Peace Movements

SNMPE: "Es gibt keine Strategie, um illegalen Bergbau zu formalisieren oder auszurotten"
- Der IWF schlägt eine Erhöhung der Bergbausteuer vor.
- Der Botschafter der physisch lebendigen Erde
weiss um eine andere Lösung.

04.12.2021 06:11 Uhr Die National Society of Mining, Oil and Energy (SNMPE) warnte diese Woche vor "einer unkontrollierten Ausweitung des informellen Bergbaus" in Puno und 13 weiteren Regionen. Demnach hätte der jüngste Zusammenbruch einer Abraummine in den Händen kleiner Bergbaukooperativen Verbindungen zu illegalen Mineralabbauorganisationen. Angesichts der Tatsachen forderte die Gewerkschaft am 26. November in Ananea, Puno, eine Untersuchung durch die Regulierungsbehörde Osinergmin und die Environmental Assessment and Enforcement Agency (OEFA) des Umweltministeriums. "Die Ursachen und Verantwortlichkeiten für den Einsturz der Infrastruktur, der durch das Überlaufen der Abraumhalden entstanden ist, müssen identifiziert werden ", sagte die Gewerkschaft und betonte, dass es sich nicht um einen Einzelfall handele, da im November 2019 ein weiterer Abraumdamm in demselben Gebiet eingestürzt sei an zwei Genossenschaften Bergbau.

Die Lösung und Sichtweise vom Botschafter der physisch lebendigen Erde bitte Im Text und Link lesen.

Na tle krajobrazu polskiej opozycji demokratycznej, Ruch Wolność i Pokój jest zjawiskiem nieco zapomnianym. Na pewno pisze się o nim nieproporcjonalnie mało w stosunku do jego historycznego znaczenia. Co jednak ciekawe, pisze się o nim więcej za granicą niż w Polsce. Czemu tak jest?

Peace and Conflict Studies presents itself as a solution-oriented field, often calling for a "paradigm shift" and the transformation of current violent systems. Peace Studies literature, however, tends not to outline with the requisite nuance the characteristics of existing structures that require change and how to address change. Shifting a paradigm requires first knowing and clearly conceptualizing the existing paradigm/logic that engenders and maintains injustice. While violence and conflict are highlighted as problems of our current world system, these analyses rarely have at the core an examination of power as productive-producing discursive formations as well as systems of knowledge through different networks and mechanism of power. Rather, analyses of power in Peace Studies continue to use notions of sovereign power, which is exercised by a particular subject(s) or systems, and understood as repressive and monolithic to unpack questions of violence. But power is also productive and race is inscribed by power relations. The following argues that it is important to expose violence and conflict within power structures, whether these are economic, racial, or gendered.

The historical novel From the Nile to the Jordan is an enthralling story about the "Second Exodus" of Jews from Egypt to Israel. This so far little-noticed aspect of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, could spread new light on the events of 1948, make the suffering of both sides public and bring the middle east one step closer to peace. Before 1948 there was a prospering community with 100,000 Jews in Egypt, today there are only few Jewish widows left. This book combines the well-researched historical facts based on Aharoni's research on the topic, as a professor of Sociology, with her personal perspective as a witness who had to leave Egypt as a young woman. This approach makes the book an eye-opener for an important chapter of Jewish history, that is widely unknown. Aharoni goes beyond the past, aiming at using the story of the "Second Exodus" as a tool for reconciliation, convinced that if Israel and Egypt can make peace, peace between Israel and Palestine is possible too.

The work operates in two sections, analyzing first the variety of peace movements since the eighteenth century, and secondly, the varieties of emphases present in these peace movements. Section 1 begins with a short discourse on what is meant by "peace," after which Cortright traces ...

Yog or Yoga is a way of life, developed by Indian saints thousands of years ago. It has been practiced by billions of people since then and is still being practiced by millions around the world.  In 2014, the United Nations has proclaimed the International Day of Yoga. Since 2016, Yoga may be regarded as one of the instruments for the implementation of the 2030 United Nations Sustainable Goals. Yoga as the science for right living and an instrument for the treatment of offenders is the subject of this criminological essay. It provides empirical insights into the treatment through Yoga via the spectrum of criminological findings and reviews.
Keywords: Yoga, Behavior, Mind, Offenders, United Nations Sustainable development goals.

