Policy Transfer

Brazil became a prominent player for policy dialogue on food security and social protection in the 2000s and started to share its policy instruments with developing countries. However, the consequences as well as the mechanisms of such political effort have been little analysed. This paper draws on the case of Mozambique to examine the adoption process of Brazil's instruments of public food procurement from family farmers and home-grown school feeding. It shows that despite political and institutional constraints at the national level to adopting the initiatives in Mozambique, local actors managed to adapt them to their contexts. It aims to contribute to recent policy transfer literature, which is particularly interested in the role of 'translation' mechanisms in the circulation of policy ideas and practices across nations.

‘Outcomes’ has become one of the ‘it’ words in how we talk about education. There is outcomes-based assessment, outcomes-based learning, and now the rise of ‘learning outcomes’ with the rise of national and regional qualifications frameworks. Yet, as will be shown here, ‘outcomes’ can have a wide range of meanings that can be used for dramatically different ends. Focusing on ‘learning outcomes’ is neither an educational reform panacea nor a term with a precise, undisputed meaning like one would find a science book. The European Commission notes that, “the move towards learning outcomes is hardly ever challenged in policy discourses, [but] there is vigorous debate in academic literature.” Whatever its challenges, it is an increasingly important international standard for education and labor policy makers and planners.

En dépit de sa perméabilité aux influences extérieures, le pouvoir en Tunisie n’est jamais resté passif face aux pressions ou injonctions (aussi fortes soient-elles) émanant de ses « partenaires » étrangers. La notion de réajustement est utile à l’analyse car elle comporte deux dimensions interdépendantes que l’on retrouve dans la littérature des relations internationales sur la notion d’agence. La première a trait à la capacité de l’État récepteur de politiques publiques à réadapter localement l’effet et la portée de celles-ci. La deuxième concerne la volonté affichée des États et des institutions internationales émetteurs de politiques publiques de démontrer qu’un transfert a bien eu lieu en direction de l’État récepteur au moyen de conditionnalités et d’incitations financières, ou encore par apprentissage ou simple émulation, même si chaque acteur sait que perméabilité ne rime pas toujours avec applicabilité. Il sera démontré, dans ce cas, que le réajustement pouvait aussi relever d’un accommodement mutuel entre État récepteur et État émetteur. Cet accommodement mutuel répondait, quant à lui, à la prégnance d’une hiérarchie de priorités qui sera explicitée dans le texte. Plusieurs années après les soulèvements populaires de 2011, cette même hiérarchie, fondée sur un paradigme sécuritaire, continue d’orienter les choix des acteurs politiques et institutionnels en Tunisie. Les conditions et facteurs à l’origine de sa persistance sont analysés.

The essays in Globalization on the Margins explore the continuities and changes in Central Asian education development since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. Reflecting on two decades of post-socialist transformations, they reveal that education systems in Central Asia responded to the rapidly changing political, economic, and social environment in profoundly new and unique ways. Some countries moved towards Western models, others went backwards, and still others followed entirely new trajectories. Yet, elements of the “old” system remain. Rather than viewing these post-Soviet transformations in isolation, Globalization on the Margins places its analyses within the global context by reflecting on the interaction between Soviet legacies and global education reform pressures in the Central Asian countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. Instead of portraying the transition process as the influx of Western ideas into the region, the authors provide new lenses to critically examine the multidirectional flow of ideas, concepts, and reform models within Central Asia.

Notwithstanding the variety of theoretical perspectives, methodological approaches, and conceptual lenses, the authors have one thing in common: both individually and collectively, they reveal the complexity and uncertainty of the post-Soviet transformations. By highlighting the political nature of the transformation processes and the uniqueness of historical, political, social, and cultural contexts of each particular country, Globalization on the Margins portrays post-Soviet education transformations as complex, multidimensional, and uncertain processes.

It has been almost two decades since conditional cash transfer programs first appeared on the agendas of multilateral agencies and politicians. Latin America has often been used as a testing ground for these programs, which consist of transfers of money to subsections of the population upon meeting certain conditions, such as sending their children to school or having them vaccinated. Money from the Government in Latin America takes a comparative view of the effects of this regular transfer of money, which comes with obligations, on rural communities.

