Political Uses of Fear

In the new century, social media and user generated content are profoundly transforming not only communications in general but also business, political campaigns and higher education. This paper is a summary statement coming out of the "S ocial Media and Future of Leadership" Conference held in Tuzla, Bosnia and Herzegovina on 12 -13 May, 2011. Based on recent experiences, social media in higher education can help to overcome local challenges and respond to global opportunities. Social media in politica l campaigns can contribute to social mobilization of large groups, to combat the political ap athy of youth and to increase transparency. Business applications of social media have been successfully used for sales, marketing, public relations and internal communications. The new media can promote more inclusive social interaction that respects mino rities and minority views. However, Balkan countries need to make fundamental progress to increase access to the Internet and f...

C'est juste un essai d'envol pour aller jusqu'aux principes de la raison et ses conséquences politiques ou relationnelles, dans nos actes. Y compris révolutionnaires, ce pourquoi je me suis permis de convoquer ici Saint-Just, simple référence et non allégeance. Référence à un des moments fondateurs de notre éthique "républicaine". Je parle de la raison universelle, pas de la raison instrumentale. La raison en tant que principe éthique - et donc indissociablement politique.

The first pandemic texts, published in the book Where Have We Gone? Epidemic as Politics (“A che punto siamo? L'epidemia come politica”, Quodlibet, 2020), link Agamben's central notion of ”bare life” to fear, placing it at the center of his predictions for the sunset of bourgeois democracies and the rise of despotism based on the notion of ”biosecurity”. The theme culminates in the essay """Che cos'è la paura?"" ”(What is Fear?) presented here. Unlike the previous ones, it originally appeared on the website of the Italian Institute for Philosophical Research. Being the most philosophically saturated text of the series, it rethinks the key categories of Heideggerian existential analytics, fear and fearing, in the horizon of the pandemic situation, problematizing the ontological priority given by Heidegger to anxiety over fearing, in order to derive fearing as the mood through which power is established and justified.

violence and 3) youth gangs. She organised the 2010 Cardiff symposium 'Situating Animal Abuse in Criminology' and has co-edited the special journal issue on animal (in Crime, Law and Social Change) abuse that emerged from the symposium. Her previous research projects include: the use and abuse of animals among youth groups and gangs, knife crime among young people, a comparative European study on 'peer violence among young people in public space' and 'youth gangs' -the focus of her PhD thesis. She has contributed two chapters ('Animal Abuse' [with H. Pierpoint] and 'Youth Gang Crime') to F.

Il Corso di Dottorato in Studi Classici per la Contemporaneità (ciclo XXXVIII) organizza il primo Convegno per Dottorandi, dal titolo “Phobos e Metus in Grecia e a Roma”. L’incontro, che si terrà a Palermo il 10 e 11 dicembre 2024, rappresenterà un’occasione di confronto e dialogo tra Dottorandi i cui ambiti di ricerca afferiscono a settori disciplinari diversi, con l’auspicio che la pluralità degli approcci metodologici contribuirà ad illuminare proficuamente aspetti diversi del tema in questione. 
La paura è un’emozione che pur nelle sue diverse manifestazioni e concettualizzazioni può senz’altro definirsi come universale, e in quanto tale in grado di influenzare un’ampia gamma di aspetti della vita umana, tanto nella sua dimensione strettamente individuale quanto in quella comunitaria. In questo senso si ritiene particolarmente utile condurre un’indagine sulla paura nel mondo antico greco-romano, negli ambiti specifici della politica, della religione, della filosofia, della retorica, del teatro e in generale della cultura nelle sue più varie manifestazioni.

Il Corso di Dottorato in Studi Classici per la Contemporaneità (ciclo XXXVIII) organizza il primo Convegno per Dottorandi, dal titolo “Phobos e Metus in Grecia e a Roma”. L’incontro, che si terrà a Palermo il 10 e 11 dicembre 2024, rappresenterà un’occasione di confronto e dialogo tra Dottorandi i cui ambiti di ricerca afferiscono a settori disciplinari diversi, con l’auspicio che la pluralità degli approcci metodologici contribuirà ad illuminare proficuamente aspetti diversi del tema in questione. 
La paura è un’emozione che pur nelle sue diverse manifestazioni e concettualizzazioni può senz’altro definirsi come universale, e in quanto tale in grado di influenzare un’ampia gamma di aspetti della vita umana, tanto nella sua dimensione strettamente individuale quanto in quella comunitaria. In questo senso si ritiene particolarmente utile condurre un’indagine sulla paura nel mondo antico greco-romano, negli ambiti specifici della politica, della religione, della filosofia, della retorica, del teatro e in generale della cultura nelle sue più varie manifestazioni.

