Pius II

S tudies of sienese patronage during the first half of the fifteenth century generally revolve around institutions rather than private patrons. Usually, this lacuna is justified by the claim that in a strictly Republican regime no citizen was allowed to stand out by virtue of their artistic patronage. 1 Although broadly true, this assumption has been qualified and challenged by recent scholarship that has sought to identify private patrons lurking behind, if not openly paying for, many of the artistic commissions within the city. 2 This article develops this recent trend by identifying two homonymous patrons who happened to live around the same time. They commissioned works from Sano di Pietro and Vecchietta, and were part of social circles whose importance for the arts in Siena cannot be underestimated. They were both called Jachomo d'Andreuccio. The name is found in a number of Sienese documents published by Gaetano Milanesi, and subsequently, as indicating a goldsmith active in quattrocento Siena called Jachomo d'Andreuccio del Mosca. 3 In 1907 Paul Schubring claimed that this Giacomo d'Andreuccio was the same man who commissioned an altarpiece from Vecchietta (Fig.3), which bears 1. Birth of the Virgin, by Sano di Pietro. 1448-52. Tempera and gold on panel, 31.8 by 47.2 cm. (University of Michigan Museum of Art, Ann Arbor). 2. Presentation of the Virgin at the temple, by Sano di Pietro. 1448-52. Tempera and gold on panel, 31.5 by 47.5 cm. (Pinacoteca Vatican, Rome).

Erasmus’ treatise “A Most Useful Discussion Concerning Proposals for War against the Turks” (Utillisima consultatio de bello Turcis inferendo, 1530), shortly known as De bello Turcico, disputed with Martin Luther’s call to refrain from fighting the Turks. Luther changed his mind following the Ottomans threat to Vienna, but Erasmus did not know that while writing his treatise. This anti-Turkish and anti-Lutheran treatise played another significant role. Erika Rummel pointed out that in relation to the Lutheran Reformation, Erasmus played very much the role of “a synthesizer of many of the currents of thought that fed into the Reformation.”  I focus here on one such current of thought, which perhaps has less to do with the Reformation itself than with the conceptualization of the “other” and the formation of European self-identity – Erasmus’ attitude toward the Turks, segments of which have been absorbed from Italian Humanists.

La sera del 20 agosto 1458, riferendo a Francesco Sforza i primi atti di Enea Silvio Piccolomini, salito al soglio pontificio il giorno precedente, l'oratore del duca presso la curia sottolineò come nell'udienza pubblica il neo eletto avesse dato prova di essere molto austero et iustificato in ogni sua facenda rifiutando, a differenza di quanto generalmente accadeva in occasione dell'incoronazione, a posta de cardinali et altri che se troveno là dentro a loro servitio, immediate post creationem, signare cosa alcuna, per non fare in quella confussione cose exhorbitante, ma chi ha voluto darli suppliche, l'ha poste in mano de alcuni suoy secretari, et poy le revederà in camera et farà quanto li parerà conveniente 1 .

The present volume gathers the entire literary tradition concerning the legend of Pope Joan and the account of the masculinity test allegedly undergone by every pope after her election, from their earliest records (1250-1254) until the sixteenth century. This book is the only complete collection of all the literary attestations of these two legends, published in their original language (Latin, Greek, medieval vernaculars [German, French, Italian]) and accompanied by an Italian translation.


L’opera raccoglie l’intera tradizione letteraria che riguarda la leggenda della Papessa Giovanna e quella della verifica della mascolinità alla quale si sarebbe dovuto sottomettere ogni pontefice dopo la sua elezione,
dalle prime attestazioni letterarie (1250-1254) fino al 1500. si tratta dell’unica completa raccolta dei testi che raccontano queste
due leggende, qui presentati in originale (latino, greco, lingue vernacolari medievali [tedesco, francese, italiano]) e con traduzione italiana.

Satz: Christiane Storeck (Hugo von Sankt Viktor-Institut mit TUSTEP) Das Werk ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Die dadurch begründeten Rechte, insbesondere die der Übersetzung, des Nachdrucks, der Entnahme von Abbildungen, der Funksendung, der Wiedergabe auf fotomechanischem oder ähnlichem Wege und der Speicherung in Datenverarbeitungsanlagen bleiben, auch bei nur auszugsweiser Verwertung, vorbehalten. Die Vergütungsansprüche des § 54 Abs. 2 UrhG werden durch die Verwertungsgesellschaft Wort wahrgenommen.

14 È possibile che questo Antonio Lolli, visto il ruolo servile svolto, sia solo un omonimo del più noto e dotto Antonio che invece riordinò l'epistolario. 15 Sul problema della data di questa lettera si tornerà più sotto. 16 Anche il manoscritto qui elencato con il numero 2 (ms Vitt. Em. 492) conferma lo stretto nesso tra l'origine delle raccolta delle orazioni e le lettere del cardinalato: riunisce infatti in un unico codice le due opere con la lettera di Francesco Piccolomini a Iacopo.

