Neo-republicanism

Kant's political philosophy has experienced a recent revival, largely due to influential interpretations that frame his concept of right as a republican account of "nondomination." One of the major challenges in reconstructing Kant's concept of law within neo-republican terms is his notion of citizenship. While neo-republicans have made substantial efforts to distance themselves from the traditional view that restricted voting rights to mainstream white men, Kant's distinction between "active" and "passive" citizens still echoes this conventional line of thought. Without dismissing the prevalence of the sexist and classist prejudices inherent in Kant's dichotomy, this paper argues that Kant introduces this distinction with the republican aim of securing a state governed by non-arbitrary laws. I contend that this aim explains Kant's concern with the civic character of citizens and their ability to contest structures of domination-a line of argument that aligns him more closely with contemporary neo-republicanism.

Despite the numerous intervention efforts that have been made both at the federal and state levels, racially biased policing remains a significant issue that disproportionately affects people of color. One of the most used intervention strategies has been associated with the implementation of body-worn cameras by police. When initially implemented, it was anticipated that the accountability and transparency associated with their use would have significantly curtailed instances of racially biased policing. However, recent research has not shown consistently positive results that were expected. To improve the effectiveness of body-worn camera usage in racially biased policing intervention, a conceptual model is proposed which is informed by research-based anti-racism educational theories that have been shown to stem racial bias in schools. Further supported by criminal justice automated decision-making research, the proposed model recommends a conceptual real-time auditing framework that, if integrated into body-worn camera technology, can more effectively resist racially biased policing in the United States.

This paper aims to present Jeremy Waldron's majoritarian democracy. Starting from the primary concept that "democracy" means "government by the people," Waldron confronts his conception of democracy with rival theories — such as Ronald Dworkin's, for example. However, this article does not intend to delve into the debate between these two theorists but rather to appropriately develop the ideas that derive from Waldron's thought. In this sense, the article is structured as follows: (i) it presents the majoritarian premise, the "mother" conception that "generates" Waldron's majoritarian democracy; (ii) subsequently, Waldron's theory of law will be briefly covered, as I adopt Dworkin's concept of law as a branch of political morality; and, finally, (iii) I propose an analysis of Waldron's majoritarian democracy. Waldron's work is influenced, to a greater or lesser extent, precisely by Dworkin, which is why the New Zealand philosopher suggests an authentic majoritarian democracy, reinforced by the legislature, based on a more general political morality, integrity. Thus, using the phenomenological-hermeneutic "method," with bibliographic research, this paper seeks to unravel the main arguments of Jeremy Waldron that confer legitimacy to his democratic theory.
Access: https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=5003960

1 sanity, humanity and science real-world economics review -Subscribers: 20956 Subscribe here ISSN 1755-9472 -A journal of the World Economics Association (WEA) 10472 members, join here -Sister open access journals: Economic Thought and World Economic Review -WEA 3-year plan -back issues at www. paecon. net recent issues: 60 59 58 57 56 55 54 53 52 51 Issue no. 61, 26 September 2012 In this issue: The optimal material threshold: Toward an economics of sufficiency 2 Samuel Alexander The normative foundations of scarcity 22 ...

Contextualização:  Há  farto  debate  acerca  do  republicanismo  na  teoria  política contemporânea,  sendo  uma  das  mais  fortes  tradições  de  pensamento  político  do Ocidente. Tal  tradição  foi  reavivada  como autônoma em  relação  aoliberalismo  por pensadores,como  Quentin  Skinner, Philip Pettite  Maurizio  Viroli,  inseridos em  uma tradição de  pensamento  político que  se  convencionou  chamar  de  neorrepublicanismo. Ponto central do argumento neorrepublicano é a crítica ao conceito liberal de liberdade.Objetivo:Busca-se retomar o  argumento  liberal  acerca  do  conceito  de  liberdade  para cotejá-lo  com  o  conceito  neorrepublicano.  Assim,  ao final,  articula-seuma  crítica alegadamente republicana aoargumentoneorrepublicano.Metodologia: Fazendo um apanhado da ideia de liberdade em pensadores liberais, bem como  articulando  este  conceito  na  tradição  republicana,  desenvolveu-se  um  argumento filosófico demonstrando supostas fraquezas da crítica neorrepublicana.
Contribuições: Resgatando a  tradição republicana  desde suas  origens  clássicas,  busca-se demonstrar  que  o  argumento  crítico  ao  liberalismo,  presente  no  neorrepublicanismo, acaba por afastar este pensamento das bases clássicas da tradição republicana.

