Old Javanese

This article, divided into two parts, traces and discusses two pairs of analogies invoked in Sanskrit(ic) literature to articulate the paradox of God's oneness and multiplicity vis-à-vis the souls and the manifest world, reflecting the philosophical positions of pariṇāmavāda (and bhedābheda/dvaitādvaita or, in some cases, viśiṣṭādvaita) and vivartavāda (and abheda/advaita). These are, respectively, the analogies of fire in wood and dairy products in milk, and moon/sun in pools of water and space in pots. Having introduced prevalent ideas about the status of the supreme principle(s) vis-à-vis the souls and creation in Śaivism, Sāṅkhya, and Vedānta, and having investigated instances of the first pair of analogies in multiple textual genres in Part I, here I turn to the discussion of the second set of analogies. Having proposed that the first set reflects the influence of pariṇāma-Vedānta on an early strand of the Śaiva textual corpus, I argue that the second set, attested prevalently in relatively late sources, betrays a (post-)Śaṅkarian origin (even if it was used in a pariṇāma-sense), thereby suggesting a vivartavāda-Advaita Vedānta influence on the Śaiva corpus after the 9th or 10th century.

Kyai Omyang Jimbe minangka arane sawijining keris kang ampuh lan akeh digoleki de-ning para kolektor/pandhemen barang antik, utawa barang kang ana tuah/kasiyate. Saliyane dipercaya duwe kagunan kang minulya kanggo nglancarake rejeki, keris "Omyang Jimbe", wis kaloka nduweni isoteri/tuah/kabisan kanggo ngayomi bandhane sing kagungan lan nggampa-ngake kanggo nagih utang. Malah pawartane, sawetara keris Omyang Jimbe bisa digunakake kanggo narik dana ghaib/pesugihan.

Захаров А.О, Надпись из Чанггала 732 г. и некоторые вопросы древнеяванской истории // Восток. Афро-азиатские общества: история и современность. 2010. № 2. С. 34–45 = Zakharov, Anton O., "Nadpis iz Changgala 732 g. i nekotorye voprosy drevneyavanskoy istorii", Vostok (Oriens) 2010 No. 2, pp. 34-54 (The Inscription of Sanjaya from Canggal Dated from 732 C.E. and Some Remarks on Early Javanese History)
The paper contains the first translation of the oldest dated inscription from Central Java from Sanskrit into Russian. This inscription was found near the village of Canggal and is dated from 732 C.E. It was issued by the king Sanjaya. New Russian translation differs from earlier versions by Kern, Chatterji, and Sarkar, in some points. The main difference is that the inscription seems not to mention the Hindu gods Brahma and Vishnu. The Canggal inscription shows the significance of warfare for the state formation as Sanjaya and his predecessor Sanna were the victors of many neighbouring kings. The common view on Sanjaya as the founder of the dynasty of Mataram appears to be unconvincing. In fact, he was considered by the rulers of the early tenth century as no more than a protector of the kingdom of Mataram.