Il saggio approfondisce le architetture mantovane realizzate da Leon Battista Alberti e quelle non terminate ma presumibilmente progettate da lui (come indica una sua lettera del 1460 al marchese Ludovico Gonzaga), in particolare per quanto riguarda le piazze centrali della città e la sistemazione degli edifici medievali prospicienti (1459-1472).

The role of Francesco del Borgo in XVth century Rome has been described by historians in very different ways; as the surveyor of papal building sites and bookkepeer or as architect. The re-examination of archival records concerning the tempietto di Sant'Andrea near ponte Milvio allows the author to reconsider this very debated figure, to whom the tempietto has been attributed.

"Il contributo ricostruisce e riassume, sotto forma di relazione congressuale, i vari aspetti e momenti del piano di "salvataggio occidentale di Bisanzio", che ebbe per protagonisti Enea Silvio Piccolomini, Bessarione e Tommaso Paleologo, sottolineandone in particolare le implicazioni ideologiche e dottrinali. Tommaso, sovrano in pectore della Nuova Bisanzio che avrebbe dovuto costituirsi nel Peloponneso una volta liberato dai turchi grazie alla crociata indetta da Pio II al Concilio di Mantova del 1459, recò con sé poco dopo in Italia, dietro probabile suggerimento di Bessarione, la reliquia della testa di Sant'Andrea, evangelizzatore del Peloponneso e patrono della Chiesa d’Oriente. La traslazione del capo di Sant’Andra fu un evento solenne e carico di simbolismi, commemorato, fra l’altro, in importanti committenze artistiche. L'idea di una crociata antiturca delle potenze occidentali sotto l’egida del papato si era concretizzata per la prima volta poco dopo il concilio di Ferrara-Firenze, il passaggio di Bessarione all'ala unionista e la conseguente, ancorché virtuale e “realpolitica”, unione delle chiese. Dopo il fallimento, tuttavia, della Crociata di Varna, ad essere caldeggiato dal papa restò il progetto di fondazione di una “Nuova Bisanzio” in Morea, basato sulle realistiche proposte politiche elaborate da Giorgio Gemisto Pletone e dalla scuola a Mistrà. Il progetto era appoggiato da un clan di signorie filo-bizantine, imparentate attraverso i Malatesta con i Paleologhi, ma la sua posta più alta era la prospettiva di una riunificazione della Prima e della Seconda Roma in una sola entità giuridica dominata dal papa. Le aspettative e i cruciali intrecci politici, ideologici, religiosi di quest'epoca si rispecchiano, in maniera allegorica, nel Corteo dei Magi di Benozzo Gozzoli e nella Flagellazione di Piero della Francesca. Tuttavia, dopo l’annuncio di Pio II a Mantova, andarono rapidamente scemando le adesioni internazionali al suo piano di spedizione antiturca, che vide il suo epilogo con la morte del pontefice, fino all'ultimo suo strenuo sostenitore, ad Ancona. Persa all'Occidente, l'eredità giuridica del titolo imperiale di Bisanzio passò alla Russia, grazie al matrimonio – machiavellicamente orchestrato da Bessarione – tra l'ultima principessa paleologa, Zoe, e Ivan III Vasilevič di Mosca. L'ideologia della basileia di diritto divino e l'ortodossia, manipolata per decenni, vennero riassorbite nell’impero della Terza Roma.

This conference paper reconstructs and summarises the various aspects and stages of the plan to “save Byzantium in the West,” of which Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, Bessarion, and Thomas Palaeologus were protagonists, underscoring with particular attention the doctrinal and ideological implications. Thomas, sovereign in pectore of the New Byzantium to be founded on the Peloponnese once delivered from the Turks by the crusade called by Pius II at the Council of Mantua in 1459, brought the head of St. Andrew, missionary on the Peloponnese and patron of the Eastern Church, with him to Italy soon after – probably at Bessarion’s suggestion. The transfer of St. Andrew’s head was a solemn event, filled with symbolism and commemorated in important artistic commissions. The idea of a crusade against the Turks by the Western powers under the aegis of the papacy had been planned for the first time soon after the Council of Ferrara and Florence, Bessarion’s move to the unionist faction, and the subsequent, though virtual and realpolitiker, union of the churches.  After the failure of the Varna Crusade, however, the pope continued to promote the plan to found a “New Byzantium” in Morea, based on the realistic political proposals laid down by Georgius Gemistus Pletho and the school of Mystras.  The project was supported by a clan of pro-Byzantine signorie, related through the Malatesta to the Palaeologi, but the greater objective was the reunification of the First and Second Rome into one legal entity under the primary influence of the papacy.  The expectations and the crucial political, ideological, and religious connections are to be found mirrored allegorically in Benozzo Gozzoli’s Cavalcata dei Magi and Piero della Francesca’s Flagellation. However, after Pius II’s announcement at Mantua, international support for his expedition against the Turks began to wane quickly and the plan reached its epilogue with the death of the pontiff, the staunchest supporter until his end in Ancona. Lost in the West, inheritance of the Byzantine imperial title passed to Russia, thanks to the marriage – orchestrated with Machiavellian skill by Bessarion – between the last Palaeologian princess, Zoe, and Ivan III (the Great) Vasilyevich of Moscow. The divine right of the basileia and the concomitant bequest of orthodoxy, manipulated for decades, came to be absorbed into the Empire of the Third Rome.
"