El trabajo presenta un comentario crítico del libro Open Democracy de H. Landemore centrada en dos puntos: i) el lugar y los usos de la imaginación en la teoría política y en la vida democrática; ii) la posibilidad de expandir el imaginario de la "democracia abierta" hacia los tribunales y cortes.

What does it take to abolish structural domination? If domination is structural, then it can only be eliminated by the transformation or abolition of structures. For this to happen, agents advantaged by existing structures will often have to be brought under a form of power that lays beyond their control. Defeating domination therefore seems to require the embrace of dominating power. I call this dilemma the double bind of emancipation. To illustrate, I turn to debates regarding land confiscation during the Reconstruction era in the United States (1865-1877). Confiscation was intended to destroy the material bases of planter power and guarantee formerly enslaved people economic independence. But it would also entail subjecting planters to uncontrolled power. To address the double bind, I argue emancipation must be guided by a social theory of domination. Emancipation from structural domination requires identifying and eliminating the conditions that reproduce domination over time.

Extraterritorial border controls prevent migrants from arriving at the territory of the state and effectively undermine rights to apply for asylum and protections against non-refoulement. As a result, a wealth of scholarship argues that external border controls are illegitimate exercises of state power. This paper challenges two versions of this argument, first, the claim that carrier-sanctions are illegitimate because they subject migrants to morally impermissible forms of coercion and, second, the claim that carrier-sanctions are illegitimate because they subject migrants to illegitimate claims to authority. Against coercion-based accounts of legitimacy, this paper defends the view that while carrier-sanctions are coercive, the coerciveness of a policy is not relevant to its legitimacy. What is relevant is instead whether the authority claimed by the state is legitimate. Against authority-based accounts, this paper argues that states are unable to claim authority in the relevant sense over migrants that are present in the territories of other states. The paper concludes by suggesting that the charge that carrier-sanctions are illegitimate should shift towards the state that allows carriers to enforce these policies on their territories. No state has the legitimate authority to permit other states to pressure carriers to prevent migrants in need of protection from travelling. The state that introduces carrier-sanction legislation, on the other hand, is not exercising illegitimate authority though they may act contrary to demands of justice.

In Wollstonecraft's early writings, she articulates the foundational theological and philosophical principles that would underpin her work throughout her career. One difference between her early and later work lies in the way that the values to which she refers are combined. Whereas Wollstonecraft at first appeals to the separate ideals of independence, equality, and virtue, from the 1790s onwards she integrates these into a characteristic republican framework that was in common use amongst dissenting theorists at the time. The set of values on which Wollstonecraft draws, and the version of the republican framework that she develops, closely resemble those of Richard Price with whose work she was familiar. Examining the structural similarities between their respective models, I argue, gives us an insight into the systematic manner of aspects of Wollstonecraft's own thought. It also allows us to see how Wollstonecraft goes beyond the republicanism of Price and others as she develops her own feminist solutions to the problems of structural domination.

This paper explores Philip Pettit's concept of liberty as non-domination, a significant contribution to contemporary political theory emphasizing freedom from arbitrary power rather than merely the absence of interference. In an increasingly plural and complex world, there is a pressing need for a broader understanding of liberty that addresses the political adversities faced by diverse societies. Pettit's theory provides a robust framework for assessing political freedom by proposing that true liberty entails the absence of domination, supported by democratic mechanisms that disperse and make power accountable. The primary objective of this text is to analyze Pettit's complete works alongside contributions from ten prominent commentators and debaters, examining the strengths and potential shortcomings of his theory. The analysis aims to demonstrate how Pettit's concept of non-domination can be superior to other notions of liberty or how integrating different perspectives might reinforce his ideas. Methodologically, the paper conducts a thorough examination of Pettit's seminal works. It includes critical analysis from scholars like Quentin Skinner, Richard Dagger, and Cécile Laborde. Each author's agreement or disagreement with Pettit is analyzed in detail, providing a comprehensive view of the ongoing discourse. In conclusion, Pettit's concept of liberty as non-domination proves to be a compelling framework for understanding and advancing political freedom. This approach necessitates transparency, accountability, and participation within democratic institutions, ensuring liberty is safeguarded against both existing and potential forms of arbitrary power. Through this detailed examination, the paper

Since Darren Wilson shot and killed Michael Brown in 2014,1 the problem of police violence against African Americans has been a relatively salient feature of nationwide discussions about race. Across the ideological spectrum, people have had to engage the question of whether, especially in the context of policing, it’s fair to say that black lives are undervalued. While there is both a racial and a political divide with respect to how Americans have thus far answered that question, the emergence of Black Lives Matter movements2 has made it virtually impossible to be a bystander in the debate. Separate from whether racialized policing against African Americans is, in fact, a social phenomenon, is the contestable question about solutions: Assuming that African Americans are indeed the victims of overpolicing, meaning that by some metric they end up having more interactions with the police and more violent encounters than is normatively warranted, what can we do about it? And here, the...

