Perry Anderson

"A revista começa com uma entrevista que LUCIO COLLETTI concedeu a Perry Anderson em 1974, inédita em nossa língua. Colletti foi um dos precursores da teoria crítica do valor, e é pouco conhecido no Brasil." (Do editorial da Sinal de Menos #10)

On the other hand, the Marxists expanded the use of the term. In the nineteenth century Karl Marx had proposed an understanding of human history based on the gradual rise and fall of different modes of production which were said to have determined the general character of the social, political and ideological processes.

Perry Anderson, "Peace without Empire"
LRB, 2 December 2021
"Conquering Peace: From the Enlightenment to the European Union"
by Stella Ghervas.

Gradual changes have already started to act as counterforces to the follies of unbridled speculation, fears of uncontrolled immigration and contagions of civil war. For Stella Ghervas, balance of power principles, and the needs of military defence, retain their validity against any would-be empire. But the gains of the lasting peace Europe has achieved should not be compromised by them.

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Bu çalışmanın amacı, sosyal bilimlerde uygulanan yöntemsel yaklaşımlar/”modeller” üzerine asrı aşkın süredir devam eden tartışmalar bağlamında, Annales Okulu’nun öncü figürlerinden çıkma toplumsal tarihçilik fikrini ele almaktır. Özellikle de, “Tarih Üzerine Yazılar” adlı eseriyle toplumsal tarihçilik fikrine vurgu yapan Fernand Braudel, çalışmanın odak noktasını oluşturmaktadır.  Toplumsal tarihçilik fikrinin ya da disiplinlerarası bir yöntemsel yaklaşımın gerek geçmişte gerekse de günümüzdeki kavranış biçimleri bütünleştirici bir okumayala ele alınmıştır.

While the 1970s was undoubtedly the decade in which Gramsci became a significant reference for Williams, I’ll argue here that he was channelling Gramscian themes at least from The Long Revolution (1961), and that Williams’s views on what constituted revolutionary change amounted to a British development of Gramsci’s theory of socialist struggle in the capitalist West.

In this article, I tease out the different aspects of the appropriation of Gramsci's thinking by Anglo-Marxism, from the 1960s onward, in the context of the British debate, in the field of political theory, regarding the “crisis of democracy.”

En el presente artículo se indaga en los itinerarios político-intelectuales de Perry Anderson y Daniel Bensaïd. Se hace especial hincapié para ello en trazar los contornos de las actitudes del realismo intransigente y la lenta impaciencia que Anderson y Bensaïd propusieron con el propósito de defender y dar nueva vida al marxismo como proyecto crítico y emancipatorio. Al mismo tiempo, se reconstruye los derroteros biográficos de los autores.

No artigo que se segue, exponho brevemente as principais questões debatidas entre Perry Anderson e E.P. Thompson nos três textos que compõem o debate no interior da New Left britânica [“Origins of the present crisis” (1964); “The peculiarities of the English” (1965) e “Socialism and pseudo-empiricism” (1966)]. O contexto no qual a controvérsia se desenvolve é também aqui abordado. Com a intenção de propor uma interpretação para o significado do debate, examino parte da obra de Thompson e de Anderson datada do período que compreende os anos entre 1964 e 1978, buscando os desdobramentos desta primeira controvérsia e avaliando o impacto que ela teve na produção posterior dos dois autores

Gregory Elliott’s Ends in Sight (2008) argues that Marxism is no longer a ‘real movement’ grounded in the historical tendencies of the present, but has retreated into being a utopian idea. Refusing to embrace anti-Marxism, Elliott controversially argues that such a position is the only realistic one that can be held by the Left in the wake of the defeat of historical socialism. In assessing this claim, this review-essay re-traces Elliott’s indebtedness to the work of Perry Anderson, and notes the tension Elliott reproduces from Anderson between resignation to defeat and a realism that would scan for new signs of resistance. Elliott’s closing embrace of a full-blown pessimism is criticised as inconsistent with the necessity of some consolatory ‘illusions’ to any radical political mobilisation. The crucial question that Elliott raises concerns the motivational power of Marxism as a political discourse, particularly once shorn of its grounding in the ‘tide of
history’.