Drawing on a variety of data, taken from different disciplinary perspectives, these chapters help to build an understanding of the place of conditional cash transfer programsin rural families and households, in individuals’ aspirations and visions, in communities’ relationships to urban areas, and in the overall character of these rural societies.

With case studies from Chile, Mexico, Peru, Brazil and Colombia, this book will interest scholars and researchers of Latin American anthropology, sociology, development, economics and politics.

« Le 10 mai 2001, ils m’ont transféré en avion militaire à la nouvelle prison de Valledupar. On savait bien que là-bas c’était le régime yankee. Ils m’ont tout pris, ils m’ont donné un uniforme […] et ils m’ont rasé la tête. Les gardiens étaient très jeunes, ils nous ont traités de façon totalement inhumaine. On n’avait jamais connu ça auparavant […]. Rapidement, les détenus ont lancé un mouvement de protestation, au sujet du droit de visite. La réponse a été brutale. Une répression à feu et à sang, à coups de matraque et de gaz lacrymogène. »
Le témoignage de ce prisonnier reflète le virage opéré au sein du système carcéral colombien suite à une réforme inspirée par le modèle de prison de sécurité maximale américain. Réalisées dans le cadre des accords du « Plan Colombie » – le vaste programme anti-drogue et antiguérilla de Washington dans ce pays – les
transformations du système carcéral colombien sont révélatrices de la manière dont le « tournant punitif » initié aux États-Unis s’exporte au niveau international.
Cet ouvrage repose sur un riche matériel ethnographique, recueilli au cours d’une enquête de terrain en Colombie et aux États-Unis. L’étude est basée sur des observations dans les prisons colombiennes et sur des interviews approfondies avec des prisonniers, des membres de leurs familles, des gardiens, des représentants des autorités carcérales, des activistes des droits humains, ainsi que des architectes et entrepreneurs de l’industrie carcérale américaine. Les nouvelles prisons colombiennes y sont décrites comme un espace de dépossession et de contrôle sans précédent, mais également comme un lieu de résistances multiformes de la part de la communauté des prisonniers.

What is the Bologna Process?
Has it been a success or failure in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) in particular, and in Europe more generally? The question, asked time and again, is persistently misconstrued. This explains to a large extent both the inconsistent scholarly literature on the subject and the contradictory evaluations of the Bologna Process among politicians and policy makers, academics and higher education administrators, students and student organizations, other stakeholders and the general public. The chapter aims to reconsider the question and find a valid manner to address it. For this, it puts forward a comprehensive analysis of what is Bologna, a clear-cut approach to understanding policy transfer under this Process and a set of standards and benchmarks for gauging its success and failure in CEE. In pursuit of reform models from the early days of transition, CEE countries made the choice to adopt 'European models' in higher education. Interestingly, they decided not to consider other possible models from other parts of the world. As soon as the Bologna Process was started, it largely become the European model. In the implementation of this model, CEE countries adopted a wholesale, all-or-nothing, now-or-never approach, with no room for testing, or trial-and-error tactics. The Bologna Process, however, was in reality not a defined, unitary model or policy, but a complex and evolving set of values, principles, priorities, objectives, tools and instruments. Success and failure in this case is a matter of degree and must also consider the defined aspects of the Process.

This article explores how the Base Nacional Comum Curricular
(National Learning Standards), entered the policy debate in Brazil
and became the most important reform initiative of the Ministry of
Education between 2015 and 2017. We argue that this accelerated
policy process was contingent upon the practice of philanthropizing
consent: foundations’ use of material resources, knowledge
production, media power, and informal and formal networks to
garner the consent of multiple social and institutional actors to
support a public policy. In other words, these foundations do not
impose policies on governments; rather, they ‘render technical’
high-stakes political debates on pressing issues of educational
equity and then influence state officials’ consensus about which
policies to adopt. We argue that this philanthropic influence is not
simply a neoliberal, profit-maximizing scheme; rather, it is an
attempt by foundation and corporate leaders to garner power
and influence on different scales, and re-make public education
in their own image. Although this educational policy game is in
many ways participatory and widely accepted, foundations are
only able to play this role due to their tremendous economic
power, a direct product of the unequal global political economy,
and the systematic defunding of the public sphere.