Στο παρόν κείμενο επιχειρείται αφ’ ενός μια κριτική στο ερμηνευτικό σχήμα «παράδοση-νεωτερικότητα» και αφ’ ετέρου προτείνεται η σύγχρονη έρευνα για τη βυζαντινή και μεταβυζαντινή περίοδο ως κλειδί για την κατανόηση της Επανάστασης του 1821. Προτείνεται η ύπαρξη μιας βυζαντινής και μεταβυζαντινής ρεπουμπλικανικής παράδοσης και αναδεικνύεται έτσι μια ρεπουμπλικανική πτυχή της Επανάστασης που υπερβαίνει τη συνήθη θέασή της υπό φιλελεύθερη ή/και δημοκρατική σκοπιά.

Resumen.-El presente artículo se propone analizar el modelo de desarrollo del Uruguay bajo un enfoque de las corrientes de la dependencia. El supuesto base del trabajo es que en las primeras décadas del Siglo XXI el país mantiene una condición de dependencia frente a unas transformadas corporaciones transnacionales. Como herramental teórico se toma la propuesta de Kaplan sobre las corporaciones transnacionales, no como un reflejo de su estudio sino como categorías iluminadoras de un nuevo sistema mundo.

Two rival accounts of women’s rights exist in American history. These disparate accounts map on to rival accounts of rights per se, which themselves map onto rival accounts of who we are as human beings. These rival accounts of the human person -- and of the theories of law and rights that flow from them -- explain much of our legal and political discord today.

Here, I will re-introduce the concept of rights as properly grounded in the natural law. But there’s a complication in offering a natural law approach to the rights of women which I’ll contend with as well. For a good portion of American history, after all, the “laws of nature” were understood to permit exclusion of women from participation in civil and political rights. I’m going to show why a natural law account properly includes the rights of women, drawing upon women’s rights advocates from the 18th and 19th centuries. I’ll conclude by arguing that anti-discrimination law, properly understood, is a just determination of the natural law in our day, and that, as properly understood, abortion restrictions do not discriminate against women.

In this article I reflect upon political republicanism and its conceptual development in distinct historical periods. For this, I summarize the position of key republican authors and analyse the main concepts which have shaped this current of political thought. My objective is to present a reasoned exposition of republican political theory, inviting the reader to adapt it to our own societies and their challenges.

The increasing dependence of universities on Big Tech platforms not only raises issues of privacy and cost. It also affects academic freedom. This value requires academic communities to remain in control of the shape of their own communicative infrastructure. If they are committed to academic freedom, universities cannot cede this control to Big Tech.

El renacimiento del republicanismo en la teoría política contemporánea ha vuelto a poner en el centro los estudios sobre la genealogía histórica de esta singular tradición de pensamiento político. Este trabajo ofrece un acercamiento a las definiciones genéricas y específicas de la noción de república y una aproximación a los itinerarios de vuelo de los conceptos de republicanismo y república. Todo ello con el propósito de ofrecer una clave de lectura para diferenciar al republicanismo democrático-radical del republicanismo liberal-democrático y, al mismo tiempo, analizar las consecuencias asociadas a la puesta en práctica de esa operación clasificatoria.

Republicans hold that people are dominated merely in virtue of others' having unconstrained abilities to frustrate their choices. They argue further that public officials may dominate citizens unless subject to popular control. Critics identify a dilemma. To maintain the possibility of popular control, republicans must attribute to the people an ability to control public officials merely in virtue of the possibility that they might coordinate their actions. But if the possibility of coordination suffices for attributing abilities to groups, then, even in the best case, countless groups will be dominating because it will be possible for their members to coordinate their actions with the aim of frustrating others' choices. We argue the dilemma is apparent only. To make our argument, we present a novel interpretation of the republican concept of domination with the help of a game‐theoretic model that clarifies the significance of collective action problems for republican theory.