This article focuses on how to use ethnography and theory to disrupt binaries between "state" and "nonstate" actors and violence and "private" and "public" actors and violence. I also touch on expanded use of the political opinion basis for asylum in relation to women resisting violence and immigrant rights activists who are undocumented.

Resumen | El artículo explora cómo la persecución política desatada por el macartismo durante el periodo de la posguerra desarrolló y estableció un proceso de acusación y persecución a los ciudadanos estadounidenses por tener ideas de izquierda o pertenecer al Partido Comunista. Este acoso político se llevó a cabo mediante una campaña de rumor y delación que se desató particularmente en contra de los trabajadores de la industria cinematográfica, como fue el caso de los Diez de Hollywood. Todo esto provocó un momento emocional que se hizo manifiesto a través de experiencias relativas como el miedo y la ira. Mediante el análisis de la correspondencia y de la producción de guiones de Dalton Trumbo para películas como Papillon, el presente artículo da cuenta de los efectos y las estrategias seguidas por el escritor para enfrentar al Gobierno norteamericano, superar el ostracismo y mantener un medio de sobrevivencia. De esta manera, se repasa la trayectoria de Trumbo: el autoexilio en México, la escritura de guiones mediante el uso de seudónimos y la solicitud de prestanombres, así como el reconocimiento y la vuelta triunfal a Hollywood. Este análisis destaca la importancia de construir una historia cultural que recoja las experiencias colectivas emocionales de las comunidades afectadas por tales acontecimientos, y muestra cómo las tribulaciones personales de Trumbo influyeron en los diálogos y relatos de las películas en las que colaboró.
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Abstract | This article explores the political persecution unleashed during the post-war period by McCarthyism, which led to the systematic accusation and harassment of American citizens for their leftist beliefs or Communist Party affiliations. This campaign of rumors and denunciations was particularly aggressive against film industry professionals, notably the Hollywood Ten. The emotional climate of the era was charged with fear and anger, emotions that were vividly manifested in the experiences of those targeted. By analyzing the correspondence and screenwriting of Dalton Trumbo, including his work on films like Papillon, this article examines the impact of this persecution and the strategies Trumbo used to confront the U.S. government, survive the blacklist, and sustain his career. It traces his journey from self-exile in Mexico, writing under pseudonyms, and using front names, to his eventual return and recognition in Hollywood. This analysis highlights the importance of constructing a cultural history that captures the collective emotional experiences of communities affected by such events, and it shows how Trumbo’s personal ordeals influenced the dialogues and narratives of the films he contributed to.

This paper explores some of the ways that fear can be both a manifestation of and major contributor to oppression. It argues for a pluralistic account of the reasons that justify feeling fear or working to let go of fear and provides a framework to grapple fruitfully with the question of when someone should work to let go of fear and work to avoid contributing to the fear of others. Part 1 argues that emotions are an appropriate target of moral evaluation; we are often not only responsible for our outwardly observable actions, but also for our emotional lives. It then details six different criteria by which we can engage in such evaluation. Part 2 evaluates fear in particular, in light of its relationship to oppressive ideologies and social structures. Part 3 explores some of the ways that people ought to respond to oppressive fear, in light of the relation they bear to it.