Die Begriffe Politikkonvergenz, Politikdiffusion und Politiktransfer werden in der Literatur nicht immer klar voneinander abgegrenzt. Die daraus resultierende begriffliche — und möglicherweise auch analytische —Unklarheit erschwert bislang die Synthese der unter den verschiedenen Begriffen erarbeiteten konzeptionellen Ansätze und empirischen Ergebnisse und damit die Herausbildung eines übergreifenden Forschungsprogramms (Holzinger/Knill 2005; Tews 2005; Holzinger/Jörgens/Knill im Erscheinen). Ziel dieses einleitenden Beitrags ist es daher, die verwandten Konzepte Diffusion, Transfer und Konvergenz zusammenzuführen und für einander fruchtbar zu machen.

In 2007, the Cincinnati Initiative to Reduce Violence, or CIRV, was initiated by the Cincinnati Police Department to tackle the rising problem of gang-member related homicides (Engel et al., 2008). CIRV was an evidence-based, focused deterrence strategy developed from the Boston Operation Ceasefire approach to prevent serious gun and gang-related violence (see Braga et al., 1999, 2001; Kennedy, 1996, 1997). This model captured the interest of law enforcement authorities in Glasgow, Scotland, who sought to adopt it as a model to address its persistent gang violence problem (see Davies, 2007, 2013; Kintrea et al., 2010; Patrick, 1973).

A critique of the current balance of attention with regard to the idea of 'transnationalism' in policing. I propose an alternative conceptual framework within which we can consider the history and the present of what I call today supra-national policing. I offer relevant examples to illustrate this framework, and speculate wildly about what more research on them might tell us about the timing of globalisation.

facren After a few decades of globalization, in the field of public policy studies, there is the emergence of an explanation for policy decision-making phenomena among the process of internationalization of politics, in which each country has searched for an effective policy-making model from around the world. The questions are, for example, why one state should transfer policy from another one or what the process of policy transfer and learning is. Such an approach is called 'policy transfer' study.

The study of the policy transfer model is considered in a very important manner in the way the concept of policy transfer occurs.  The increased internationalisation of trade is greater than before; increased communication between governments has resulted in knowledge about other nations’ policies; including ideas, concepts and values, instruments and institutional arrangements which, in a circle, has resulted in copying and adaptation from others.

This paper examines the phenomenon of educational policy transfer in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). It is argued that our age has witnessed a phenomenon of “the accelerating transnationalization of policy norms and practices” (Peck and Theodore 2010: 169) across national borders as states seek models and exemplars for their own educational development. A variety of mechanisms has been postulated for the apparent „movement‟ of policies from an originating context, and their adoption in other national environments labelled with terms such as: 'Policy Borrowing'. These mechanisms are sometimes advocated as a “shortcut to desired outcomes and results” justified by the impetus provided by the “global pursuit of competitive performance and the discourse of the knowledge economy” (Aydarova 2012:15). This paper asks: What policy influences are manifest in the UAE context?The metaphors of scapes, networks and flows are 'appropriated' from the work on mobility developed by Urry (2000)allowing for a more fluid and accommodating frame to describe and analyse the influence of policies from other contexts on the UAE. Ball (2012) counsels that policy transfer research methods and sensibilities be more attuned to movement and owe less to structure and place. The mobility construct applied to policy flows embodies a comprehensive view of transfer and influence from one context to another as movement of “people, objects, capital and information across the world” (Hannam, Sheller, and Urry 2006: 1).Policy transfer, discourse and influence can be „carried‟ by various vectors with the focus on the enabling role of technologically facilitated globalized mobility with its inherent alacrity.