A politics that affirms natural limitseither ecological limits or limits posed by the human constitutionis subject to certain criticisms. One of these suggests that a focus on natural limits unduly constrains politics, crowding out deliberation and self-government in favour of expert management. This paper considers how the civic republican tradition approaches the concept of natural limits. The republican tradition offers two arguments for affirming natural limits, one emphasizing the value of vulnerability and the other emphasizing the ideal of liberty as non-domination. However, the two arguments are in tension with one another. An emphasis on vulnerability suggests a natural, pre-political set of constraints on politics (thus seemingly validating the very criticism levelled at a politics of limits), whereas an emphasis on non-domination suggests a more open-ended, contested politics. This tension points to deeper tensions between the communitarian and Italian-Atlantic strands of the republican tradition. In the end, the paper tries to address these tensions by showing that an egalitarian approach to vulnerability actually supports the ideal of non-domination and that a respect for natural limits is consistent with a robust, deliberative republican politics emphasizing contestation and self-government. In developing the concept of vulnerability, the paper draws upon not only republican thought, but also feminist theory.

En el contexto del autogobierno y de la libertad como ausencia de interferencia arbitraria, se examina el concepto de esfera pública, que es el marco donde se instaura la ley como instrumento y garantía de civilidad, en consonancia con las tradiciones e instituciones políticas compartidas y reconocidas Asimismo, partiendo de la noción de ciudadanía, elemento fundamental sobre el que el republicanismo vertebra su concepción de la política y de la comunidad, se analiza la virtud cívica, atributo republicano imprescindible que ha de poseer el ciudadano para comprometerse activamente con el interés general, para a continuación señalar diversos modos de entenderla a través del tiempo, indicando las aportaciones que sobre esta disposición política han realizado distintos pensadores republicanos.

O artigo analisa a concepção neorrepublicana padrão de dominação como uma resposta possível para o que há de moralmente objetável em relações nas quais vivemos sob o poder de outras pessoas. O objetivo da análise é avaliar se a noção de dominação republicana, tal como concebida pelas teorias neorrepublicanas da liberdade (Skinner, Pettit e Lovett), consegue lidar de modo conceitualmente preciso e normativamente adequado com fenômenos de subordinação social (Neuhouser, Kolodny e Anderson). Procura-se destacar no artigo os ganhos que a ênfase em formas injustas de subordinação social traria para a compreensão de casos injustos de governo interpessoal.

Lo specchio rotto del Liebeskonzil: un caso di blasfemia nell'Impero guglielmino * SOMMARIO: 1. Panizza, un suddito infedele-2. Scalpori e processi-3. La pietra dello scandalo-4. Un "teologo [...] eretico pittore di immagini sacre"-5. Una scelta [quasi] obbligata-6. Una foresta di simboli performativi-7. Ordine religioso e ordine politico: l'ecosistema del processo-8. Un "martire" a processo-9. Martedì 30 aprile 1895, ore 19: la condanna-10. Panizza sulla censura-11. Morale religiosa come morale sessuale-12. Manicomio, prigione, fuga-13. "Un uomo fuori dal mondo": ontologia di un blasfemo-14. Istituzioni che succhiano il sangue. * Contributo sottoposto a valutazione. 1 "Finora non è mai accaduto che un uomo-simbolo si sia rispecchiato così completamente nell'epoca e l'epoca nell'uomo", W. RATHENAU, "Der Kaiser", in ID.,

Cette thèse propose une exploration théorique et historique de l’espace public américain visant à retracer les manifestations significatives de la postmodernité. Habermas élabora le modèle normatif de l’espace public bourgeois en l’attachant au principe transcendantal de Publicité qui, chez Kant, s’avère la plus puissante expression de l’idéologie rationaliste et universaliste de la modernité. Son analyse souffre toutefois d’une ambiguïté. Si Habermas situa l’émergence d’un public faisant usage de sa raison en Europe, c’est aux États-Unis qu’il repéra la subversion de cet usage par la presse commerciale, par la publicité, par les relations publiques, par les médias de masse et par les sondages d’opinion, qui auraient parachevé la « dissolution » psycho-sociologique de l’opinion publique. Ceci tient à la relation ambiguë de l’expérience américaine elle-même avec la modernité. En s’appuyant sur des travaux tirés de la philosophie, de la science politique, de la sociologie et des champs disciplinaires pertinents (médias, presse, journalisme, communication et relations publiques), la présente thèse dégage les principaux traits d’un espace public spécifiquement américain. La démarche associe l’interprétation théorique avec la description historique, conformément à l’orientation prise à l’origine par Habermas. La distance avec ses écrits plus récents s’avère toutefois grande. Alors que celui-ci s’applique à refonder le projet moderne d’une émancipation par la raison sur une raison communicationnelle inscrite dans une philosophie de l’intersubjectivité, la théorie macro-sociologique de Michel Freitag sert à révéler l’extension sous-jacente d’un nouveau mode de régulation des pratiques sociales et de reproduction de la société associé à une post-modernité, dans ce sens relationnel du terme. La conclusion défend l’hypothèse voulant que l’Amérique s’engage dès le début dans un mouvement de sortie de la modernité ou, plus précisément, emprunte une voie divergente en fixant ses fondements dans le libéralisme. Ainsi, à défaut de la conception républicaine du dépassement des conflits subjectifs par la « moralité objective » de l’État, la société américaine prend plus directement et plus rapidement l’apparence postmoderne d’un simple système d’interaction entre des puissances empiriques.