This article analyses the construction of Pienza and, especially, its cathedral (1459-1462). Pope Pius II’s
commentaries were the base of the methodology in the analysis of the existing architecture. In this
comparison is evident the intention and aesthetics of Pius reflected in the material world. The central
building of the project is its cathedral, in which Pio II’s Humanists ideals merge with his strong
spirituality. In his writings, Pius II vividly describes his journeys across Europe and how he constructed
the city which replaced his birthplace little village. His devotional work and the application of the
Humanist ideals, conducted by the architect Bernardo Rosselino (1409-1464), were marks to the
architecture of their time. Nowadays Pienza preserves the memory of Pope Piccolomini as a world heritage
site.

This paper is devoted to the first period of Pomponio's career, from the 1450s to 1468, which is relatively little known. A fresh examination of the subscription in his copy of Lucretius produces new evidence. He is shown to have been seeking patronage from Pius II and/or Ferdinand I of Naples. But at some point after 1459, though he originally came from southern Italy, it became convenient to make himself out to be Roman. The three sources that he used when transcribing Lucretius are examined and there is detailed discussion of the part that may have been played in the textual study of Lucretius by Valla and Pietro Odo da Montopoli, whose annotated copy of Lucretius (Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, E 125 sup.) is identified here. Pomponio's knowledge of the 'Roma'/' 'Rhoma' debate is examined. It is argued that what later became known as the Pomponian (or Roman Academy) initially styled itself "humanissimi viri Laurentiani" in homage to Valla.

"Al centro di quest’ulteriore contributo dedicato alla talora misconosciuta presenza della questione d’Oriente, dell’impero bizantino e dei suoi rappresentanti nella pittura del primo Rinascimento italiano è anzitutto l’interpretatio byzantina della Cavalcata dei Magi dipinta da Benozzo Gozzoli nella Cappella Medicea di Palazzo Medici-Riccardi a Firenze. L’analisi iconografica degli affreschi è legata a quella del retroterra storico-politico contemporaneo alla loro committenza: il progetto di un “salvataggio occidentale di Bisanzio”, caldeggiato da Bessarione e dalla componente grecofilo- umanistica della curia romana, con in testa Nicola Cusano, ma soprattutto da Enea Silvio Piccolomini, che convocò a questo scopo nel 1459 — lo stesso anno in cui vennero eseguiti gli affreschi — la conferenza di Mantova.
Alla luce del progetto di rifondazione dell’impero in Morea e della crociata indetta a Mantova da Pio II si chiariscono le alleanze dinastiche degli ultimi Paleologhi con le signorie italiane, progressivamente costituitesi in vero e proprio “clan filobizantino”, e il ruolo giuridico, anche ideologico e simbolico, di cui Pio II investì il porfirogenito Tommaso Paleologo – destinato al trono della Nuova Bisanzio – nella sua permanenza in Italia.
I potenti riflessi di queste vicende e la celebrazione e riproposizione, in occasione del concilio di Mantova, delle concertazioni politico-religiose elaborate esattamente vent’anni prima durante il concilio di Firenze-Ferrara, si colgono nella pittura coeva: nella Flagellazione di Piero della Francesca, nel Corteo dei Magi di Andrea Mantegna e con forse ancor maggiore evidenza nella Cavalcata di Benozzo. Quest’ultima potrebbe conservare anche uno dei “ritratti occulti” di Tommaso Paleologo (individuati con certezza in altre committenze artistiche di poco successive, anzitutto in quelle di Pio II), o più propriamente una sua effigie simbolica, incarnata forse nel giovane “capocaccia” biondo con ghepardi, da sempre oggetto di perplessità e dispute tra gli studiosi.
Se l’analisi del ritratto si avvale del confronto con la Flagellazione di Piero, la presenza di Tommaso Paleologo al concilio di Firenze è suggerita da testimonianze storiografiche finora ignorate o sottovalutate, come quella del Chronicon minus di Sfrantze o del Diario di Pero Tafur. Completa il contributo un ricco apparato iconografico.