O estudo tem como objetivo analisar a cooperação brasileira no
campo da alimentação escolar, a partir de uma perspectiva de difusão e transferência de políticas públicas, buscando identificar os principais aprendizados, características e desafios desta experiência de cooperação Sul-Sul.

The pervasiveness of neoliberalism within the field of human geography is remarkable, especially when we consider its virtual absence from the literature less than a decade ago. While the growing attention afforded to neoliberalism among geographers is new, the phenomenon of neoliberalism is not. This paper traces the intellectual history of neoliberalism and its expansions across various institutional frameworks and geographical settings. I review the primary contributions geographers have made to the literature, and specifically their recognition for neoliberalism’s variegations within existing political economic matrixes and institutional frameworks. Contra the prevailing view of neoliberalism as a pure and static end-state, geographical inquiry illuminates neoliberalism as a dynamic and unfolding process. The concept of ‘neoliberalization’ is thus seen as more appropriate to geographical theorizations insofar as it recognizes neoliberalism’s hybridized and mutated forms as it travels around our world. I also consider some of the most salient ways that neoliberalism has been theorized among human geographers. In particular, I highlight understandings of neoliberalism as a hegemonic ideology, as a policy-based approach to state reform, and as a particular logic of governmentality, arguing that while there are significant differences between these various formations, it may also be important to work beyond methodological, epistemological, and ontological divides in the larger interest of social justice.

In the decades since the end of the Second World War visible similarities have been emerging between higher education systems of different countries, across varying economic, political and socio cultural contexts. Over these years the Ethiopian higher education has also gone through a series of changes influenced by systems of different countries and global trends in higher education. Using institutional isomorphism as
analytical framework, this paper explores how the Ethiopian higher education has been changing in the past two decades. Identifying the main forces of change behind the major policy reforms and examining the modes of influence the paper shows how the Ethiopian higher education adapts to global trends. It also makes the case that being under the influence of numerous interests the Ethiopian higher education shies away from strongly demonstrating distinct features of its own.

Conclusion: "The good life in the good state, geared towards peaceful and productive living-together in the globalized, competitive environment of the 21st century, is unthinkable without a high-quality, appropriate, well-working public administration and a responsible, responsive, competent and trustworthy civil service. The best model for such an ideal appears to be something along the lines of the NWS (or even beyond it), in case this is a feasible option context-wise; what one could learn from the transition in CEE until today is that it certainly is not NPM."

Introducing the special issue on ''Mobilizing policy," the paper contrasts orthodox approaches to policy transfer with an emerging body of work in the interdisciplinary field critical policy studies. The governing metaphors in this latter body of work are those of mobility and mutation (rather than transfer, transit, and transaction), policymaking dynamics being conceived in terms of reproduction across and between sites of innovation/emulation (rather than interjurisdictional replication). Distinctive contributions of the following collection of papers are highlighted in the context of an emergent ''policy mobilities" approach.

This paper explores IBM’s Smarter Cities Challenge as an example of global smart city pol- icymaking. The evolution of IBM’s smart city thinking is discussed, then a case study of Phi- ladelphia’s online workforce education initiative, Digital On-Ramps, is presented as an example of IBM’s consulting services. Philadelphia’s rationale for working with IBM and the translation of IBM’s ideas into locally adapted initiatives is considered. The paper argues that critical scholarship on the smart city over-emphasizes IBM’s agency in driving the discourse. Unpacking how and why cities enrolled in smart city policymaking with IBM places city governments as key actors advancing the smart city paradigm. Two points are made about the policy mobility of the smart city as a mask for entrepreneurial governance. (1) Smart city efforts are best understood as examples of outward-looking policy promotion for the globalized economy. (2) These policies proposed citywide benefit through a variety of digital governance augmentations, unlike established urban, economic development projects such as a downtown redevelopment. Yet, the policy rhetoric of positive change was always oriented to fostering globalized business enterprise. As such, implement- ing the particulars of often-untested smart city policies mattered less than their capacity to attract multinational corporations.