The book presents an edition, English translation and study of the Dharma Pātañjala, a previously unpublished Old Javanese-Sanskrit Śaiva scripture transmitted through a single palm-leaf codex of West Javanese origin dating back to the 15th century AD.
The cultural and doctrinal background of the text, as well as its codicological and philological aspects, are introduced in Part I. Part II presents an annotated diplomatic edition of the text with facsimile reproductions of the codex on facing pages, followed by a critical edition with English annotated translation. Part III is a systematic study focusing on the interpretation of the doctrines taught in the Dharma Pātañjala in comparison with related Sanskrit texts from the Indian Subcontinent and Old Javanese scriptures from the Indonesian Archipelago.
The Dharma Pātañjala is doubly important: first, because it has been preserved on a codex belonging to a rare tradition of manuscripts from Java, which is significantly older than the majority of Balinese manuscripts containing Old Javanese texts; and second, because it documents an early tradition of speculative texts (Tattva), which was previously known to us only through two Old Javanese scriptures, namely the Vṛhaspatitattva and the Tattvajñāna. e Dharma Pātañjala thus fills a gap in our knowledge of Śaiva theology and philosophy in pre-Islamic Indonesia, and also casts light on the origin and development of Śaivism in the Indian Subcontinent.
The author of the Dharma Pātañjala adopted a variety of Pātañjala yoga (aṣṭāṅgayoga) instead of the Śaiva (ṣaḍaṅga) yoga that is common in other Old Javanese texts, and attuned it to a Śaiva doctrinal framework. When elaborating his syncretic system, the author seemingly followed a hitherto unknown commentarial tradition to the Sanskrit Yogasūtra that is related, albeit by no means identical, to that of the Yogasūtrabhāṣya. The Dharma Pātañjala also documents a variety of non-dualist Śaivism that may be regarded as early Saiddhāntika in nature, but in which more archaic, pre-Saiddhāntika (i.e. Pāśupata) elements have been retained as doctrinal ‘fossils’.


CONTENTS

Preface --- XI
Notes on Conventions --- XIV

I INTRODUCTION

The Text and its Place in the Tutur/Tattva Genre --- 3
The West Javanese Tutur Tradition --- 3
Tuturs vis-à-vis Tattvas --- 8
Relative Chronology of Tuturs and Tattvas --- 10
Tuturs and Tattvas vis-à-vis Sanskrit Siddhāntatantras --- 11
Title of the Text --- 16
Structure --- 17
Dialogic Framework --- 20
Śāstric Style --- 23
Résumé --- 29
Manuscript --- 43
History --- 44
Script --- 47
Colophon --- 50
Language --- 53
Spelling --- 53
Non-standard Old Javanese forms --- 61
Non-standard Sanskrit tadbhavas --- 62
Scribal Errors --- 65
Omission --- 65
Addition --- 69
Substitution --- 72
Transposition --- 79
Other Sources of Corruption --- 79
Editorial Policies --- 81
Why Two Editions? --- 81
Diplomatic Edition --- 83
Critical Edition --- 88
Treatment of Sanskrit --- 95
Notes on the Translation --- 97

II TEXT & TRANSLATION

Facsimile Reproductions & Parallel Diplomatic Edition --- 101
Critical Edition & Parallel Translation --- 193

III DOCTRINE

The Lord --- 343
As the Absolute --- 343
As Personal God --- 355
As an Incarnated Being --- 365
As the Same as or Different from His Creation --- 378
As the Material or Instrumental Cause of the Universe --- 388

The Soul --- 391
Vis-à-vis the Lord --- 392
Losing its Divine Status --- 398
At Liberation --- 410
Obtaining the Lord’s Powers during Life --- 418

Cosmos --- 421
Lord, Soul, Māyā --- 422
The Thirty Principles of the Universe --- 424
Cosmography and Geography --- 429

Man --- 435
Citta and Buddhi --- 435
Bhāvas and Pratyayas --- 439
Ahaṅkāra, Manas and the Lower Constituents --- 448
Physiology --- 456
Subtle Body --- 459

Karma --- 463

Yoga --- 477
Samādhi and the stages of Yoga --- 481
The Eight Ancillaries --- 510
The Yogic Powers --- 528
Prayogasandhi --- 544

Right Knowledge --- 551
As Salvific Knowledge --- 551
As the Three Valid Means of Knowledge --- 552

Wrong Knowledge --- 557
The Materialist Doctrine --- 559
Admitting only Direct Perception --- 564
Denying the Lord and Summum Bonum --- 570
Upholding Non-Existence as Origin and End of the Universe --- 584
Denying Causation --- 592
Denying Karma --- 595
Denying Heaven and Hell --- 598
Denying Soul and Liberation --- 602
Upholding Hedonism --- 611

APPENDICES --- 617
A: Parallel Synopses of Three Tattvas --- 619
B: Parallel Synopses of the Yogapāda of the DhPāt and the YS[Bh] --- 633
C: Transliteration Tables --- 637