The interpretatio byzantina of the Cavalcata dei Magi painted by Benozzo Gozzoli in the Medici Chapel of the Palazzo Medici-Riccardi Palace at Florence is at the centre of this further contribution devoted to the oft-misunderstood presence of the Oriental question, the Byzantine Empire and its representatives in early Renaissance painting. The iconographic analysis of the frescoes is tied to that of the historical and political background of their commission: the “Western salvage of Byzantium,” supported by Bessarion and the philo-Greek component of the Roman Curia, with Nicolas of Cusa as its leader.  Further, Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini (Pius II), who called the Council of Mantua for this reason in 1459, the same year in which the frescoes were painted - energetically promoted the project.
In light of the plan to re-establish the empire in Morea and the crusade called by Pius II in Mantua, the dynastic alliances of the last Palaeologi with the Italian signorie, increasingly forming into a veritable “philo-Byzantine clan,” come into focus, along with the juridical, ideological, and symbolic role with which Pius II invests the porphyrogenitus Thomas Palaeologus – destined for the throne of the dreamed-for New Byzantium – during his sojourn in Italy.
The powerful echoes of these events and the celebration and reiteration, on the occasion of the Council of Mantua, of the political and religious plans elaborated exactly twenty years previously during the Council of Ferrara and Florence, can be seen in contemporary painting: in Piero della Francesca’s Flagellation of Christ, in Andrea Mantegna’s Corteo dei Magi and, with even greater clarity, in Benozzo’s Cavalcata. The latter might also hold one of the “hidden portraits” of Thomas Palaeologus (identified with certainty in subsequent artistic commissions, especially those of Pius II), or more properly, a symbolic effigy in the form of the young, blond “leader of the hunt” with the cheetahs – a continual subject of perplexity and debate among scholars.
If the study of the portrait avails itself of a comparison with Piero’s Flagellation, the presence of Thomas Palaeologus at the Council of Florence is suggested by historical evidence unknown or under-valued until now, such as Sfrantze’s Chronicon minus and Pero Tafur’s Travels.  An extensive iconographic apparatus supplements the essay.
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El presente trabajo ofrece una aproximación biográfica a Lluís Joan del Milà, sobrino del papa Calixto III y futuro “cardenal de Albaida”. Partiendo de su promoción eclesiástica al amparo de su tío, se analiza su actividad al servicio de Pío II y Paulo II, su proyecto señorial en tierras valencianas, sus contactos intelectuales y las empresas artísticas impulsadas en Roma, Viterbo y el valle de Albaida. En el ámbito político-eclesiástico se contemplan sus ambiguas relaciones con la Corona y su gobierno en las diócesis de Segorbe y Lérida, donde las preocupaciones familiares asfixiaron sus responsabilidades pastorales. Son las luces y las sombras de este prelado del Renacimiento que vivió entre dos penínsulas en intensa transformación artística y religiosa.

The only surviving oration of pope Nicholas V , delivered on 24 March 1447 in response to the declaration of obedience of ambassadors sent by the king of Naples Alfonso V of Aragon, is published and commented in this essay. The reports of Giannozzo Manetti, Enea Silvio Piccolomini, Vespasiano da Bisticci, and Paris de Grassis describe Parentucelli’s oratorical skill.

Rencontre avec le Patrimoine religieux 2008 Images de la cathédrale dans la littérature et dans l'art s a c r é Pienza, façade occidentale de la cathédrale. 91 1 Pour la réalisation de cette contribution, je désire remercier Clara Altavista, Flamina Bardati, Sara Galletti, Florence Moly, Eva Renzulli ; je reconnais ma dette envers Françoise Michaud-Fréjaville pour la mise au point de ces pages et envers Françoise Chauchat et Évelyne Thomas pour leur assistance fournie lors de la présentation de ce texte au colloque « Images de la cathédrale dans la littérature et dans l'art », qui s'est tenu à Tours en octobre 2006. Ce texte est la révision de M. Mussolin, « "Cathedralis effecta est" : il Duomo di Pienza e il rinascimento cristiano di Pio II », Pio II e le arti. La riscoperta dell'antico da Federighi a Michelangelo, a cura di A. Angelini, Cinisello Balsamo (Milano), Silvana Editoriale, 2006, p. 215-250 ; on renvoie à la bibliographie contenues dans ce volume pour tout approfondissement du sujet. 2 Sur Pie II voir la mise à jour bibliographique dans : M. Pellegrini, « Pio II », Enciclopedia dei Papi, Roma, Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 2000, vol. II, p. 663-685 et le très récent P. Pertici, « La pagina perduta di Pio II », Forte Fortuna (Quaderni dell'Opera 7-9), a cura di M. Lorenzoni, R. Guerrini, anni 2003-2005, fasc. I, p. 33-129 ; sur l'oeuvre littéraire de Piccolomini et sur ses commandes artistiques consulter les récentes publications à l'occasion du VI e centenaire de sa naissance : Pio II e sant'Andrea apostolo : Le ragioni della devozione, a cura di A. Antoniutti, Roma 2004 ; Enea Silvio Piccolomini : arte, storia e cultura nell'Europa di Pio II : atti dei convegni internazionali di studi, 2003-2004, a cura di R. Di Paola, A. Antoniutti, M. Gallo, Città del Vaticano, Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 2006 ; Pio II, la città e le arti : La 'rinascita' della scultura : ricerca e restauri, a cura di L. Martini, Siena, Protagon Editori, 2006.