Experts en développement ou en réforme de l’État, promotion de la société civile ou des droits de l’homme, thuriféraires du monétarisme ou de la bonne gouvernance... Comment, et avec quelles stratégies empiriques et théoriques penser la prolifération et la circulation internationale de ces savoirs et de ceux qui les promeuvent? Peut-être en se souvenant, d’abord et avant tout, qu’au même titre que les relations internationales, le droit, l’économie ou les savoirs du développement sont des savoirs de gouvernement, souvent pensés à l’aune de la réforme. Il peut dès lors être fécond de faire un pas de côté à l’égard de ces savoirs, et de les considérer moins à partir de leur logique intellectuelle interne, que de tenter de comprendre qui en fait quel usage, et dans quelles luttes nationales et internationales ils s’inscrivent.
Johanna Siméant, Université Paris 1 Panthéon Sorbonne

This chapter studies the genealogy of participatory approaches at the World Bank in the late twentieth century. It examines how the issue of participation initially gained traction within the organization’s ecosystem before being turned into a policy standard for development. From a theoretical standpoint, it pays particular attention to internal staff and professional activities within the Bank. The chapter is divided into three sections. The first builds upon the assumption that mounting criticism from transnational non-governmental organizations and advocacy campaigns provided a vital incentive for the Bank’s agents to introduce participatory methodologies into project development. The second section concentrates on the role of ‘institutional activists’ within the Bank. It examines how a group of social reformists promoted participatory ideas internally, with the view to dispute the economic orthodoxy of the institution. The last section focuses on the ability of these insiders to forge alliances with external allies, on whom they rely to advance the issue of participation in the Bank’s strategic thinking. The chapter concludes that participatory ideas underwent multiple cognitive reinterpretations and adaptations as they were subject to internal knowledge-building activities.

Background
International achievement studies such as the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) have an increasing influence on education policy worldwide.  The use of such data can provide a basis for evidence-based policy making to initiate educational reform.  Finland, a high performer in PISA, is often cited as an example of both efficient and equitable education.  Finland’s teachers and teacher education have not only garnered much attention for their role in the country’s PISA successes, but have also influenced education policy change in England. 
Main argument
This article argues that the Finnish model of teacher education has been borrowed uncritically by UK policy makers.  Finnish and English philosophies of teacher preparation differ greatly, and the borrowing of the Finnish teacher education model does not fit within the teacher training viewpoint of England.  The borrowed policies, thus, were decontextualized from the wider values and underpinnings of Finnish education. This piecemeal, “pick ‘n’ mix” (Morris 2012) approach to education policy reform ignores the fact that educational policies and “practices exist in ecological relationships with one another and in whole ecosystems of interrelated practices” (Kemmis and Heikkinen 2012, 157).  Thus, these borrowed teacher preparation policies will not necessarily lead to the outcomes outlined by policy makers in the reforms.
Sources of evidence
Two teacher preparation reforms in England, the University Training Schools (outlined in the UK government’s 2010 Schools White Paper, The Importance of Teaching) and the Master’s in Teaching and Learning (MTL), are used to illustrate the problematic nature of uncritical policy borrowing.  This article juxtaposes these policies with the Finnish model of teacher education, which is a research-based programme where all candidates are required to complete a Master’s degree. The contradictions exposed from this analysis further highlight the divergent practices of teacher preparation in England and Finland, or the disparate “ecosystems.” Evidence of educational policy borrowing in other settings is also considered.
Conclusions
Both the MTL and the White Paper reforms overlook the “ecosystem” surrounding Finnish teacher education.  The school-based MTL contrasts with the research-based Finnish teachers’ MA.  Similarly, the University Training Schools scheme, based on Finnish university-affiliated, teaching practice schools, contrasts heavily with the rest of the White Paper reforms, which contradict the philosophies and ethos behind Finnish teacher education by proposing the move of English teacher preparation away from the universities.  The analysis highlights the uncritical eye through which politicians may view international survey results, looking for “quick fix” (Noah 1984, 550; Phillips and Ochs 2004, 780) options instead of utilising academic evidence for investigation on education and education reform.

