈرنسٹ مکاتب فکر اس کے مقلد ہیں۔ اس کی فکر کی گہری چھاپ دنیا بھر کی سوشل ڈیموکریٹ جماعتوں اور حلقوں کی وضع کردہ پالیسیوں میں پائی جاتی ہے اور شول ڈیموکریسی وہ سرمایہ دارانہ نظریہ ہے جو دور حاضر کی تحریکات اسلامی میں مقبول عام ہے۔
ہابرماس اپنی اسلام دشمنی کا برملا اظہار کرتا ہے اور 1980ء کے اوائل سے لے کر آج تک ایران میں علماکے خلاف فکری بغاوت فروغ دینے کی جستجو کر رہا ہے۔ ملک کے اندر اور باہر رہنے والے ایرانی دہریوں سے اس کے گہرے روابط ہیں۔
ہابرماس کی فکر بین المنہجی ہے۔ وہ اس بات کی کوشش کرتا ہے کہ فلسفیانہ، سیاسی اور معاشی فکر کو اپنے منہاجی ڈھانچہ میں سمو دے۔ اس کی تربیت مشہور مارکسی ادارہ فرینکفرٹ اسکول میں ہوئی اور وہ تھیوڈور اڈارنو کا معاون تحقیق بھی رہا لیکن اس نے بیش تر اہم مارکسی نظریات کو خیرباد کہہ دیا۔ مارکسزم سے لبرل ازم اور سوشل ڈیموکریسی تک ہابرماس کا فکری سفر مختصر رہا۔ وہ لبرل جمہوریت اور دستوریت کا وکیل ہے اور مدت تک یورپی یونین کے اعلیٰ مشیروں میں شامل رہا ہے۔