Cet article propose une étude synthétique des usages de la pensée de Gramsci (en premier lieu les notions d’hégémonie et d’État intégral) par Althusser et par des philosophes et théoriciens de l’État fortement influencés par lui (Étienne Balibar, Nicos Poulantzas, Christine Buci-Glucksmann, Perry Anderson) dans la deuxième moitié des années 1970 (période de l’eurocommunisme). Il s’agit ici de restituer le dialogue entre ces différentes pensées où la place de Gramsci est déterminante, et d’examiner comment elles s’inscrivent d’une manière complexe dans les débats de cette période, qui portent notamment sur les rapports entre socialisme et démocratie.

Nos anos 1960, o marxismo passou por um momento de renovação no Brasil, ao servir de base para um conjunto de teses dedicadas à interpretação da sociedade brasileira, entre as quais, aquelas que se desenvolveram a partir do que ficou conhecido como "Seminário Marx". Um pouco antes, esta tradição também havia passado por uma metamorfose na Europa, processo que resultou na consolidação de uma nova configuração intelectual-posteriormente denominada como Western Marxism-composta por uma geração de teóricos marxistas que se giraram para o trabalho filosófico e perderam o vínculo com a prática política. Este trabalho visa realizar uma breve meditação acerca da relação de parentesco entre essas duas formas de marxismo: a que se desenvolveu em terras paulistanas e aquela gestada no continente europeu. Para tanto, o centro da análise será problematizar a noção de que o marxismo levado à cabo pelos membros do Seminário representaria "o capítulo brasileiro do marxismo ocidental", tal como sugerido por alguns autores. Com isso, espera-se refletir sobre a relação entre marxismo ocidental e o Brasil, e o paradoxo que percorre a história do marxismo brasileiro: o de precisar ser universal e particular ao mesmo tempo, tendo em vista o caráter internacional da tradição marxista, bem como a necessidade de adaptar suas formulações às realidades nacionais concretas.

This paper examines one of the most influential theories of the 20th century, postmodernism, in the present time. Within this framework, this paper concentrates on the main elements of postmodernism in a critical-historical perspective and the recently developed theories which claim to offer an up-to date theoretical framework for the current ambiguous period. This article also investi- gates the question of whether these recently developed theories provide a better understanding of the present than classical postmodernism. After analyzing the recent theoretical views on the current, along with the classical postmodernism, in the conclusion the study will emphasis that these views (and classical theo- ries of postmodernism), actually, reveal their lack of definition and explanation about the current.

Me preguntabas en tu último mensaje si a mí también me están escribiendo colegas desde España solicitándome referencias a sus obras incluidas en mis publicaciones, para enumerarlas en esos epígrafes de “indicadores de calidad” que han de rellenar cuando solicitan los famosos Sexenios de investigación de la Agencia nacional de
evaluación. Y sí, claro, la respuesta es afirmativa, y al igual que tú me ha hecho reflexionar bastante sobre toda esa economía política de la cita entre académicos, especialmente en nuestras áreas de humanidades y ciencias sociales, aunque creo que vale para todas por igual […]. Yo también creo como tú que el asunto está completamente desvirtuado; en cambio mi reflexión está siendo menos directamente política que la tuya:...

Dentro de la serie "Cuadernos orientales de Ruedo ibérico"
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Resumen: Tanto Perry Anderson como Alex Callinicos y Terry Eagleton han desarrollado un trabajo cultural y filosófico sobresaliente. Sin embargo, los tres han malinterpretado la obra de Ludwig Wittgenstein. La concepción de la filosofía de Wittgenstein no está en tensión con la filosofía marxista en el modo en el que ellos lo sugirieron y Wittgenstein no cometió los errores que le atribuyeron Anderson, Callinicos e Eagleton. Los marxistas se beneficiarían si consideraran más seriamente la obra de Wittgenstein porque ello los ayudaría a comprender más claramente la naturaleza de los problemas epistemológicos y metafísicos como así también los ayudaría a fortalecer y complementar sus propias concepciones de las confusiones filosóficas. En este trabajo examinaré los errores de sus interpretaciones de Wittgenstein y espero también poder proporcionar alguna indicación de las razones por las cuales Wittgenstein es considerado por muchos como el filósofo más importante del siglo XX. Abstract: Perry Anderson, Alex Callinicos, and Terry Eagleton have all produced excellent cultural and philosophical work. However, all three have misinterpreted the work of Ludwig Wittgenstein. Wittgenstein's conception of philosophy is not in tension with Marxist philosophy in the ways that they suggest and Wittgenstein did