In a world likely to remain hostage to thousands of nuclear warheads over the long term, in which
ancient realism---or as some wrongly refer to it as Cold-War thinking---appears to be an unbreakable
psychological barrier even for those who thoroughly understand the nuclear “threat of pain and
extinction" (Schelling), meeting Article VI (disarmament) of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty
(NPT) is quite a challenge. Current concerns relative to proliferation tendencies among non-compliant
regimes as well as the potential implications of the still uncertain nuclear renaissance---which, if realized,
would disseminate sensitive (dual-use) nuclear technology among numerous untrustworthy actors---further the disarmament challenge. As a result, all the states parties to the NPT, not to mention those
beyond the nonproliferation regime, have failed to make sufficient efforts within their different nuclear
roles and responsibilities towards meeting the NPT disarmament clause, with many of them exhausting
themselves in a cacophonic debate on who is required to do what under NPT Articles III (nonproliferation safeguards), IV (peaceful use of the atom) and VI.

Invitation to Peace Studies is the first textbook in the field to emphasize 21st-century research and controversies and to encourage the more frequent use of a gender perspective in analyzing peace, war and violence. Recent empirical research forms the core of most chapters, but substantial attention is also given to faith-based ideas, movements, and peace pioneers. The book examines compelling contemporary topics like cyber warfare, drones, robots, digital activism, hactivism, the physiology of peace, rising rates of suicide, and peace through health. It is also unique in its use of a single coherent perspective--that of a global peace network--to make sense of the historically unprecedented and interconnected web of diverse ideas, individuals, groups, organizations, and movements currently promoting peace across the world.

This article explores the ways in which feminist and women’s agency is articulated in the Cypriot context through the paradigms of nationalism, peace, and conflict. It does so to broaden our understanding of gendered and peace agency in troubled and divided societies, in which complex and conflicting discourses meet. Analyzing data from interviews with feminist and women’s groups’ representatives, it examines how nationalism and women’s approaches to gender, politics, peace, and conflict enable or restrict feminist and women’s agency. It finds that a strategic essentialist approach has initiated a reconfiguration of gender(ed) power relations, women’s agency, and peacebuilding processes. It argues that when this approach is combined with feminist theory and praxis and the employment of transnational peace paradigms, the possibilities for feminist and women’s agency increase, as long as feminist scholarship and grassroots activism inform each other through dialogue. Therefore, it highlights the nuanced and complex dialectic between essentialist and anti-essentialist feminist gender discourses. Moreover, it challenges theories that posit a rigidly hierarchical relation between local and transnational gendered and peace agency paradigms, by demonstrating their malleability and reciprocity. Thus, it contributes to the debate about the modalities and possibilities of feminist sociopolitical intervention in nationalism- and conflict-ridden contexts.

KEYWORDS: Cyprus; feminism; gender; nationalism and peace; women’s agency

Do social cohesion activities change the attitudes of the participants? This paper uses intergroup contact theory to explore attitude change resulting from contact with out-group(s) in social cohesion activities. Results from a pre-test/post-test design with fifty-five participants in two bicommunal camps in Cyprus show how attitudes change at the immediate end of these activities; an analysis of fourteen participants’ comments after one, thirteen, and twenty-five months provides a medium- to long-term assessment of attitude change. Not all participants were completely positive towards the other community before they took part, as assumed by some. There is clearly space for impact in terms of attitude change. Social cohesion activities represent indispensable tools for reducing prejudice and improving relationships between former enemies in post-conflict countries.

This chapter looks at street art and its relationship to peace efforts. Specifically, it examines how street art is used as a medium to express the concerns, needs and wants of societal groups whose everyday lives are affected by decisions made at (and by) higher political levels, but whose voices remain marginalised and/or silenced. The fact that this type of artistic intervention takes place in the street means that its message is by definition accessible by a large audience. Depending on the circumstances of each case and the severity of the situation faced by everyday actors, street art interventions may not only manifest instances of injustice or mistreatment, but may also lead to the transformation of the situation through collective action (mobilisation, protest, manifestation). The chapter looks at a few examples where street art has had this type of effect.