SIGLA --- 639
BIBLIOGRAPHY --- 643
GENERAL INDEX --- 671
INDEX OF TEXT PASSAGES --- 689""

Zakharov, Anton O. Political History and Political organisation of Southeast Indochina and the Malay-Indonesian Archipelago in the First Millennium AD: Habilitation Thesis, Moscow: Institute of Oriental Studies, 2013, 565 pp., ill. (in Russian) = Захаров А.О. Политическая история и политическая организация обществ Юго-Восточного Индокитая и Малайского архипелага в I тыс. н.э.: диссертация на соискание ученой степени доктора исторических наук. М.: ИВ РАН, 2013, 565 с., ил.
The thesis brings together various ways of state formation in early Southeast Asia: the cases of early Cambodia (Funan and Zhenla), early Campa, and insular world (Western and Central Java, Srivijaya on Sumatra, Borneo). The author shows that the seventh century was decisive in the emergence of truly state systems in the region.

Sejarah mencatat kalau tanah Nusantara pernah menjadi salah satu mercusuar Tantra dunia. Dari jaman ke jaman paradigma spiritual tersebut lah yang menjadi pegangan para raja, pandita dan penekun spiritual Nusantara. Kemudian, jauh setelah runtuhnya Sriwijaya sampai hancurnya Majapahit, peradaban Tantra Nusantara masih ajeg di Bali. Bukan hanya menjadikan Bali sebagai tanah Tantra, namun kitab Tantra yang hidup.

Buku Ilmu Tantra Bali ini akan mengantarkan anda menelusuri jejak sejarah dan ajaran Tantra Nusantara dan bagaimana perkembangannya di Bali. Melalui ratusan data yang tersebar dalam berbagai manuskrip Lontar sampai hasil studi para peneliti dari jaman ke jaman, anda akan disuguhi “spirit” asli pulau Dewata yang mulai terlupakan.

The chapter builds on the work of previous scholars on the Esoteric Buddhist mantra in Sanskrit inscribed on a circa 8th-century gold foil recovered from the Ratu Boko prominence in Central Java, and identifies two hitherto unnoticed attestations of it in two sources from Bali—one in a Sanskrit Buddhist hymn (the Pañcakāṇḍa), the other in a Sanskrit-Old Javanese Śaiva text (the Gaṇapatitattva). Through an analysis of related textual sources from the Indian Subcontinent and East Asia, the study casts new light on the context and function of the Ratu Boko artefact, and elaborates on the religious and socio-political scenarios opened up by it.

This article, divided into two parts, traces and discusses two pairs of analogies invoked in Sanskrit(ic) literature to articulate the paradox of God's oneness and multiplicity vis-à-vis the souls and the manifest world, reflecting the philosophical positions of pariṇāmavāda (and bhedābheda/dvaitādvaita or, in some cases, viśiṣṭādvaita) and vivartavāda (and abheda/advaita). These are, respectively, the analogies of fire in wood and dairy products in milk, and moon/sun in pools of water and space in pots. In Part I, having introduced prevalent ideas about the status of the supreme principle(s) vis-à-vis creation in Śaivism, Sāṅkhya, and Vedānta, I investigate instances of the first pair of analogies in multiple textual genres, and especially in Ś aiva literature from South and Southeast Asia, to highlight the influence of pariṇāma-Vedānta on the Śaiva textual corpus. Arguing that the distribution of the two pairs of analogies may cast some light on the relationship between different strands of dualistic and non-dualistic scriptures, I propose that the first pair could be traced back to the "formative" period of Śaivism—that is, prior to the emergence of the fully dualistic Śaiva Saiddhāntika corpus known to us.