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Reviews: “Robert Vinten has produced an impressively meticulous and wide-ranging discussion of how Wittgenstein’s mature philosophy can revitalize the social sciences. There is insight and scholarship on every page. This important book will open up new possibilities for both philosophers and social scientists.” — Leonidas Tsilipakos, Lecturer, University of Bristol, UK

"Robert Vinten's Wittgenstein and the Social Sciences (2020) is one of a small handful of books that have tried to take seriously the idea that Wittgenstein's philosophy is relevant to the task of understanding the social world, and perhaps relevant to the social sciences...Vinten's approach is distinctive and substantial, and he discusses a literature that did not exist at the time of Winch's or Pitkin's writing". — Daniel Little, University of Michigan, Dearborn, USA.

"Robert Vinten's book Wittgenstein and the Social Sciences - Action, Ideology, and Justice is another symptom of Wittgenstein's ongoing impact on philosophical practice. It join's a literature dedicated to expanding that impact into areas to which Wittgenstein himself paid less attention (say, the philosophy of art, of the social sciences, of education, etc.) or into traditions in which that impact was less felt (say, phenomenology, hermeneutics, psychoanalysis, etc.). It will surely prove to be a useful and valuable addition to this literature" — Rafael Lopes Azize, Federal University of Bahia, Brazil.

“Vinten’s book will be an invaluable tool for anyone interested in the social relevance of Wittgenstein’s later thought.” — Nuno Venturinha, Assistant Professor of Philosophy, Nova University of Lisbon, Portugal

En el presente trabajo pretendemos abordar una problemática que tiene que ver con aquella hipótesis, erigida en corazón de la posmodernidad, que sostenía la radical imposibilidad de construir metarrelatos capaces de hallar un sentido último del devenir histórico. Como corolario de lo anterior, habríamos asistido a una radical deslegitimación del marxismo como teoría capaz de proveer verdadero conocimiento histórico y, por ende, también habría quedado desacreditado como programa político de emancipación. Ubicado como uno de los grandes relatos de la modernidad europea que ya no tendrían nada que ofrecer, y defenestrado como ideología salvífica, el marxismo debe sin embargo dialogar con esa misma crítica para mostrar que todavía tiene legítima potencia a la hora de narrar con sentido (pero también con validez epistémica) algunas de las más determinantes subyugaciones que atenazan a buena parte de la humanidad.

The experience of three millennia has not made people any cleverer; on the contrary, it has made them more confused, more prejudiced, has driven them mad, and the result of this is the political state of presentday Europe." Engels, 'The Condition of England II: The English Constitution'

Nietzsche è stato, insieme a pochi altri pensatori classici, il punto di riferimento filosofico più importante per la cultura teorica del secondo Novecento occidentale. Ma se è vero che i nomi dei filosofi sono poco più che metonimie, dove momentaneamente si cristallizzano e transitano flussi collettivi di pensiero , molto probabilmente non lo è stato per caso. La tradizione interpretativa francese che lo ha progressivamente trasformato in un polo magnetico generatore di vita teorica, di modelli esistenziali, di pratiche estetiche e di radicalismo politico, ha segnato a fondo gli ultimi tre decenni del Novecento e l’atmosfera teorica che ancora respiriamo. Il corpus di queste letture ha costruito un’egemonia. In questo scritto provo a ricostruirne le mosse teoriche fondamentali e la sua successiva metamorfosi statunitense.