Veteran scholar and peace activist David Cortright offers a definitive history of the human striving for peace and an analysis of its religious and intellectual roots. This authoritative, balanced, and highly readable volume traces the rise of peace advocacy and internationalism from their origins in earlier centuries through the mass movements of recent decades: the pacifist campaigns of the 1930s, the Vietnam antiwar movement, and the waves of disarmament activism that peaked in the 1980s. Also explored are the underlying principles of peacenonviolence, democracy, social justice, and human rightsall placed within a framework of "realistic pacifism." Peace brings the story up to date by examining opposition to the Iraq War and responses to the so-called "war on terror." This is history with a modern twist, set in the context of current debates about "the responsibility to protect," nuclear proliferation, Darfur, and conflict transformation.

In this chapter, I examine two social movements as they involved young women seeking to create new paths in Wellington, New Zealand in the 1990s: the Young Women’s Division of Soka Gakkai International New Zealand (SGINZ), a lay Buddhist movement; and the radical lesbian feminist movement. I was an active participant in both movements, thus the chapter is autoethnographic, distilling insights from the perspective of a Complete Member Researcher (CMR). For each movement, I analyse the motivations for young women’s involvement, the type of revolutionary change sought, and the approach to organisation. I determine that the lesbian feminist movement of the 1990s was ‘of its time’: a flotilla lashed temporarily together to explore and create landing spaces in barely charted waters. It unleashed an outpouring of radically transgressive energy that transformed young women’s lives and the social landscape, but it struggled to support all its members in the face of internal schisms. The Young Women’s Division of the Soka Gakkai International, in contrast, existed within a tightly designed organisational structure based on deep historic roots, that carefully directed participants’ energies to enhance their self-development, grow
the organisation, and transform wider society. The SGINZ did not confront political oppression head-on, but rather gave young women opportunities to undertake their ‘human revolution’ with a view to contributing to social change. The overlap of the membership of these two groups suggests that individuals may be drawn to more than one model. Looking back, from a relatively near future, it is clear that social movements work in mysterious ways, with at times unexpected results.

When I was growing up, DC Comics and comic heroes like “Batman”, and “Superman”, and “Wonder Woman”, were ubiquitous at local convenient store stands. I remember eagerly reading about the so-called comic book, “Justice League” and how these fictional heroes gathered forces and jointly fought off evil foes. The heroic exploits extended to Saturday morning cartoons in the 1970s to 1980s with the “Super Friends”. In grade school, I too had learned about Greek myths and Greek mythological heroes. So, there were overlaps in my readings about fictional heroes...Most are unsung heroes like teachers working in lower socio-economic public schools; or psychiatrists working in mental health clinics; or nurses in hospitals and different health settings; or medical doctors in emergency rooms; or social workers; or psychologists; or many governmental workers; or firemen; or policemen; or public defenders; or clergy who defend migrants; or clergy working with the poor; or those who work with the homeless; and all those who spend their careers in mediation and working in conflict resolution and peace studies. Some of these unsung heroes may find it strange, I call them peace workers, but I think it can be argued they are indeed such people for making our own existence more peaceable. And while we have made so many notable technological advancements, we hardly think how we have socially advanced toward better living.

Charles Alphonse Witz-Oberlin war einer der wenigen österreichischen Theologen, die schon lange vor dem Ersten Weltkrieg pazifistisch ausgerichtet und sogar in der Friedensbewegung aktiv waren. Er verstand dies allerdings nicht im Widerspruch zu seinem ausgeprägtem Patriotismus, sondern ganz im Gegenteil fußte sein Pazifismus auch in seinem Patriotismus.

This paper discusses the transformation of restricted space for civil society in Colombia over the last 10 years. It shows that the openness of restricted space fluctuates due to the relationship between long-term processes, current events, and the emotional agency of multiple actors. In the case of Colombia, the broad participation needed for civil society to become the driving force behind peacebuilding initiatives has not occurred. The paradox that undermines the consolidation of unrestricted space is fed by the indifference and distrust that imbue a broad sector of civil society alongside the unfolding of the post-truth era,10 which pushes against the hope and creativity of civil society peacebuilding initiatives. Nevertheless, the Colombian case offers 10 lessons for creating a toolkit for nurturing unrestricted space elsewhere.
This paper draws on six years of experience as a conflict resolution and peace practitioner in the private, the public, and the voluntary sector.