Ovaj rad otvara pitanje nad time kako vrednosti koje promovišemo u vaspitanju i obrazovanju zapravo žive na
afektivnom planu. U fokusu rada je afektivno delovanje straha – kao dominantne političke sile savremenog društva
i sile koja neminovno proizilazi iz dešavanja u vaspitno-obrazovnoj praksi u Srbiji u proteklim godinama i iz
našeg šireg društvenog konteksta u poslednjim decenijama. Razumevanju afektivnog dejstva straha na vaspitnoobrazovnu
praksu pristupiću kroz fiktokriticizam – polazeći od buđenja percepta kod čitaoca kroz tri priče o
ličnim iskustvima u kojima je strah (pre)oblikovao pedagoško delovanje, te dalje konceptualizujući iskustvo uz
pomoć savremenih teorija koje se bave razumevanjem straha i njegovog dejstva u društveno-političkom kontekstu.
Mada rad nije usmeren na davanje zaključaka koliko na pokretanje preispitivanja, na kraju rada sugeriše
se neophodnost skretanja sa krutog racionalizma i usmerenost na postignuća, ka poetičnosti, performativnosti i
negovanju osećaja zajedništva u vaspitanju i obrazovanju.

This paper analyzes the involvement of mexican women in the formal and informal self-employment sector in a large metropolitan area of Arizona. Qualitative research is used to explore factors that impact self-employment activities of mexican immigrant women in light of Arizona's emerging policies aimed at controlling immigration. These policies seek to make it more difficult for undocumented immigrants to access employment opportunities. Women's testimonials highlight the "headaches" caused by participating in the labor market amid growing restrictions, as well as the creative, hybrid forms of self-employment that combine both formal and informal markets and practices.

Mémoire de recherche en Master 2 Histoire sous la direction de Pierre Karila-Cohen. 2 Je remercie M. Karila-Cohen pour sa direction. 9 Villèledépeignant avec soin les relations complexes entre les principales figures de la droite. A mesure que la République s'enracine et que le souvenir de la Restauration s'éloigne, ces histoires militantes se font toutefois plus rares. La dernière histoire générale et militante de la Restauration 22 est écrite par Guillaume Bertier de Sauvigny, l'arrière-petit-fils de Ferdinand de Bertier, le fondateur de la société secrète des Chevaliers de la Foi. Mais il oublie Corbière, cité seulement six fois dans tout l'ouvrage, dont la politique se fond avec celle de Villèle. L'histoire politique de la monarchie constitutionnelle connaît à partir des années 1960 une éclipse d'environ vingt-cinq ans, correspondant à l'hégémonie de l'histoire sociale pratiquée par les Annales ; l'histoire politique et chronologiquement bornée étant considérée comme dépassée. Le renouveau se produit dans les années 1980, à la suite des travaux de Pierre Rosanvallon 23 et d'Emmanuel de Waresquiel, qui s'attachent à peindre une période riche en idées à la base du XIX e siècle et non un retour en arrière. De Waresquiel fonde même une revue centrée sur cette période 24 et publie la dernière synthèse en date de la Restauration 25 , au sous-titre évocateur : « Naissance de la France moderne ». On voit également paraître des ouvrages de vulgarisation, notamment sur les deux rois Louis XVIII et Charles X, signe de la redécouverte récente. Nous avons donc vu que la Restauration faisait partie de ces régimes oubliés par l'histoire des Annales, mais les ultras ont également été écartés au profit des partis protorépublicains ou démocrates, essentiellement les libéraux et doctrinaires de l'époque. On s'intéresse surtout aux éléments qui apparaissent comme les précurseurs des républicains 26 dans leur combat politique clandestin ou dans la minorité à la Chambre des députés. Hugues de Changy a certes en partie réparé le déficit pour la monarchie de Juillet 27 , mais la droite pendant la monarchie constitutionnelle s'est longtemps trouvée doublement frappée.

The rise of border audiovisual productions in recent decades is a possible conclusion to the difficulties imposed by border control policies. The BBC TV fictional series, Years and Years (2019), presents how Brexit causes vulnerabilities by exacerbating racial differences, such as the persecution of refugees. Because of the complication in border transits, Years and Years (2019) reconsiders the role of borders to claim that they are fundamental in inciting fear, hate, and vulnerabilities. Drawing on the scholarship by Postcolonial and Affect critics such as Caroline Koegler, Malreddy and Tribucke, and Ahmed, I analyse critically episodes 4 and 5 of the series. In this paper, I propose that a study of fear, pain, and hope promotes action-taking in the series' characters. Secondly, I reflect on how Brexit unveils colonial vestiges reflected in imperial nostalgia. Finally, I suggest that imperial nostalgia transforms into familial nostalgia and causes individuals to verbalize hatred toward what unsettles them.