"Il contributo è dedicato alla ricostruzione e all’indagine storica degli intrecci dinastici, politici e religiosi miranti ad un progetto di “rifondazione occidentale” di Bisanzio nel XV secolo. Il progetto di un “salvataggio occidentale di Bisanzio” in Morea – sviluppato tra gli anni Venti e Settanta del Quattrocento, promosso in particolar modo da Bessarione e da Enea Silvio Piccolomini, sfociato infine nella sfortunata spedizione antiturca condotta dopo la morte del pontefice da Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta — prese avvio dall’alleanza matrimoniale fra Teodoro II Paleologo e Cleopa Malatesta. La sepoltura di quest’ultima, dedicataria di un tombeau poetico bessarioneo conservato nel codice Marc. gr. 533, si lega fra l’altro all’enigmatica identificazione della cosiddetta “mummia di Mistrà”. L’analisi della vicenda politico-dinastica interessa successivamente la permanenza in Italia di Tommaso Paleologo: legittimo erede e sovrano in pectore della Nuova Bisanzio immaginato nel progetto per la riconquista della Morea promosso da Pio II, fu oggetto, oltreché di cruciali aspettative politiche, di committenze artistiche di peculiare pregnanza simbolica. In effetti non solo la figura di Tommaso, ma l’insieme delle vicissitudini politiche e dinastiche di cui sopra trovano riflesso nella maggiore pittura italiana coeva: gli elementi storici ricordati permettono in particolare un’approfondita analisi iconografica (supportata dalle tavole illustrative in appendice) del più importante prodotto dell’atmosfera filobizantina dell’epoca – e manifesto dell’impresa politico-religiosa occidentale contro i turchi –, la Flagellazione di Piero della Francesca.
L’impresa sarà tuttavia destinata a fallire e sarà così che, dopo il mancato “salvataggio occidentale” di Bisanzio, l’eredità giuridico-istituzionale, politica, ecclesiastica, ideologica e per certi versi lo stile di vita stesso di Bisanzio si trasmetteranno al granducato di Mosca: le nozze tra Zoe Paleologina e Ivan III Vasilevič segneranno il definitivo tramonto del progetto di unificazione tra prima e seconda Roma e la nascita della Terza Roma.

The essay investigates and reconstructs the dynastic, political, and religious intricacies involved in the “Western re-foundation” of Byzantium project in the 15th century.  The plan for the “Western salvage of Byzantium” in Morea – developed between the 1420s and 1460s, promoted with particular energy by Bessarion and Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini (Pius II), and resulting in the failed anti-Turk expedition led by Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta after the Pope’s death – began with the marriage of Theodore II Palaeologus and Cleopa Malatesta. The death and burial of the latter, dedicatee of a verse tombeau by Bessarion preserved in M. Marc. gr. 533, may be connected to the mysterious identification of the so-called “Mystras mummy.”  Analysis of the political and dynastic events focuses subsequently on the Italian sojourn of Thomas Palaeologus.  As legitimate heir and sovereign in pectore of the New Byzantium envisaged in the plan to re-conquer the Morea promoted by Pius II, he was the subject of both crucial political expectations and artistic commissions laden with unusual symbolism. In effect, the figure of Thomas and concomitant political and dynastic events are reflected in the major Italian paintings of the period. The historical elements allow us, in particular, a deeper iconographic analysis (documented by illustrations in the appendix) of the most important product of the philo-Byzantine atmosphere of the period – and manifest in the Western political and religious enterprise against the Turks – Piero della Francesca’s Flagellation of Christ.
The undertaking, however, was destined to fail and so, after the abortive “Western salvage” of Byzantium, this is how the juridical, institutional, political, ecclesiastical, and ideological legacy - and, in certain ways, the very Byzantine way of life - moves to the Grand Duchy of Moscow.  The marriage of Zoe Palaeologina and Ivan III (The Great) Vasilyevich marks the definitive decline of the plan to reunite the First and Second Rome with the birth of the Third Rome.
"

In July of 1460 a Venetian galley departed Porto Longo close to Pylos, and slowly tacked its way up the western coast of the Peloponnese. The galley had aboard the last remnants of the imperial Byzantine family. These included two young boys, a white faced adolescent, a ...