A widespread scholarly opinion has sanctioned the view that ‘Hinduism’ in Java and Bali was fundamentally syncretic in character, forming a blend of Śaiva and Bauddha elements. What has been generally termed the ‘religion of Śiva-Buddha’ or ‘Hindu-Buddhist religion’ (in Indonesian ‘Agama Siwa-Buda’ or ‘Agama Hindu-Buda’), and ascribed to the Hindu-Buddhist era (jaman Hindu-Buda) of Javanese history, has been characterized in terms of ‘identity’, ‘syncretism’, ‘parallelism’ or ‘coalition’. The basic idea that my chapter tries to convey is that the nature of the equation of the paramount principles of Śaivism and Buddhism as expressed by a number of Old Javanese sources from the Singhasari-Majapahit period has not always been correctly grasped, and that alleged instances of “Javanese syncretism” should now be challenged.

On the basis of evidence gathered from Old Javanese textual sources and Central Javanese temple reliefs, I proposed to identify some figures of itinerant ascetics-cum-performers—the vidus—as localised Javanese counterparts of Indic prototypes, namely low-status, antinomian Śaiva practitioners (Acri 2011). Building on the work of Stutterheim, Becker, and Coldiron, here I take up additional textual, art historical, and ethnographic evidence from Java and Bali that suggests a premodern, and ultimately Indic, origin of some performances and their specific performers—viz. the ancient Javanese pirus, the modern Javanese canthang balung and talèdhèk, and the contemporary Balinese topeng Sidha Karya. In pinpointing certain striking analogies between Śaiva traditions of itinerant practitioners known from the Indian Subcontinent and their hypothesised Archipelagic ‘relatives’, I aim to ‘historicize’ those figures, and trace their origins to related figures and milieux—at once performative, ritual, and/or ascetic—known from the Sanskritic tradition. Having briefly discussed the philosophical and/or ritual rationale underpinning many of the performances presented here, I will venture to sketch the socio-cultural factors that affected their Javanese and Balinese performers, who adapted to changing circumstances and external influences (e.g. Islamization and/or Western ‘modernization’) by adopting new modes of engagement with audiences, patrons, and prevalent religious and/or ritual fashions.

The paper focuses on an aspect of the ancient history of Java, Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula, namely the role of the Śailendra dynasty. It analyses the main sources mentioning this clan, i.e. Central Javanese and Indian inscriptions, and contemporary debates on the number of dynasties on Central Java in the eighth-to-ninth centuries and the relations between the Śailendras and Srivijaya. There are three main questions: What role did the Śailendras play in Central Java; what were their relations with Srivijaya; and what was the origin of this dynasty?
The paper argues that the dynasty of Śailendras was of Javanese origin and the first ruler who was undoubtedly a Śailendra was Panankarana. In fact, there was no difference between the so-called “Sañjaya dynasty” and the Śailendras. The expansion of Panankarana’s power reached the Malay Peninsula where he left the famous inscription from Chaiya (also known as the Ligor stele). The relatives of the Śailendras also held sway over Kedah in Malaysia in the later tenth-to-early eleventh centuries.
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This essay focuses on the concept of saṃvega in Buddhist, Jainism, and the theistic traditions of Pātañjala Yoga and early Śaiva Siddhānta. Given the similarity of themes shared by the textual sources of those traditions, I argue in favour of a ‘subtle link’ connecting the early Buddhist and Jaina traditions to the Brāhmaṇical system of Pātañjala Yoga and early mediaeval Śaiva Siddhānta. To strengthen my point, I present data from Old Javanese Śaiva texts, which possibly feature an interesting doctrinal blend bridging the Pātañjala and Śaiva Saiddhāntika traditions.

"The Javanese Way of Law" seeks to show that traditional legal practice on Java at the beginning of the colonial period relied not on juridical texts or codes but on Javanese maxims called sloka or saloka (Sanskrit śloka, ‘stanza, maxim’). These ‘pithy expressions’, often involving vivid if sometimes cryptic similes, were a form of customary legal lore that was invoked in texts and cited in reaching judgments. As such, these maxims provide a fertile but largely untilled field for legal history and for comparative studies of customary and premodern law. The author is a leading authority on Indonesian legal history, and has published on Javanese legal texts before. However, although he has identified a fascinating and important topic in legal history, the book has several serious flaws and limitations, and should be consulted with caution.