This article discusses societal attitudes to images, concentrating on photographs. What may or may not be photographed communicates a lot about a society. As the ability to take photographs increases, with ever more digital devices capable of capturing images, so do various restrictions. These restrictions are connected with the deep fears images can engender. Using examples from Estonia, this article demonstrates that while photographic images continue to have the power to shock, the way and extent to which this happens depends on the particular contexts in which they are created and interpreted.

El horror de la guerra y el miedo que esta infunde no son experiencias ajenas a la condición humana sobre las cuales, sin embargo, es posible aprender para evitar los errores del pasado y así obtener respuestas para el presente. Este trabajo trata la racionalización e institucionalización del miedo para garantizar la continuidad de la convivencia pacífica en la propuesta teológica política del Leviatán de Hobbes como respuesta a los "desórdenes del tiempo presente" (Hobbes, 2017, p.586) de la guerra civil inglesa a partir de lo expuesto particularmente en la primera mitad de esa obra.

Bien qu’ayant affaire à la vérité commune, au logos, la politique n’est pas une science, c’est un art, l’art le plus complexe qui soit. Ce à quoi elle a affaire, c’est à la vérité commune intégrale, celle qui, bien que commune, partageable, diffère d’un individu à l’autre et qui, pour un même individu, diffère d’une période de sa vie à une autre.

HAL is a multidisciplinary open access archive for the deposit and dissemination of scientific research documents, whether they are published or not. The documents may come from teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or from public or private research centers. L'archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d'enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés.

Cet article propose de porter un regard historique sur la problématisation de la vie de l’Autre dans la modernité. La méthode employée s’apparente à la généalogie, au sens de Michel Foucault, enrichie d’une lecture critique de la modernité inspirée de la théorie décoloniale. Une telle démarche implique d’étudier notre époque à travers la mutation de phénomènes sociohistoriques majeurs, tout en prenant au sérieux les expériences vécues, situées, les formes de subjectivation qui ont émergées au fil des contingences historiques. Cette approche se détache d’une tendance dans les sciences sociales à approcher les concepts ou les objets historiques en soi. Lorsque la recherche se questionne à savoir quels concepts, événements ou lieux composent telle problématique désignée, elle risque de fabriquer un récit d’objets réifiés artificiellement reliés entre eux, autrement dit, un ordre du discours. L’article questionne plutôt comment, dans la modernité, la vie de l’Autre a été problématisée et comment cette histoire s’articule dans le présent.

L'État de droit peut-il être le socle d'un monde où l'intérêt particulier serait compatible avec l'intérêt commun?

La réponse est bien évidement non, puisque, au sein de l'État de droit, la régulation et l'intérêt particulier varient, pour un même individu, en fonction de la sphère privée ou de la sphère publique.
Il ne s'agit pas ici de remettre en cause l'existence naturelle de ces deux entités, mais de comprendre la raison pour laquelle le traitement de l'être humain, qui passe en permanence de l'une à l'autre, diffère totalement de l'une à l'autre: puisqu' au sein de la sphère privée se pratique une régulation énergétique et qu'au sein de la sphère publique la règle est la régulation économique. Comme vous l'aurez remarqué, personne n’utilise la valeur économique pour réguler les échanges au sein de la sphère privée; par conséquent, puisque l’intérêt particulier, au sein de la sphère publique, diffère totalement de l'intérêt particulier au sein de la sphère privée, il faut démontrer lequel des deux est totalement incompatible avec l'intérêt commun ( le respect permanent de l'humain et de l'environnement), pour y mettre fin.
État de droit, celui dans lequel l’exercice du pouvoir par les organes de l’État est encadré par des règles de droit destinées à limiter au mieux l’arbitraire.
Larousse
S'il était possible de questionner les meilleurs politologues sur la fonction de l'État de droit, ils nous diraient que son rôle est de limiter au mieux l'arbitraire lié à l'exercice du pouvoir. Et si nous pouvions leur demander quelle est l'origine de l'arbitraire, à l'évidence ils répondraient, le Pouvoir.
Mais le problème de l'humanité réside dans le fait que la Science ignore comment se forme le Pouvoir et a fortiori l'arbitraire.
« la démocratie s’institue et se maintient dans la dissolution des repères de la certitude. Elle inaugure une histoire dans laquelle les hommes font l’épreuve d’une indétermination dernière, quant au fondement du Pouvoir, de la Loi et du Savoir, et au fondement de la relation de l'un avec l'autre, sur tous les registres de la vie sociale »
Claude Lefort