Ripercorrendo la ricca documentazione conservata negli Archivi Vaticani o negli altri archivi dell'Urbe, il ricercatore vive sempre con l'impressione di camminare sulle tracce di illustri studiosi, il cui sguardo, ch'egli auspica benevolo, sembra accompagnarlo nella lettura delle carte contenute nei voluminosi registri. E questa repressione che si ha anche davanti ai cinque registri della Depositeria della Crociata* l, conservanti dall*incameramento degli archivi pontifìci del 1871 nell'Archivio di Stalo di Roma. Si tratta di uno dei più notevoli fondi dell'archivio romano per quanto riguarda la storia della crociata contro gli ottomani e gli altri "infedeli" promossa dai pontefici romani nella seconda metà del Quattrocento. Ci ritorniamo sopra non solo per pubblicare (per la prima volta interamente) le importanti notizie riguardanti il sostegno finanziario (e politico) dato dai pontefici romani al giovanissimo re d 'Ungheria Mattia Corvino, ma anche perché sull'intero fondo e su IT istituzione che lo ha generato si impongono, a nostro avviso, dei chiarimenti.

ENGLISH ABSTRACT
Le voyage d'Outremer (composed in 1455 and published in 1457), the account of the travel made by Bertrandon de la Broquière, counsellor of Philip III the Good, Duke of Burgundy, and ambassador to the Middle East and Constantinople in 1432-1433, is not a well-known text except for some sections regarding the most famous landmarks in the Polis (ed. Ch. Schefer, Paris 1892). The account is interesting in many ways, apart from description of churches and landmarks: there is a remarkable interest in his personal impressions about the atmosphere at the imperial court as well as on the many people he met. Besides, Le voyage is one of the latest accounts reflecting the approach of two different mindsets, the eastern-roman and the western, shortly before the arrival in Italy of the Byzantine delegation to the Council of the Church Union in 1438-1439( led by the basileus John VIII Palaiologos in person), twenty years before the fall of the Polis.
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RESUMEN ESPAÑOL
Le voyage d'Outremer, el relato del viaje (redactado en 1455 y publicado en 1457) del Bertrandón de la Broquière, consejero del duque de Borgoña Felipe III el Bueno, embajador en Oriente próximo y Constantinopla en los años 1432-1433, no es un texto demasiado conocido, salvo algunos pasajes sobre los monumentos más famosos de la ciudad (ed. Ch. Schefer, Paris 1892). El relato resulta interesante bajo muchos aspectos, más allá de las descripciones de iglesias o monumentos: llaman la atención sobre todo las impresiones del autor sobre el ambiente de la corte imperial y los muchos personajes encontrados. Se trata, además, de uno de los últimos acercamientos entre dos mentalidades distintas, la romano-oriental y la occidental, pocos años antes de la llegada de la delegación bizantina a Italia para el Concilio de la Unión de las Iglesias de 1438-1439 (encabezado por el propio basileus Juan VIII Paleólogo), unos veinte años antes de la caída de la Polis.

The logistics of the Council of Mantova (1458-59) convened by Pope Pius II have been studied in detail; one small thing, though, remains unknown since not all archival resources have been published: the canopy ordered by Ludovico II Gonzaga, second Marquis of Mantova, for the entry of the Pope in his town. Our essay is based on certain unpublished letters, preserved at the State Archives of Mantua, that shed light on the Marquis’s concerns while he was expecting the pope and his entourage’s arrival.

This is a correct version of the text that was published in the volume of the acts with very serious typographical errors.

The examination of the liturgical codex 56-23 from Toledo’s Cathedral Library has revealed the existence of an exceptionally rich text, unnoticed by other researchers so far. This document contains an exhaustive assessment of the economic and military capabilities of the Christian and Turkish powers, as well as a description of their strengths and weaknesses in combat. Through the analysis of its contents and its materiality, the aim of this article is, on the one hand, to relate its circumstances of origin and use with the preparation of the crusading project that Pius II waged against the Ottoman Empire in 1458. And, on the other, to contextualize and interpret this new evidence within the literary genre of the crusading projects and texts that proliferated in the humanist Europe after the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople in 1453.

This article deals with the development of Cardinal Protectors of Nations in the 15th century. It is based partly on texts examined by Josef Wodka (1938), partly on the correspondence of Cardinal Enea Silvio Piccolomini published in the Opera Omnia edition of 1571 and the correpondence of King Christian 1. with the Papal Court.
The author’s interpretation of the development differs somewhat from Josef Wodka’s in that it recognizes the decisive role of the Council of Basle in creating a legal base for cardinals representing royal interests at the Apostolic See. The Council agreed with the stance of Pope Martin V that cardinals should act as impartial and independent advisors of popes, but - reaching back to Avignonese precedents - it accepted a form of representation termed ”promotorship” rather than ”protectorship” of royal affairs. It did not indicate any difference of content between the two concepts, but only addressed the modalities of partiality and payment.
This interpretation is based on the Conciliar Decree itself and on the Cardinal’s correspondence which documents the practice at the Papal Court in the 1450’s, including a formal arrangement of promotorship between the Cardinal and the Emperor, and negotiations concerning such a promotorship between the Cardinal and the King of Denmark.