Over the past two decades, policy transfer has continued to develop as a distinct research area in public policy, having evolved from other concepts, including, policy diffusion, policy convergence, and lesson-drawing. This paper aims to contribute to the budding concept by introducing a process flow that can represent a generalized format of what obtains in a policy transfer process, irrespective of the type, degree or mechanisms of the transfer. Based on this, three distinct features are identified as what will likely characterize any form of policy transfer process, and these are, knowledge isolation, knowledge transportation and knowledge application.

As its social, political, and economic situation changed, the educational policy focus of Botswana has shifted from general education to Technical Vocational Education and Training(TVET). The government of Botswana put a great deal of effort into promoting its TVET system during the 1990s by suggesting basic educational policy direction and relevant strategies. This endeavor came to fruition with the Botswana Technical Education Program(BTEP) introduced into technical colleges in Botswana in the early 2000s. The BTEP was the institution-based TVET program transferred from the Scottish Qualification Authority(SQA) based on a bilateral contract.
The BTEP case is notable in terms of studies on educational policy borrowing within the field of comparative education. In comparative education, there has been a growing demand to explore various policy borrowing cases, as the complexity of the phenomenon has increased with globalization. The BTEP, as a borrowed program from the SQA, is expected to facilitate understanding of the micro-mechanism and process of cross-national education policy borrowing. Also, it provides more insight into the motivation to borrow a foreign education system in the face of a transitional moment, because it is a representative case of transitional policy measure organized by the Botswana government.
This research investigates the process of the BTEP introduction from the SQA into Botswana with the conceptual and analytical framework of studies on educational policy borrowing. The four-stages of policy borrowing suggested by Phillips and Ochs(2004) is adopted as a main analytical tool. According to the framework, the BTEP case is described as a policy borrowing process that includes 1) cross-national attraction, 2) decision-making, 3) implementation, and 4) internalization. By identifying the actors and motivations in each of the stages, this study gets close to the full circle of the policy borrowing process of the BTEP. 
The findings of the analysis offer an insight into the future direction of the TVET policy in Botswana. The policy borrowing process of the BTEP proves that the Botswana government was heavily dependent on foreign experiences in reforming its TVET system. This is in part because it did not have the capacity to produce and manage the required knowledge. This weakness triggered a more or less inattentive policy borrowing practice that did not heed the contextual and practical issues. Hence, the Botswana government needs to raise knowledge management capacity for its independent policy development. In addition, this research provides implications for the revision of the conceptual and analytical frameworks of educational policy borrowing studies. The findings indicate that recent policy borrowing practice is getting more complicated than before. Primarily, it is due to a growing ambiguity between borrowers and lenders as borrowers also have their own strategy to lend policies to others. Also, the concept of borrowing and lending is transformed into the market concept of buying and selling. That means that policy-makers recognize internationally renowned systems as marketable goods.

This study explores the linkages between two recent trends in global climate governance. The irst trend is the growing focus on cities in the multi-level governance of climate change. Whereas international climate change negotiations often end in deadlock, many urban centers across the world are taking the lead. Industrialized cities from the Global North and increasingly cities from the emerging Southern economies are experimenting with innovative and ambitious programs to reduce their local carbon footprints. A second trend is the expanding urban North-South cooperation in the area of low-carbon development. This cooperation takes various forms, such as city twinning, transnational municipal networks and trans-local development cooperation.