The manual attempts to Impart knowledge, skills and other means for advocacy, lobbying as well as campaigning to promote peace and equality in a society....By the end of the proposed training sessions, participants are advised and encouraged to develop an Action Plan for the potential trainees.

Stille Diplomatie


Grundsätze, Arbeitsfelder und Handlungsweisen von Stillen Diplomaten. Ein Bericht aus der Alltagspraxis. Andreu Ginestet, Dezember 2021


Inhaltsverzeichnis Abstract Einführung:

die „W“ Fragen.
Was?
Warum?
Wo (Kontext)?
Wie?
Wann?

Anmerkung vom Botschafter der physisch lebendigen Erde
Wer? Kann stiller Diplomat werden?
                              – Jeder –

I MEAN IF YOU KNEW THAT BUILDING SIMPLE ORGANMIC DEVICES WOULD IMPOSE PEACE ON EARTH WOULD YOU DO IT??  WE ARE TALKING A EUPHORIC PEACE THAT GOES WORLDWIDE AND EXTENDS TO THE HEAVENS.  AND, AND PROVE THAT ALL HUMANS ARE GODS – DO YOU LIKE THAT FACT??

This paper analyses the emergence, spread and demise of a coherent program of radical geopolitical revision developed in East European dissident circles in the 1980s. Its foundation was the insistence on the need to completely overthrow the post-Yalta, bipolar division of Europe, combined with an emphasis on the priority of human rights in political and peace issues, as well as the belief in the value of the CSCE process. It was also marked by explicit consent for the reunification of Germany as well as the insistence on the need for a democratic Russia to be part of a wider European setup. Through seminal documents, such as the Prague Appeal of 1985 intellectuals, like Jaroslav Šabata, as well as his Czechoslovak, Polish and Hungarian counterparts, were able to convince large parts of the western peace movement and some political circles to adopt the “heretic” perspective. The paper also shows how a seemingly “cultural” discourse of Central Europe, put forth by intellectuals and artists can, together with the “Yalta debate” of the mid-1980s, be read as a specific (critical) geopolitical project. Finally, the post-communist foreign policies of the dissident-led governments are investigated in an attempt to explain the partial demise of “heretical geopolitics”.

This study aims to investigate the role of different levels of relationships (interpersonal, intergroup and international) to promote world peace in accordance with the vision of the participants of the organization / movement Servas International. The frameworks are the studies about interpersonal relationship and Peace Psychology. Its approach is qualitative and the sample consisted of ten of Servas’s leaders around the world, centering in providing and analyzing a number of personal contacts which each participant has made through the Servas and the participants’ perspective on how interpersonal relationships have affected the international peace. Servas is an international, nongovernmental, multicultural peace association run by volunteers in over 100 countries. Founded in 1949 as a peace movement, Servas International is a non-profit organization, working to build understanding, tolerance and world peace. Data were collected through a semi-structured interview, which lasted for...

While both feminism and pacifism may appear to have stagnated in the 1950s with the rise of Cold War domesticity and McCarthyism, the Korean War galvanized women through the Women's International Democratic Federation (WIDF) to promote women’s rights in the context of the first global peace campaign during the Cold War. Situating North Korean women and the Korean Democratic Women's Union within this movement, this article excavates buried histories of Cold War sutures to show how women tried to bridge the Cold War divide through maternalist strategies. Conceptualizing the origins of Cold War feminism, I argue that the development of the feminist project itself was bifurcated by the global Cold War, the effects of which are still felt in the iterations of contemporary feminisms today.

From restorative justice literature in general. two conceptions of restorative justice processing can be discerned. The one is a
modest conception based on individual (dispositional) theories of crime and the other is an expansive view which is closer to peacebuilding and has a further distinction. One distinction is based on situational theories of crime which hold that structural factors are responsible for crime. The other distinction is based on integrative theories of crime which hold that there is an interaction between individual and structural factors that produce crime and that structural factors should be taken into account during restorative justice processing.