Full text available to first 50 readers:
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Mradapa awit saking keparengipun sedherek Taufan Permana (Ipang), kula ingkang kapitedhan sinaraya hambuka wiwaraning suka pinangka jejering panganggit, keparenga hangaturaken urut- urutanipun sarasilah Trah Djiwan, minangka wujud darma bakti kita minangka para putra-putri, wayah, dalah sedaya trah tedhak-turunipun saking Trah Djiwan.

Buku sarasilah punika minangka srana kagem silaturahmi antawisipun para putra, para wayah dalah tedhak turunipun Mbah Mantri Pringgo Soeparto, supados saged ngraketaken pasedherekan ingkang rumiyin kendho, mupus sedaya pradondi ingka kawuri lan ngudhari samubarang prekawis ingkang sampun dumadi kanthi silaturahmi antawisipun para sedherek antawis setunggal lan sanespun dalah saged andodasaken tambah sanak, tambah kadang lan ugi tambah rejeki saking Gusti Ingkang Akarya Jagad.

Mugi kanthi mijilipun buku sarasilah Trah Djiwan punika mugi saged dados kalidamar ing sadengahipun pepetenging margi, hangempalaken balung pisah, utawi namung saderma kagem pangeling-eling menawi kita sedaya punika wonten ingkang miwiti, mboten lair saking sela punapa tuwuh saking wit-witan, selanipun tetaneman.

This article takes as a point of departure the first Sanskrit verse of the Sanskrit-Old Javanese Śaiva scripture Bhuvanakośa, which has come down to us in Balinese palm-leaf manuscripts. It argues that this verse forms an introductory hymn (maṅgala or stuti) praising Śiva and, at the same time, revealing the identity of the compiler of the text—whether genuine or fictively attributed ex post— through a “signature” expressed by means of a Sanskrit word hinting at the name Tanakuṅ, an author of Old Javanese literary and religious works who lived in the 15th century. It then elaborates on the socio-historical and religious background of that period, and links the figure of Tanakuṅ and the texts ascribed to him to Ḍaṅ Hyaṅ Nirartha, an important Balinese religious figure who is believed to have been active on the island between the late 15th and early 16th century.

"Epigraphy, Political History and Collective Action in Ancient Java", in Mai Lin Tjoa-Bonatz, Andreas Reinecke, and Dominik Bonatz (eds.) Connecting Empires and States: Selected Papers from the 13th International Conference of the European Association of Southeast Asian Archaeologists, Singapore: NUS Press, 2012, pp. 82–89.
This paper argues that there were many polities in the first half of the 9th century in Java. It also shows that the Javanese polities of the 8th to early 10th centuries were not collective as their commoners had few ways to influence political processes, although they could assert their rights in taxation.

This article aims at providing a fresh perspective on the modern, reformed version of ‘Balinese Hinduism’ that came to the fore on the island since the early 20th century. It describes certain important elements of doctrinal continuity and change in the light of the pre-colonial Śaiva religious discourse, on the basis of textual and historical data that have so far been neglected. It attempts to show that the Javano-Balinese theological tradition is characterized by a remarkable continuity, especially when it comes to its exegetical and text-building practices, but also by important elements of changes. To investigate the nature of such changes—in particular the treatment of Yoga in selected textual sources—and the historical and cultural dynamics behind them is the main concern of this article.