Seit Mitte des 14. Jahrhunderts entsteht im deutschen Sprachraum eine umfangreiche weltliche Autobiographik. Autoren sind zunächst Angehörige des städtischen Bürgertums. Sie halten zuhanden ihrer Nachkommen Informationen zu ihrem Leben, zur Familie und zu ihren wirtschaftlichen Verhältnissen fest. Bekannte Verfasser sind in Nürnberg bzw. Augsburg der Kaufmann und Bürgermeister Ulman Stromer, die obersten Losunger Nikolaus Muffel und Anton II. Tucher, der Handelsherr Lukas Rem, der Kunstsammler Willibald Imhoff und der Stadtbaumeister Elias Holl. Als Vertreterin der ländlichen Oberschicht schrieb im 17. Jahrhundert die steirische Radmeistersgattin Maria Elisabeth Stampfer Erinnerungen an ihr Leben auf. Erstmals untersucht wird das Familienarchiv Behaim, in dem Männer und Frauen aus dem Nürnberger Kaufmannsgeschlecht ihre autobiographischen Aufzeichnungen verwahrten. Eine eigene Tradition lässt sich an den Fürstenhöfen beobachten. Aufwendig produzierte Werke, in die Entwürfe von Regenten und Amtsträgern eingingen, stellen für die Nachwelt Leben und Herrschaft weltlicher Autoritäten ins beste Licht. Erstes Beispiel ist die Vita Kaiser Karls IV. Es folgen die Merkschriften Kaiser Friedrichs III. und die autobiographischen Romane von dessen Sohn Kaiser Maximilian I. Die Kammerfrau Helene Kottanner dokumentiert in einem Augenzeugenbericht Geburt und Krönung König Ladislaus' Postumus von Ungarn. Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini, Sekretär Kaiser Friedrichs III., danach Papst Pius II., stellte kurz vor seinem Tod einen lateinischen Lebensbericht zusammen.
In der Gattungsdiskussion wurde die frühe Autobiographik bisher kaum beachtet. Die Studie setzt sich mit der Frage nach den Anfängen der Gattung auseinander, indem sie an zahlreichen Beispielen zeitgenössische Formen und deren Funktionen diskutiert. Die Auseinandersetzung mit den beteiligten sozialen Gruppen und die Klärung literarischer Bezüge zeigen, dass sowohl die stadtbürgerliche als auch die höfische Tradition Mittel zur gesellschaftlichen und politischen Selbstbehauptung waren.
See also: James A. Parente: Review, in: Renaissance Quarterly, Volume 61, Number 4, Winter 2008, pp. 1319–1321, at http://tinyurl.com/cqpof4l (= excerpt of the review); Barbara Hillen: Schmid, Barbara: Schreiben für Status und Herrschaft. Deutsche Autobiographik in Spätmittelalter und früher Neuzeit. Zürich 2006 , in: H-Soz-Kult, 01.12.2006, <http://www.hsozkult.de/publicationreview/id/rezbuecher-8604>.

recensione di:
Enea Silvio PICCOLOMINI (Pape Pie II), Lettre à Mahomet II, traduit du latin et préfacé par Anne Duprat, Paris, Rivages poche (collection “Petite Bibliothèque”), 2002, 180 p.,
in "Franco-Italica", n° 31-32, 2007, pp. 230-232.

Recensione di:
Mémoires d’un pape de la Renaissance : les Commentarii de Pie II, texte abrégé et annoté par Vito Castiglione Minischietti et Ivan Clouas ; traduction du latin par Gilles Bounoure, Michèle Brossard-Dandre, Monique Calinon [et al.], Paris, Tallandier (collection “Relire l'histoire”), 2001, 532 p.,
in "Franco-Italica", n° 31-32, 2007, pp. 232-235.

Recensione di:
Enea Silvio PICCOLOMINI, Histoire des deux amants, traduction, introduction et notes de Isabelle Hersant; note philologique de Alain-Philippe Segonds, Paris, Les Belles Lettres (collection “Bibliothèque italienne”), 2001, XLIX - 100 p.; PAPE PIE II, Les deux amants, traduit du latin et présenté par Serge Stolf, Paris, Arléa, 2002, 102 p.; Enea Silvio PICCOLOMINI, Œuvres érotiques, présentation et traduction par Frédéric Duval, avec la traduction de l’Historia de duobus amantibus par Octavien De Saint-Gelais, Turnhout, Brepols, 2004, 236 p.,
in "Franco-Italica", n° 31-32, 2007, pp. 235-240.