This article intervenes in discussions about the circulation of policing knowledge and the politics of expertise. As part of a broader conversation about transnational reconfigurations of state power, critical scholars have drawn attention to the influence of global policing "models" and "pri-vate" experts in shaping policy. They show how such figures and forms of knowhow symbolically enforce urban order and dispossess marginalized communities under conditions of neoliberal crisis. While incisive, these approaches can unduly portray expert authority as boundless and unassail-able. This article argues that a sustained theoretical engagement with questions about controversies and failure opens up fruitful avenues to unsettle the perceived smoothness, inevitability, and omnipotence of experts in relation to politics and governing. Drawing on insights from actor-network theory (ANT), it situates deference to global experts as interventions that seek to enact and police the terms of "reality" concerning urban order. This approach allows us to better understand how such interventions work but also how they misfire and come undone. These claims are developed through a close reading of UK Prime Minister David Cameron's attempt to solicit policy advice from renowned global "supercop" William Bratton in the aftermath of the 2011 England riots. The riots that swept across England in August 6-11, 2011, began following a protest over the police killing of Mark Duggan, a Black British man, outside a police station in Tottenham. They later spread to other parts of London, as well as Birmingham, Nottingham, West Bromwich, Bristol, Liverpool, Wolverhampton, Manchester, and Salford. These events took place alongside the rollout of a vicious austerity program and amidst rising public concerns about an increasingly racialized, violent, and unaccountable police posture. This article is concerned with the riots' aftermath and one aspect in particular. Once order was restored, then UK prime minister David Cameron called for the adoption of US anti-gang approaches. He appealed to global "supercop" William Bratton, chairman of the private security consulting firm Kroll Associates and closely associated with the "broken windows" theory of criminality and "zero tolerance" policing. On the face of it, this move was hardly new or even noteworthy at all. Bratton is cited as the "living incarnation of penal rigor" (Wacquant 2008, 57), and broken windows/zero tolerance are celebrated as global "models" or "best practices" in policing (Harcourt 2001). These models have been adopted around the world but with particular enthusiasm in England and Wales (Mawby 2008, 33), where state officials have engaged with US anticrime experts (including Bratton) since the 1990s (Jones and Newburn

During the first decade of the 21st century, the Colombian prison system went through a profound transformation under the influence of a cooperation agreement between Washington and Bogota in penal and penitentiary policies. This thesis analyzes, on the one hand, the circumstances in which the US high security prison model was transferred to Colombia and, on the other hand, the consequences of this 'importation' for the conditions of imprisonment and the lives of prisoners. Drawing on rich empirical material gathered during the course of extensive fieldwork in the US and Colombia, including interviews with prison architects, inmates and other key penal system actors, this research considers the international mobility of the US prison model through both a geopolitical and an ethnographical perspective. This dual approach allows a detailed reconstruction of how the reform was implemented on the ground, focusing particularly on the experience of different categories of actors (public authorities, prison administration officials, wardens, and prisoners), while also explaining the political and economic motivations underlying this transfer. The thesis highlights the major influence of the cultural practices of the criolla prison – the old Colombian prison model – on how the US penitentiary blueprint was molded and adapted to the local context. It demonstrates that the new Colombian prisons represent an unprecedented space, in terms of constraint, deprivation and control on the one hand, and multiform prisoner resistance on the other. Finally, the thesis seeks to fundamentally call into question the effectiveness of the prison as an instrument of justice in the contemporary world.

El documento denominado "Los Fines de la Educación en el Siglo XXI" comunica las aspiraciones de la Reforma Educativa del 2013 e informa, en cierta medida, los planteamientos curriculares de educación básica y, en consecuencia, los de la formación docente en México. Dicho documento recoge elementos ideológicos, políticos, pedagógicos y curriculares principalmente de Singapur, así como de otras naciones destacadas en los ámbitos educativo y económico. La presente ponencia se fundamenta en el trabajo seminal de Darling-Hammond y Lieberman (2012). Desarrolla una breve revisión de literatura con el objetivo de ofrecer un acercamiento teórico con respecto a las políticas de formación inicial docente (FID) en países que fungieron como referentes clave en el ejercicio curricular actual en México, de acuerdo con el testimonio de altos funcionarios de la SEP. Este análisis ayuda a poner en contexto y reflexionar el trabajo curricular realizado hasta el momento en México pues, en ocasiones, estas aspiraciones suelen ser utópicas (Pritchett y Beatty, 2015). Además, ofrece elementos para que las escuelas normales dimensionen y contextualicen los retos y aspiraciones que tienen frente a ellas.