Советские хиппи, которые сегодня не очень любят, когда их называют советскими, тем не менее, разделяли со своими соотечественниками некоторые общие черты, среди которых было и отвращение к политике. «Политика -грязное дело», -повторяли они расхожий лозунг, причем под политикой понимались любые попытки участия в общественной жизни и даже просто трансляции своих идей и ценностей в публичное пространство. «Политической» анґажированности противопоставляется позиция чистого эскапизма -полной невключенности в советскую действительность. Поэтому в жизни хиппи (как и художников-нонконформистов, советской богемы, религиозного андеграунда, отчужденных интеллектуалов, отчасти рок-музыкантов и тому подобных аутсайдеров) решающую роль играли стратегии ухода, самоисключения из «большого» общества и разнообразные практики отрицания, негативной свободы.

0 1 D 0 This paper aims at reviewing Mòz doctrine by contextualizing some parts of the Mòbiān, or 0 1 D 0 Mòz´s dialectical chapters, attributed to the later Mohist School or Neo-Mohism. Before going into those texts, we will briefly review some aspects of today´s interpretation of the Mohist doctrine and compare the experience of Mohism in China with its Western counterparts, the Cosmopolitans. Our purpose is to inquiry about the circumstances preventing the success of the Universal Love 0 1 D 0 policy proposed by Mòz and see how those circumstances have been removed by globalization, which has paved the way to allow universality (simultaneity), for inclusive care through an inclusive decision-making system to be implemented and carried out in our time. Therefore, we claim for a renewed attention to the Mohist doctrine.

Yasin Sunca is an independent researcher and political analyst based in Brussels. He works closely with the European institutions, Members of the European Parliament in particular, on various issues related to Turkey and its neighbouring countries. His areas of interest include EU-Kurdish relations, the political system and political parties in Turkey, Turkish foreign policy, history of the conflict and violence in the Middle East, and resistance and liberation movements on a global level. He is currently conducting research on the Kurds' international relations from an historical sociological perspective. He holds a Master's degree in political science from Université Libre de Bruxelles -ULB (2013).

What factors drive people to choose nonviolent
civil resistance to achieve human rights,
peace, and justice? This Special Report offers
ground-breaking knowledge about the link of
colonialism, the Cold War, and the War on Terror
with Talibanization, oppression, and human
rights violations in the northwestern tribal
areas of Pakistan. This knowledge is drawn from
three years of in-depth field work studying the
nonviolent resistance of the Pashtun Protection
Movement in Pakistan. The report provides
key takeaways to civil resistance scholars,
policymakers, civil society, and activists who are
confronting colonial phenomena and its remnants
in the form of minority suppression, violence,
exclusion, and injustice.

Exposition gegenüber Handystrahlung auf das Blut aus? Wirkt sich eine kurzfristige Exposition gegenüber Handystrahlung auf das Blut aus?
Blut ist die Essenz des Lebens. Es ist nützlich, das Blut unter einem Mikroskop zu untersuchen, um nach Veränderungen in der Reaktion auf einen Stressor zu suchen. In dieser explorativen Studie wurden zehn menschliche Probanden einem Handy-Strahlungsstressor ausgesetzt. Ihr Blut wurde unter einem Dunkelfeldmikroskop untersucht, um nach eventuellen Veränderungen der Mikrowellenfrequenz des Mobiltelefons zu suchen.
Energetisiertes Wasser optimiert die Kapilardurchblutung, lösst Plackbildung auf, minimiert die Blutgerinnungsgefahr
Energetisiertes Wasser H3O2 wirkt sofort https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2i2-mbGhyio

The Caspian Project is a weekly digital magazine organized by the online analytical resource, Modern Diplomacy. Dr. Matthew Crosston is the Senior Editor of the project, which aims to acquaint people with this critically undervalued region of the world. The analyses go far beyond the standard issue of energy and encapsulates economics, politics, culture, religion, global affairs, conflict and peace.

This edition of the Caspian Project testifies to the enormous wealth of analytical opportunity seen all across the region. While in the past we have enjoyed producing single-issue specializations (which we did over the past two weeks with The Russian Debate and The Persian Gambit, to great fanfare and applause), the true essence of the Project is to have great diversity for the readers every issue. No. 11 as it turns out is something of a hybrid of these two aspects: readers with this issue get quite a bit of diversity while also getting to enjoy a mini-specialization, as a number of the articles inside deal with different aspects of the Russian intelligence community, namely, the Federal Security Service or FSB.