"E’ questo l’ultimo dei contributi specificamente dedicati dall’autrice al progetto di “salvataggio occidentale di Bisanzio” dipanato lungo il mezzo secolo che separa il matrimonio interconfessionale tra Cleopa Malatesta e Teodoro II Paleologo (1421), promosso da Martino V, dalla crociata in Morea indetta dal Pio II alla conferenza di Mantova del 1459, e poi effettivamente condotta dopo la morte del papa, tra il 1464 e il 1466, da Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta. L’idea di una rifondazione della basileia di Costantino intrecciava coesistenza religiosa e concertazione politica: il piano di riunificazione delle chiese (attuato “in effigie” da Bessarione, con fini prettamente politici o “realpolitici”, al Concilio di Firenze) si saldava a quello di riunificazione della prima e della seconda Roma in una sola entità giuridica, con centro ideale nella sede di Pietro e testa di ponte in Morea. Questo progetto di recupero del titolo imperiale dei cesari all’Occidente era sostenuto da un clan filobizantino costituitosi fra le più importanti signorie italiane (i Malatesta, gli Este, i Gonzaga, gli Sforza, i Montefeltro).  Sovrano della Nuova Bisanzio – la cui nuova formula statale si sarebbe basata sugli scritti politici di Giorgio Gemisto Pletone – sarebbe stato Tommaso Paleologo: la centralità del ruolo dell’ultimo “porfirogenito” si coglie nel suo essere oggetto, oltre che di cruciali aspettative politiche, di importanti committenze artistiche.

Another contribution devoted to the plan to “save Byzantium in the West” which unfolded over the half century between the inter-religious marriage of Cleopa Malatesta and Theodore II Palaeologus (1421) promoted by Martino V and the crusade in the Morea called by Pius II at the Council of Mantua in 1459, and then carried out between 1464 and 1466 by Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta after the death of the pope.  The idea of a re-foundation of Constantine’s basileia wove together religious co-existence and political planning.  The plan to reunify the churches (“for appearances” carried out by Bessarion for exclusively political or “realpolitik” reasons at the Council of Florence) was wedded to the reunification of the first and second Rome in one legal entity with the ideal centre at the seat of Peter and the bridgehead in the Morea. This project to reclaim the imperial title of the Caesars in the West was supported by a pro-Byzantine clan made up of the most important Italian signorie (the Malatesta, the Este, the Gonzaga, the Sforza, the Montefeltro.)  The sovereign of the New Byzantium – with a new form of state based on the writings of Georgius Gemistus Pletho – would be Thomas Palaeologus.  The importance of the role of the last “porphyrogenitus” is clear in his status as the object of significant artistic commissions as well as crucial political expectations.
"

In 1464 Pope Pius II donated a precious relic to the cathedral of Siena, his hometown—the right forearm and hand of St John the Baptist. On that occasion the appropriate document was drawn up—a donation charter. This paper brings a transcription of the Latin text of the charter (furnished with critical apparatus) and its translations into Serbian and English.

Папа Пије Други поклонио је 1464. године катедрали у Сијени, свом завичају, драгоцену реликвију – десну руку и шаку светог Јована Крститеља. Том је пригодом сачињен и одговарајући пратећи документ – даровна повеља. У овом се раду доноси препис латинског текста споменуте повеље (с одговарајућим критичким апаратом) и његов превод на српски и енглески језик.

Reviews:

1. Fabrice Fitch, “Busnoys the Bruiser,” Early Music, 28 (2000), 283-84
http://em.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/reprint/XXI/2/330.pdf

2. David N. Klausner, American Recorder, 41/5 (November 2000), 20-22.
http://www.americanrecorder.org/membership/pubs/magazine/2000/nov00/arnov00body.pdf

3. Susan Forcher Weiss, Notes, (2001), 888-91
http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/notes/v057/57.4weiss.html

4. Maria Caraci Vela, Philomusica, 1 (2001-2002)
http://philomusica.unipv.it/annate/2001-2/intro.html

5. Cl. Lemaire, Scriptorium, 24/5 (2001), 319-21.

6. Jeffrey Dean, Tijdschrift van de Kongelige Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis, 51 (2001), 149-55.
http://www.jstor.org/stable/939194

7. Elizabeth Eva Leach, Music & Letters, 83 (2002), 443-47
http://ml.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/reprint/83/3/443.pdf

8. Mitchell Brauner, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 55 (2002), 337-45.
http://caliber.ucpress.net/doi/abs/10.1525/jams.2002.55.2.337?journalCode=jams

9. Henri Vanhulst, Revue belge de Musicologie / Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Muziekwetenschap, 56, (2002), 309-310.
http://www.jstor.org/stable/3687021