This article is a study on the neoliberal state, its relation to time and its ongoing transformation through crisis. It is spurred by two seminal works-Hartog's on historicity and Rosa's on acceleration-that catalogue a collapse of the modern temporality defined by progression from past to future. The article develops this problematic by focusing on the state as a key organiser of social temporalities. As the state has, in the course of the 21st century, been occupied with fighting crises, the assessment of its transformation and its relation to time proceeds from an analysis of its crisis-response. It finds that the state cannot articulate a vision for the future. This is a historically unique development, and the article traces its causes and consequences. It argues that the loss of the future perspective results from neoliberalism's success in enhancing capital's power over society. This makes both capital and the state avert to change, even as crisis and disruption become systemic elements of the neoliberal order. This causes the neoliberal state to acquire the form of neoliberal despotism: a state whose purpose is to impose social stasis and, since it cannot lead towards an appealing future, can only govern through fear.

Korku, popüler kültür içerisinde gittikçe yükselen bir değer haline gelmektedir. Bugün baĢta ABD olmak üzere, tüm dünyada korku bir çeĢit , ticaret sektörü olarak kabul edilir. Amerikalıların korku ticareti olarak nitelendirdikleri kavram, bugün artık, iletiĢim ağının ve magazin sektörünün bir parçası durumundadır. Hiper güçler; Bir sosyal kontrol mekanizması olarak iletiĢim sektörü ve sektörün sunucuları olarak korkuyu büyük kentlere göre yaratırlar. Daha fazla okumak, izlemek isteyen kent insanı için korku, sunulan bir eğlence sektörüne dönüĢtürülür ve sürekli korkuya ilgi duyan bir hedef kitlesi yaratılır. Kaynaklarına doğru inildikçe dilin yarattığı bir tür toplumsal modelle karĢılaĢırız. Gündemde olanı ortaya koymak ve dikkati çekebilmek için abartılan imgeler, sonuçta geride kalan her Ģeyi "izleyici", "gözlemleyici" ya da "röntgenci" durumuna sokarak, hipnoz etkisi yaratır. BaĢkalarını gözlemlemek ve yorumlamak, aynı zamanda benliği gözlemlemenin de aracıdır daima. Gözlemleyen özne de gözlemlenenden daha sabit olmadığından birçok kereler yer değiĢtirirler ve kurban ile katilin kimliği belirsizleĢir. Gözlemci, korkuyu ve paniği kullanarak öznesini yorumlamada gerçekten baĢarılı olduğu için, her seferinde onu değiĢtirir. ÇalıĢmada örneklem olarak korku izleği taĢıyan haber uygulamalarında, sinema filmlerinde yaratılan panik ve kaosun görsel etkisi üzerinde .durulmuĢtur.

Comunicação de abertura da Conferência Internacional que organizei a 2 e 3 de Abril de 2003, no Instituto de Defesa Nacional (IDN), em colaboração com o Professor Doutor Diogo Freitas do Amaral; o nome da conferência foi  “O Islão, o Islamismo e o terrorismo transnacional”. A Conferência foi co-organizada pela Faculdade de Direito da Universidade Nova de Lisboa, pelo Instituto de Defesa Nacional e pela Comunidade Islâmica de Lisboa, tendo trazido a Portugal e ao MinIstério da Defesa Nacional vários académicos estrangeiros, incluindo islamistas aos quais foi dado o devido palco. O ambiente logrado foi cordato.Tive o gosto de abrir e fechar a Conferência. Este texto foi a minha palestra de abertura.