Von türkischen Turbulenzen sprechen politische Kommentatoren und Analysten, von einem sich zuspitzenden Kulturkampf am Bosporus, und was wir gelegentlich über die Nachrichtenticker wahrzunehmen vermögen, klingt schon recht kurios. So erklärte das türkische Verfassungsgericht 2007 die türkische Regierungspartei AKP für verfassungswidrig und scheiterte nur knapp damit, sie deswegen verbieten zu lassen. Die gemäßigt islamische AKP wiederum setzte auf parlamentarischem Wege einen Verfassungszusatz in Kraft, der es türkischen Frauen ›ermöglicht‹, mit Kopftuch zu studieren, was daraufhin von den kemalistischen Verfassungswächtern wiederum für null und nichtig erklärt wurde.

This article engages the analyses of Poulantzas, Anderson, and Ferreira do Aramal to outline the main politico-economic contours of post-Carnation Revolution Portugal. The account that follows examines the effects of accession to the European Economic Community (EEC), European Union (EU) structural funding and liberalization policies, and the euro currency. The article concludes by situating the troika’s 2011 “rescue” of the Portuguese state—and the accompanying austerity measures—within the post-1974 process of “Europeanization.”

The schools of London and the South-East have traditionally been the locus of upper and upper middle class social reproduction in the UK. The financial crisis appears to have reinforced this trend with private school numbers declining in the North of England whilst remaining relatively resilient in London and the South-East. Moreover, free school and academy conversion of several major private schools in the North suggests the state is stepping in to subsidize schools which were previously supported by the Northern middle classes. In parallel to this, London’s ‘super-state’ schools (Tatler, 2014) are becoming increasingly established as middle-class educational conduits to elite universities. Within London, the state sector is being transformed by a combination of neo-liberal educational reform, gentrification and the suburbanization of the British-Asian middle class. The latter group represents a potential pattern of upward social mobility from the lower-middle or middle class into the upper-middle class through the use of London’s elite state schools. I examine the case of an elite grammar school with an ethnically diverse intake. The latter reveals how sites of elite schooling are shifting and being transformed, maintaining the appearance of ‘porousness’ between the elite and the ‘polymorphous reservoir’ of a transformed middle class beneath it (Anderson 1964; Jenkins and Jones 1950; Laski, 1928). However, as well as reflecting the capacity of middle-class schools to absorb new groups, this state-sponsored infrastructure of social reproduction also highlights the financial fragility of the professional middle classes, even in the economically dynamic South-East. This fragility is also seen in the North of England where the private school population has shrunk substantially. Again, the state is reinforcing a sub-set of elite state schools for the middle classes, through the academization of vulnerable private schools. What is occurring is thus a mutation in the socio-spatial patterns of social reproduction and the institutional mechanics of this within schools. Whilst this reveals the dynamism of the English class system, it also reveals its inherent instability and potential fragmentation.

Fukuyama, liberal demokrasinin zaferi ile sonuçlanmış bu zaferin ilk haberini Hegel’in verdiği inancındadır.
Perry Anderson, Fukuyama’ya yönelik eleştirisinde küçük, devlet ve demokrasi kavramlarının tartışılmaya başlandığı, Hegel’e kadar felsefenin esin aldığı savaşçı devletlerin seçkin yurttaşlarının enerjilerini kamusal uğraşlara ayırdıkları dönem ile günümüzü karşılaştırır. Hegel’in öngörüleri ile gerçekleşecek korporatif toplumların kitlesel yoksulluk ve üretimi teşvik için gösterdiği tek hedefindenizaşırı yayılmak olacağına ilişkin öngörüsüne vurgu yapar. (s 397)
Nedir bu denizaşırı yayılmak?
Perry Anderson 1992 tarihli, tam 116 sayfa tutan “Tarihin Sonları” başlıklı, Batı liberal demokrasisini mercek altına aldığı bu yazısında “emperyalizm” sözcüğünü de ilk ve son kez kullanmış olur.
Perry Anderson, Cournot, Nietzche ve Köjeve ile sürdürdüğü tarihin sonu üzerine tartışmayı liberal demokrasinin farklı ülkelerde yol açtığı yaşam farklılıklarına yönelik gözlemleri, geri kalmış ülkelerde hızla çoğalan nüfusun gelişmiş Batı ülkelerine geçmek için yol açacağı nüfus hareketleri olasılıkları ile genişletir…