In this article we argue, contrarily to the dominant scholarly opinion, that Balinese ritual practice is informed by Old Javanese texts, and ultimately rests on the metaphysical and ontological categories of Tantric Śaiva traditions. As a focus for discussion, we have selected four mantras that are intended for use during the bhūtayajñas ("sacrifices to demonic forces") in order to identify and discuss some of the important philosophical and cosmological concepts that underlie and shape these rituals. We begin by examining and describing the rituals performed for the bhūtakālas ("adverse entities") as we can observe them today. We then turn to the Balinese textual sources and how they might be related to present ritual practice. Instead of interpreting the Balinese bhūtayajñas as naive attempts to deal with demonic forces, either by driving them away or by placating them with food offerings, we argue that when the rituals for the bhūtakālas are placed in the context of textual understandings, they reveal their dependence on the cosmology, philosophy, and theology of Tantric Śaivism as known from Sanskrit sources from India. Such key concepts as the five-fold Śaiva mandala, the cosmology of the emanation and reabsorption of the tattvas, and the need to explain how the whole of creation originates from and returns to a single point, shape and structure the bhūtayajñas. These rituals are intended to effect the cosmic return so that as the process of creation/emanation naturally degenerates into lower and more dangerous forms it can be reversed, and returned to its pure origins.

The Kakawin Ramayana, arguably the oldest Old Javanese epic text in Indic metres (circa 9th century AD), holds a unique position in the literary heritage of Indonesia. The poem has retained a remarkable vitality through the centuries in the Archipelago, inspiring many forms of artistic expression not only in the domain of literature but also in the visual and performing arts, from the reliefs of the majestic Central Javanese temples to modern puppet-show performances.

The Nalanda-Sriwijaya Centre Working Paper Series has been established to provide an avenue for swift publication and wide dissemination of research conducted or presented within the Centre, and of studies engaging fields of enquiry of relevance to the Centre.

The region of insular Southeast Asia, which for the scope of the present chapter largely coincides with the archipelagic state of the Republic of Indonesia, has been the theatre of the complex and long-lasting phenomenon of linguistic, cultural, and religious transfer called ‘Sanskritisation’ or ‘Indianisation’/’Indicisation’ from at least the first half of the first millennium of the current era up to 1500 CE and beyond. An integral part of this phenomenon were the traditions of yoga that originated in the Indian subcontinent – understood here both in the narrow sense of specific philosophical and soteriological traditions described in Sanskrit sources (for example, Pātañjala yoga or tantric ṣaḍaṅgayoga) and in the wider sense of inner and outer psycho-physical techniques of self-cultivation, meditation, visualisation, ascesis (tapas), etc. Yoga traditions were transmitted to the region by the seventh century at the latest and developed there well beyond the end of the Hindu–Buddhist period into the modern period in Islamic contexts, such as in the Javanese tradition of mysticism (kejawen), or in Hindu contexts, for instance in Bali. Besides being a worthy object of study in their own right, yoga traditions in Indonesia also enlighten us about dynamics of cultural transfer within the wider transcultural context of the ‘Sanskrit Cosmopolis’ theorised by Pollock (2006). Last but not least, they provide an independent – yet parallel – source of data to better understand yoga traditions in South Asia itself.

Bṛhaspati is one of the earliest historical figures of the Śaiva Siddhānta. Although his works have not survived to us, fragments of textual evidence are found as quotations scattered over the Śaiva commentarial literature. These fragments have been gathered and thoroughly discussed in a recent article by Alexis Sanderson (2006), who has tentatively dated Bṛhaspati to the period between 650 and 750 AD. Drawing upon the data presented by Sanderson, I will compare some doctrinal themes ascribed to Bṛhaspati with similar ones found in the Sanskrit-Old Javanese Śaiva text Vṛhaspatitattva and argue that Bṛhaspati’s works might have been known in the pre-Islamic Indonesian Archipelago.

di- is a frequent passive marker in various West Indonesian languages. There are strong indications that Malay di- originated through cliticisation of the preposition di. However, modern Javanese di- ultimately developed from an earlier word de (< *day/*dai) basically meaning ‘cause, reason; action, way, manner’. This de was still extant in Old Javanese, where it was also used as a preposition, a nominaliser, and a verb. di- most likely developed from Old Javanese de in its function as a nominaliser.