The standard weak-coupling approximations associated to open quantum systems have been extensively used in the description of a two-level quantum system, qubit, subjected to relatively weak dissipation compared with the qubit frequency. However, recent progress in the experimental implementations of controlled quantum systems with increased levels of on-demand engineered dissipation has motivated precision studies in parameter regimes that question the validity of the approximations, especially in the presence of time-dependent drive fields. In this paper, we address the precision of weakcoupling approximations by studying a driven qubit through the numerically exact and non-perturbative method known as the stochastic Liouville-von Neumann equation with dissipation. By considering weak drive fields and a cold Ohmic environment with a high cutoff frequency, we use the Markovian Lindblad master equation as a point of comparison for the SLED method and study the influence of the bath-induced energy shift on the qubit dynamics. We also propose a metric that may be used in experiments to map the regime of validity of the Lindblad equation in predicting the steady state of the driven qubit. In addition, we study signatures of the well-known Mollow triplet and observe its meltdown owing to dissipation in an experimentally feasible parameter regime of circuit electrodynamics. Besides shedding light on the practical limitations of the Lindblad equation, we expect our results to inspire future experimental research on engineered open quantum systems, the accurate modeling of which may benefit from non-perturbative methods.

This article examines the changing nature of fear in Enlightenment France. While the growing power of the absolutist state reduced many traditional sources of insecurity, fears of state power proliferated during the eighteenth century, prompting leading figures of the French Enlightenment to turn their attention to the problem of political fear: its sources, its effects, and the means for overcoming it. One of the unifying aspects of the Enlightenment was its commitment to reducing the burden of fear in human existence. From that standpoint, however, political fear posed a particular challenge since the objects on which it focused could not be dismissed as purely imaginary. Unlike such traditional religious terrors as hell, purgatory, and the Devil, police agents, police spies, and prisons really existed. And yet political fears too were mediated—and magnified—by collective imaginaries. The fear of imprisonment stands out as a key example of such a phenomenon. Best-selling prison memoirs published in the early 1780s sought to mobilize public opinion against lettres de cachet (administrative arrest warrants) by evoking the horrors of imprisonment, and especially its psychological torments: solitude, tedium, uncertainty about the future, and the looming threat of insanity. In these works, prisoners inhabit a separate self-contained world, helpless before the omnipotent will of their jailers, who rule over them like “oriental despots.” The wide dissemination of terrifying images of the prison contributed to building the public pressure for the abolition of lettres de cachet during the Revolution, but the enormous commercial success of the memoirs suggests that some readers found the depictions of life behind prison walls darkly fascinating as well as terrifying. Much the same could be said of readers’ responses to the exposés of Revolutionary prisons published after Thermidor, the Gothic novels of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, and the fictional universe of the Marquis de Sade, all of which drew heavily on the carceral imaginary invented under the Old Regime.