José Fernández Vega, Los usos de Hegemonía;

Lucio Mafud, El primer cine soviético en Argentina: el Comité Central de Ayuda al Proletariado Ruso y la distribuidora Russ Film (1922-1927);

Manuel Barrós, La dirección del agua: César Vallejo en Chaski (Cusco, 1972-1974);

Luis Escobar, El Max Weber del exilio republicano en la sociología latinoamericana

The mode of production (MoP) was an important term in the Marxist anthropology of the 1970s. Its origins can be traced to the diverse uses of the words by Marx himself, to elaborations on this by Louis Althusser and Étienne Balibar (for an excellent overview, see Resch 1992), and to contributions from various French Africanist scholars. It was part of a wider conceptual vocabulary—about “articulation,” “social reproduction,” and “social formations”—that underpinned a number of innovative works in history and anthropology (Anderson 1974; Rey 1971; Wolf 1982). Crucially, the mode of production concept marks the one and only point where Marxist conceptions of anthropology have been the disciplinary mainstream. This moment was not without consequences or beneficial effects. Before MoP analyses, an anthropology that imagined “every human community sat isolated on an island in the midst of a limitless ocean” (Gledhill 2000: 41) was the norm. During the heydays of MoP analyses, instead, anthropologists looked at what happened when human communities and their specific relations of production were integrated into relations of production of higher scale, such as colonial/imperial formations and global systems.

n calling for an expanded geography of education, Thiem (2009) noted increasing research in the geographies of social reproduction. Recent work has examined a theoretical framework for social reproduction which now occurs at a global scale (Katz, 2001; Mitchell 2003, Waters 2006) but theories of local urban social reproduction has received less attention. Whilst there can be no doubt that market-oriented, neo-liberal school reform and global flows of students are re-shaping patterns of social reproduction at an international scale, nationally social reproduction within urban education systems are experienced by the majority of students and teachers primarily at a local-level. Drawing on Paul Willis' (1981) work, it is argued in this paper that there is a persistent conflation of different conceptions of social reproduction in reference to education. Although patterns of social reproduction at the level of the labour-force have clearly been affected by global migratory flows and weakening employment protection, it is not clear that the same theoretical lens can be applied to social reproduction within education. With reference to the British context, I argue that transmission of social class position through the education system remains primarily determined by, and experienced through, educational reform at a national scale and neighbourhood-school inequalities at a local level. Drawing on fieldwork with school-leavers in London as a global city, it is argued that patterns of local, urban social reproduction have mutated to reflect intake change and neoliberal school reform but that they nevertheless remain historically shaped by local and national processes.