The fascinating yet still underexplored world of manuscripts hailing from Southeast Asia, including the nation-state of Indonesia, has received some impetus in recent years, thanks to the new appreciation for this written heritage by state and non-state actors both within and without the country. Traditionally perceived as a dry (and hardly scientific or 'intellectual') subject that was the preserve of a small circle of specialist librarians, codicology (and Asian codicology in particular) has become a vibrant discipline, with several teams of scholars and projects worldwide focusing on manuscripts as objects, as well as on 'manuscript cultures'. These projects and approaches duly recognise the role of manuscripts (and not only texts) as prime carriers of cultural and civilisational values across time and space, as well as their relevance for the culture and identity of contemporary societies. This essay reviews some recent publications on Indonesian manuscripts catering to researchers as well as the wider public.

The paper calls the attention of Javanists, and Indonesianists at large, to theoretical as well as practical issues connected with conventions for the Romanisation of Old Javanese, Old Malay, Old Sundanese and other Indonesian languages which were traditionally written in Indic scripts, and underscores the difference between transliteration, on the one hand, and transcription or orthography (‘spelling’) on the other. In doing so, it replies to the points of criticism raised by Dick van der Meij in his review (2012) of From Laṅkā Eastwards, edited by Acri, Creese & Griffiths (2011).

Her studies focus on ancient and traditional Javanese art and culture, based on recurrent visits in situ. She has published various articles on her specific research subject-the ancient East Javanese temple reliefs, and is a co-author of Ann Kinney's Worshiping Śiva and Buddha. e temple art of East Java (). A revision of her PhD thesis on Panji reliefs at Majapahit temples, written at the University of Sydney, is planned to be published soon. C L is an Associate in the Department of Sanskrit and Indian Studies at Harvard University. Her career has spanned the teaching of Asian art history at several colleges and universities in the United States as well serving in curatorial and research positions in the Department of Asian Art of Metropolitan Museum of Art, e Asia Society, Inc., the Asian Art Museum of San Francisco, and the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Levin's scholarly work and publications focus on the sculptural narrative tradition of the Central Javanese period; modes of pictorial narration of the Rāmāyaṇa in South and Southeast Asia, and Classical Javanese gold. W M (MA, University of Chicago) is an independent scholar. His current research interests include Javanese mysticism and discourses of supernatural powers in Indonesian media and society.

This article highlights a parallel between a verse-quarter of the Sanskrit colophon of the Tanjung Tanah codex, the oldest Malay manuscript known so far, and the opening verse of the Bhuvanakośa, a Sanskrit-Old Javanese text from Bali. On the basis of the parallel, and of the Malay gloss, I suggest an alternative reconstruction of the verse-quarter to that proposed by Arlo Griffiths (2010). Having traced the parallel back to identical verse-quarters from South Asian texts, and building on the recent discussion by Hunter (in Kozok forthcoming), I advance the view that premodern textual materials from Sumatra and Bali, although originating from distant geographical areas, stemmed from a common, supralocal Indic tradition.

Zakharov, Anton O. Political History and Political Organisation of Indonesia in Early Middle Ages (the 5th – early 10th centuries), Moscow: Institute of Oriental Studies, Institute of the Eastern Countries, 2012. 201 pp.
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This article describes a manuscript entitled Samadhining Anglayarakěn Anak Mitra (SAAM) that became a part of a compendium manuscript of National Library of Indonesia’s collection with call number L 109 peti 9. This Buda’s manuscript has been included as a part of a MerapiMerbabu collection. This text also includes some text which came from two traditions that ever had a great influence in Java: Islamic and pre-Islamic traditions. SAAM is a unique text because it was written in the community who live far away from the sea even agrarian, but this text presents an overview about some religious activities related to maritime world. This indicates that the maritime life has affected the structure of their experiences. This article is a preliminary study using philology, codicology, and the interpretation of textual and cultural codes. Through that various approaches, this article explains several things, namely (1) the origin of the text and its materials; (2) the relationship between mountains and maritime religious communities; and (3) the understanding of the text producers community on the maritime world.