La rivalité, le pouvoir, et les discours de la paix et de la guerre Quand les discours exhumés par Foucault interpellent l'économie politique Christian Barrère, Ceras-EDJ, Université de Reims 1 Nous 2 assistons depuis une dizaine d'années à un changement du discours économique qui intègre de façon croissante la notion de guerre économique, avance l'idée mercantiliste que pour accroître ses débouchés il faut les prendre aux autres, propose de soumettre l'ensemble de la société au principe de concurrence. En même temps, de nouvelles tendances du fonctionnement économique apparaissent. Les stratégies deviennent plus opportunistes et accroissent les rivalités entre capitaux. Les guerres de prix reviennent, la concurrence pacifique et civilisée des années 60 se mue en concurrence sauvage, les prises de contrôle sont de plus en plus fréquemment des prises de contrôle hostiles, les Etats s'affrontent en négociations commerciales serrées et multiplient les mesures de représailles. Bref, l'heure semble être venue du passage de la concurrence à la guerre économique, entre firmes, entre Etats, entre peuples... L'opposition traditionnelle entre le domaine de l'économie, lieu de création de richesses, de paix et de travail, et la politique internationale, lieu d'affrontements et de guerre se voit contestée par des images, nouvelles ou non, qui font de la concurrence, de la lutte, de l'affrontement voire de la guerre, un principe général, régissant tous les champs sociaux, et notamment, peut-être principalement, celui de l'économie. Le point de départ de ce texte est l'intuition selon laquelle l'analyse économique doit pouvoir développer des instruments d'analyse, proprement économiques, de la rivalité sociale pour justifier sa prétention heuristique. L'objet de ce texte est d'apprendre d'une des pensées contemporaines les plus fortes comment la société vit et lit la rivalité. Non pas qu'on se propose de transférer purement et simplement les élaborations théoriques de Michel Foucault, parce que l'analyse économique doit élaborer des instruments d'analyse proprement économiques de la rivalité. Mais Foucault nous semble être, parmi les sociologues, les philosophes ou les politistes (on sait qu'il refusait de se définir autrement que comme un archéologue des savoirs), un de ceux qui apportent un regard radicalement différent du regard coutumier des économistes sur la question centrale de la rivalité, du pouvoir, de la domination, un analyste qui ne craint pas de parler de guerre et qui s'interroge sur « les discours de la guerre ». Nous privilégierons pour cela un des textes les moins connus de Foucault, les cours donnés au Collège de France en 1976 et édités en 1997 sous le titre « Il faut défendre la société » 3 , texte qui s'intéresse précisément aux discours de la guerre dans leur opposition aux discours de la paix. Nous confronterons ensuite cette approche à celle qui se présente, dans l'analyse économique, comme l'approche type de la rivalité, via l'accent mis sur les contradictions sociales, l'approche marxienne. Nous déduirons de ses limites, à la lumière des enseignements foucaldiens, quelques pistes pour développer une approche économique de la rivalité.

This study seeks to monitor and analyze the most prominent European policies related to immigration and asylum issues, as these policies have known over the past two decades many contradictions expressed by these different options at all levels. European space decision-makers have often chosen the multi-level governance path to integrate migrants and refugees into European societies. In contrast, at other times, security policy and selection have led to results effectively reflected in high hatred towards immigrants and refugees.

Recently, there has been intense research in proposing and developing various methods for constructing high-order exceptional points (EPs) in dissipative systems. These EPs can possess a number of intriguing properties related to, e.g., chiral transport and enhanced sensitivity. Previous proposals to realize non-Hermitian Hamiltonians (NHHs) with high-order EPs have been mainly based on either direct construction of spatial networks of coupled modes or utilization of synthetic dimensions, e.g., of mapping spatial lattices to time or photon-number space. Both methods rely on the construction of effective NHHs describing classical or postselected quantum fields, which neglect the effects of quantum jumps, and which, thus, suffer from a scalability problem in the quantum regime, when the probability of quantum jumps increases with the number of excitations and dissipation rate. Here, by considering the full quantum dynamics of a quadratic Liouvillian superoperator, we introduce a simple and effective method for engineering NHHs with high-order quantum EPs, derived from evolution matrices of system operators moments. That is, by quantizing higher-order moments of system operators, e.g., of a quadratic two-mode system, the resulting evolution matrices can be interpreted as alternative NHHs describing, e.g., a spatial lattice of coupled resonators, where spatial sites are represented by high-order field moments in the synthetic space of field moments. Notably, such a mapping allows correct reproduction of the results of the Liouvillian dynamics, including quantum jumps. As an example, we consider a U (1)-symmetric quadratic Liouvillian describing a bimodal cavity with incoherent mode coupling, which can also possess anti-PT-symmetry, whose field moment dynamics can be mapped to an NHH governing a spatial network of coupled resonators with high-order EPs.