Perry Anderson -"El despliegue del neoliberalismo y sus lecciones para la izquierda" Nuestra sociedad se ha visto implicada en montones de cambios tanto políticos como sociales, que la han beneficiado o afectado, pero uno de los más recientes es el denominado Neoliberalismo. En el trabajo establecido por el señor Perry Anderson introduce a este tema desde el contexto histórico y su influencia en el mundo. Friedrich Von Hayek fue un filósofo y economista considerado como el padre del liberalismo moderno. Este hombre ataca a la socialdemocracia, defiende y busca el mayor crecimiento del capitalismo y establece, en teoría, el neoliberalismo como un sistema tanto político como social. En su obra "Camino a la servidumbre", establece que el Estado no debe tomar partido en la economía.A partir de este pensamiento nacen muchas doctrinas y organizaciones que hacen a la economía cada vez más autónoma, como es el caso del Banco Mundial y el Fondo Monetario Internacional-, ya que según él, el Estado era una amenaza para la libertad. Uno de los objetivos de Hayek era el partido laborista inglés, ¿por qué ellos?; los ingleses se habían caracterizado por tener bien estipulada la relación entre los obreros y el gobierno desde la revolución industrial, habían creado los sindicatos y tenían establecida, de facto, la socialdemocracia entre lostrabajadores. Con la carga que generaba el sindicato de obreros, el gobierno debía gastar más capital. En el mundo capitalista de esa época sólo se necesitaba del momento adecuado para poder establecer al Neoliberalismo en una buena posición, y así fue. Gracias a la gran crisis de 1973, el Neoliberalismo puede entrar como un sistema fuerte y resistente, fácilmente adaptable a la situación. El nuevo sistema era claramente malvado y cínico: quería un capitalismo inflexible, que las reglas que tuviera fueran las que éste mismo se estableciera, donde la diferencia entre la riqueza y la pobreza fuera obviamente apreciable. Y llegaron los mejores (o peores) personajes para aplicar esta política. Margaret Thatcher y Ronald Reagan en Reino Unido y Estados Unidos respectivamente; luego Alemania y gran parte de Europa Occidental cayó en la influencia del sistema. Con el sistema Neoliberal en el poder, las cosas se pusieron realmente indignas para Reino Unido: como ya se venía hablando antes, más riqueza para los ricos y más pobreza para los pobres, se redujeron los impuestos para los ingresos grandes y quitaron el control sobre éstos, generaron más desempleo e impusieron todo tipo fuerza contra los anti-sistema. Luego vinieron las grandes oleadas de privatizaciones . En Estados Unidos, preocupados por la Guerra Fría, se involucraron más en una carreraarmamentista consumiendo gran parte de lo destinado al fondo público. En Europa, las cifras del desempleo crecieron de manera casi exorbitante. Por extraño que suene, el Neoliberalismo funcionaba como debía socialmente pero no ayudaba a conseguir lo que se quería económicamente. Logró cesar la inflación de la época, mejoró la imagen de Europa; pero las cifras del crecimiento de cada país eran casi de llanto. Tras la caída de la Unión Soviética, la cosa se puso cada vez más a favor del Neoliberalismo. Los nuevos estados surgidos a partir del bloque comunista tomaron ciertas acciones que parecían más bien Neoliberalistas como la aseguración de una gran desigualdad social o la privatización de todo lo que esté a su alcance. Luego llega el turno de América Latina, donde parece que hubiese caído como anillo al dedo. Augusto Pinochet desde Chile encabezó el proceso latinoamericano con las acciones que ya se venían haciendo: desempleo, privatización, contenciones, etc.; sumándose Bolivia con Víctor Paz Estenssoro; Argentina con Carlos Menem; México con Carlos Salinas de Gortari; Perú con Alberto Fujimori y Venezuela con Carlos Andrés Pérez . El único gobierno que no dio resultado fue el venezolano. Cabe preguntarnos ¿qué es el Neoliberalismo que no sea el Capitalismo? Pues la idea siempre es clara: cuando hablamos de Neoliberalismo, no lopodemos relacionar con Estados, sino con

Roberto Mangabeira Unger was one of the principal publicists of the Critical Legal Studies movement during the early 1980s. With the publication of his three volume study, Politics: A Work in Constructive Social Theory, his influence extended beyond the world of academic legal discourse.

In Unger's Politics, capitalism no longer appears as the entrenched antagonist of progressive social change. But then neither does liberalism, socialism, communism, or corporatism. Not even Christianity, that ancient bugbear of the radical Enlightenment, is revealed as the enemy of human emancipation. Each of these traditions has something to contribute to the modernist assault on established forms of social division and hierarchy.

In fact, the only particular constitutional doctrine or political program unreservedly condemned by Unger is the classical republican tradition. In his view, republicanism exalts the idolatrous worship of a canonical form of society. He rejects the classical ideal of a stable and virtuous republican polity in favour of a revitalized schema of enlightened despotism designed to promote the "structure-denying structures" of a society of perpetual innovation.

Against Unger's vision of society as a gigantic interlocking productive enterprise, this essay aims to defend modernized republican schemas of civic action durably rooted in the confederal institutions of a polynomic civil society.