So, on top of some very thought-provoking and hard-hitting articles dealing with the ethics, surveillance, and transnational activities of Russian intelligence, readers ALSO get to learn more in this issue about the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Turkmenistan’s human rights record, and Kazakhstan’s entrance into the WTO. It is an issue, therefore, that cuts across domestic politics, global affairs, security, economics, and international organizations. This is something we at Modern Diplomacy hold dearly when it comes to the Caspian Project: so much that is happening in the world today, affecting so many countries, transects in one way or another the greater Caspian sea region. It shall always be a hub of activity and importance, far beyond the standard call about energy and natural resources.

De Charles de Gaulle à Nelson Mandela, d’Indira Gandhi à Simone Veil, de Louis Aragon à Pablo Neruda, nombreux sont les hommes et les femmes qui se sont exprimés à la tribune de l’Unesco. Leurs messages expriment l’aspiration à la paix et au progrès social qui est au cœur de la mission humaniste de l’Unesco.  Cette anthologie permet de revisiter toute l’histoire culturelle internationale du XXe et du XXIe siècles, de manière humaine et incarnée.
Précision: cette version électronique est la version longue (700 p.) du livre.

La massoneria tra fratellanza universale e «guerre giuste» « Libertà dei riti, unità di governo » Gli anni Settanta si aprirono per la massoneria italiana all'insegna di un'importante novità: il Grande Oriente d'Italia (GOI), costituito a Torino nel 1859 e da poco insediatosi a Roma in seguito al trasferimento della capitale, si fuse con il Supremo consiglio di Palermo, l'obbedienza dissidente che era sorta nella città siciliana nelle giornate tumultuose del 1860 e che da allora aveva gettato radici soprattutto nelle altre regioni del Mezzogiorno, raccogliendo perlopiù affiliati di estrazione democratica e repubblicana. Le logge aderenti al GOI professavano il rito simbolico a tre gradi (apprendista, compagno, maestro), quelle meridionali praticavano invece il rito scozzese antico articolato su una scala di trentatre gradi. E proprio la differenza di rito era stata a lungo accampata, nell'uno e nell'altro schieramento, da coloro che si opponevano a ogni ipotesi di fusione. In realtà, queste divergenze nascondevano più profondi elementi di divisione, individuabili essenzialmente nel diverso orientamento politico delle due obbedienze: quella torinese era stata inizialmente in mano ai cavouriani e poi era passata sotto il controllo dei democratici di ispirazione garibaldina; quella palermitana era stata fin dalle origini un cenacolo di mazziniani, a cui si erano aggiunti più tardi anche non pochi internazionalisti e anarchici.

Peace education is aimed at teaching individuals the information, attitudes, values, and behavioural competencies needed to resolve conflicts without violence and to build and maintain mutually beneficial, harmonious relationships. There are many approaches to peace education, many of which are based on ideology, practical experience, and good intentions. What is lacking is peace education programmes based on theories validated by research that can be operationalized into practical procedures. In CCSPC, Peace Education has been seen through development and environmental studies that are offered as common courses in Universities and also civic education carried out by civil societies. However, these activities do not reflect a comprehensive peace education that can generate a culture of peace. This paper explored the effectiveness of peace education programmes put in place by Graduate College as a sustainable management tool for peace. The study employed three interrelated theories which underlie effective peace education: social interdependence theory which deals with the nature of cooperation and competition; constructive controversy theory which deals with political discourse and creative problem solving, and integrative negotiations theory which deals with mutually beneficial agreements. The research has validated these theories, and each was operationalized into practical procedures. The management objective was to explore a range of educational programmes put in place to enhance peace. Specific objectives included: To find out the strategies the schools have adopted to conduct peace education and how successful the implementation has been; to find out teachers perception on the necessity of peace education and to establish the effects of peace education on students and the civil society by extension. The study adopted a descriptive survey research design and was based in Cotabato City State Polytechnic College, Cotabato City. The target population of this study comprised the MA and PhD students, the teachers and the Program Heads of Studies in each college were purposively sampled for the interview. These Program Heads were selected on the basis of their experience as teachers in charge of academic and other programmes in their respective schools and therefore were conversant with strategies employed by schools to initiate the peace programmes. Data collected was arranged in themes and sub-themes that helped in attaining the research objectives. The researcher thereafter conducted content, theoretical reflection analysis.