The essay is a shortened and revised version of the larger, academic essay “The Despot’s Violence and the Citizens’ Virtue”. It is divided into two thematic parts. The first and largest one is dedicated to the attributes of the tyrannical and democratic forms, which are opposed in essence (violent oppression and freedom) and in moral principle (fear and virtue) according to the though of the two authors of political philosophy: Machiavelli and Montesquieu. The second and much shorter part deals with the theme of the manipulation of truth, especially related to the unjust war according to Hugo Grotius' "De iure belli ac pacis", i.e., the exemplary text of classical international law. The three authors are thus among the most authoritative modern sources of European political and juridical culture.
In the procedure of my essay, while I mainly adopt the Montesquieu’s conceptual order as the logical itinerary of my short essay, I will enrich his concepts with some of the Machiavelli’s vibrant ideas. Moreover, while some Machiavellian contradictions, peculiar above all to "The Prince", have led some scholars to polarised and partial interpretations, my essay aims, instead, at an exegesis that gives a reasonable explanation of certain antithetical statements.
Undoubtedly, implicit references to the devastating Russian-Ukrainian war, the watershed in European history, can be found in the essay. Indeed, the pages of Machiavelli and Montesquieu are an inspiring philosophical introduction to the historical-political understanding of despotism and the democratic republic. Again, certain quotations from Grotius could be read as margin notes of today's warlike and pacifist ideologies. However, the essay was conceived for disseminating such shared heritage of political philosophy in an open and intense dialogue with the cultural elite of Ukraine, that is, with the professors and students at Ukrainian universities. I do indeed believe that discussion of philosophical and juridical issues will be a necessary factor in the forthcoming Ukrainian renaissance.
Finally, for the sake of honesty, I must admit that I am not a Montesquieu scholar, and there is no original interpretation in the pages devoted to him. But I felt obliged to give an educational and fairly organic theoretical perspective, whose best parts are perhaps some synthetic comparisons between the three authors, for example the chapter ‘The War of the Despot and the Valour of Citizens’.

France is no stranger to revolutions. The first one beheaded Louis XVI, ushered in a Reign of Terror, and ended with an Empire. The second, in 1830, sent Louis' younger brother, Charles X, into exile and put his cousin Louis-Philippe on the throne of a constitutional monarchy. By the late 1840s, the winds of revolution were starting to blow again. Against the backdrop of economic distress, social discontent, and high unemployment, the pear-shaped "bourgeois king" faced rising opposition from the disenfranchised workers and middle classes. Their central demand: expansion of the right to vote, then enjoyed by only the top tier of taxpayers, comprising about one percent of the population. 1 Electoral reform was the focus of the political banquets that, starting in July 1847, served as vehicles for the opposition views of liberals, republicans and socialists, and enjoyed broad popular support. Meanwhile, the toiling classes and their defenders were demanding a "right to work," and a reorganization of the labor system. Members of the revolutionary secret societies were calling for an insurrection. "We are sleeping on a volcano," warned Alexis de Tocqueville, who had taken a seat in the Chamber of Deputies in 1839 and was a close observer of the events that followed. 2 The banning of a major Paris banquet on February 22, 1848-George Washington's birthday, as it happened-was the spark that set off the conflagration. By noon of that day, angry Parisians flooded the streets of the capital and began to erect barricades. The next day, soldiers fixed their bayonets and fired into the crowd on the Place Vendôme, killing 20 people and wounding more than 50. At that point, what had been a popular protest turned into a violent uprising as angry Parisians, largely supported by the Garde nationale citizens' militia, paraded the bodies of their martyrs through the streets, overturned omnibuses, set fires throughout the capital, and surged toward the royal residence in the Tuileries palace. Fearing for his life, Louis-Philippe abdicated on February 24 and fled to England in disguise-he had shaved off his famous muttonchop sideburns and donned an oversized pair of glasses-escaping by ferry from Le Havre under the rather unconvincing alias of "Mr. Smith." 3 On February 26, the Chamber of Deputies named a provisional government with Jacques-Charles Dupont de l'Eure, a octogenarian veteran of the first Revolution, as its president. Meeting at the Hôtel de Ville, Paris's ornate 16 th-century city hall, this impromptu eleven-member body proclaimed the Second Republic. For those on the French left, it was a long awaited moment of triumph. After years of ineffectual opposition, advocates of democratic ideas-men like

A system of two coupled semiconductor-based resonators is studied when lasing around an exceptional point. We show that the presence of nonlinear saturation effects can have important ramifications on the transition behavior of this system. In sharp contrast with linear PT-symmetric configurations, nonlinear processes are capable of reversing the order in which the symmetry breaking occurs. Yet, even in the nonlinear regime, the resulting non-Hermitian states still retain the structural form of the corresponding linear eigenvectors expected above and below the phase transition point. The conclusions of our analysis are in agreement with experimental data.