The sociological study of peace and conflict uses sociological theory and methods to analyze peace, peace processes, peace building and models, peace policies, conflict and its causes, war as a social problem, media and violence, scope of conflict, group conflicts, collective violence and alternative constructive nonviolent forms of conflict transformation. Sociology of peace and conflict is aimed to foster the development and application of sociological theories and methods for the understanding and study of dynamics of collective conflict and its prevention, conduct, and resolution. More importantly, it deals with military institutions and conflict between collectivities such as countries, ethnic groups, political movements, and religious groups, roles of military organizations, other governmental organizations, non-governmental organizations, and social movements. In view of that, sociology of peace and conflict aims at addressing a variety of topics that intersect the notions of peace and conflict. It provides an overview of the socio-political, cultural and economic underpinnings of conflict as it happens to be a key phenomenon in the contemporary world and Ethiopia. Peace and conflict occurs in interpersonal,

Masculinities, militarisation and the End Conscription Campaign explores the
gendered dynamics of apartheid-era South Africa’s militarisation, analysing
the defiance of compulsory military service by individual white men and the
anti-apartheid activism of the white men and women in the End Conscription
Campaign (ECC). The ECC was the most significant white anti-apartheid
social movement in South Africa. Military conscription and objection to it are
conceptualised as gendered acts of citizenship and premised on and constitutive of masculinities.

Analysing the interconnections between militarisation, sexuality, race,
homophobia and political authoritarianism, Conway draws upon a range of
materials and disciplines to produce this socio-political study. Sources include
interviews with white men who objected to military service in the South African
Defence Force (SADF), archival material including military intelligence surveillance of the ECC, ECC campaigning material, press reports and pro-state propaganda.The analysis is informed by perspectives in sociology, international relations, history and from analysis of contemporary militarised societies such as Israel and Turkey.

Die Arbeit beschreibt die Entstehung des Friedensbundes Deutscher Katholiken (FDK) während des Ersten Weltkriegs und stellt dabei wichtige Akteure vor. Sie zeigt den ambivalenten Umgang dieser mit der kirchlichen Hierarchie. Die Mitglieder des FDK engagierten sich weitestgehend frei von kirchlichen Vorgaben und suchten dennoch immer wieder die Unterstützung seitens des Episkopats. Die Einbeziehung der Quellen aus dem Geheimarchivs des Vatikans liefert dabei ein neues Bild auf die Kommunikation der deutschen Bischöfe mit den Vorständen des Friedensbundes und mit Nuntius Eugenio Pacelli. Zudem wird der Einfluss der „Friedenskämpfer“ auf einzelne Bischöfe und die katholische Kirche bis zum Verbot des FDK durch die Nationalsozialisten näher betrachtet.

""This is the first analysis of Gandhi’s dressing style in terms of communication theory and an exploration of the subliminal messages that were subtly communicated to large audience. Peter Gonsalves chooses three famous theorists from the field of communication studies and looks at Gandhi through the lens of each one, to ...give us a fascinating and new insight into one of the most famous men from South Asia.

The author first prepares the ground for the theoretical investigation by exploring the breadth of Gandhi’s communication skills. He provides essential information on a wide range of Gandhi’s communication skills, with a view to proposing interesting areas of research for communication scholars.

The book deals with the qualitative and quantitative aspects of Gandhi’s verbal output, his linguistic capacity, his journalistic and letter-writing style, his peace communication in an atmosphere of conflict, his organizational ability and the international repercussions of his mass mediated messages. It also elaborates the different types of non-verbal communication he used, such as silence, fasting, clothing, personal presence and charisma.

The book closes with, perhaps for the first time, a Gandhian approach to symbolisation for socio-political change. Photographs of Gandhi in different phases of his life have been used to provide a visual chronology of sartorial change and emphasise the arguments in the book." - Sage Publications

'Clothing for Liberation' is also translated into Hindi and Marathi by Sage-Bhasha, India.