S i fa politica, ci si occupa delle questioni pubbliche per molte e disparate ragioni, non sempre nobili. Eppure, ce n'è una che io credo sia quella più nobile, quella maggiormente capace di coinvolgerci appieno. Ricordo alcune parole di Pietro Ingrao, quelle in cui spiegava come lui provasse un dolore vero a vedere milioni e milioni di donne e uomini sfruttati, calpestati, messi ai margini, al solo servizio dei profitti e dei lussi altrui. Fare politica, spiegava, era principalmente un modo per opporsi a questo dolore e porvi in qualche modo rimedio. E chiariva che faceva politica, in un certo senso, per se stesso, per lenire il suo stesso dolore, quello che proveniva e si generava direttamente da quello altrui, da quello degli sfruttati, dei subordinati, degli ultimi e penultimi della fila. Con l'età sono giunto, più o meno, alle stesse conclusioni. Trovo insopportabile che la maggior parte dell'umanità viva e lavori a servizio di una quota minima e sempre minore di

A politics that affirms natural limitseither ecological limits or limits posed by the human constitutionis subject to certain criticisms. One of these suggests that a focus on natural limits unduly constrains politics, crowding out deliberation and self-government in favour of expert management. This paper considers how the civic republican tradition approaches the concept of natural limits. The republican tradition offers two arguments for affirming natural limits, one emphasizing the value of vulnerability and the other emphasizing the ideal of liberty as non-domination. However, the two arguments are in tension with one another. An emphasis on vulnerability suggests a natural, pre-political set of constraints on politics (thus seemingly validating the very criticism levelled at a politics of limits), whereas an emphasis on non-domination suggests a more open-ended, contested politics. This tension points to deeper tensions between the communitarian and Italian-Atlantic strands of the republican tradition. In the end, the paper tries to address these tensions by showing that an egalitarian approach to vulnerability actually supports the ideal of non-domination and that a respect for natural limits is consistent with a robust, deliberative republican politics emphasizing contestation and self-government. In developing the concept of vulnerability, the paper draws upon not only republican thought, but also feminist theory.

«The fame of Cicero flourishes at present», könnte man versucht sein, mit David Hume zu konstatieren. In den letzten Jahrzehnten hat sich ein starkes und zunehmendes Interesse an Ciceros philosophischen Werken, seinen politischen Ideen und an römischem politischen Denken im Allgemeinen wahrnehmen lassen. Das Buch von Malcolm Schofield, erschienen in der Buchreihe ‘Founders of Modern Political and Social Thought’ und Ausdruck der langjährigen Auseinandersetzung des Autors mit seinem Gegenstand, fügt sich nahtlos in diese Tendenz ein. S., eine ausgewiesene Autorität in antiker Philosophie, will mit dem aus seinen 2012 an der Universität Oxford vorgetragenen ‘Carlyle Lectures’ hervorgegangenen Werk ein weites Publikum ansprechen, das nicht auf Cicero-Spezialisten beschränkt ist, sondern auch Historiker des politischen Denkens und der Philosophie umfasst.

The paper charts changed in the practice of the census across the last decades of the republic.  It focuses on the conjoined processes by which the mechanics of the census were extended to the municipalities of Italy while even the possibility of an examination of morals was evacuated -- at exactly the same time that citizenship was effectively divorced from Aristotelean forms of political agency.  It reads these changes in light of work by Arnold Toynbee, JGA Pocock, and Bruce Frier, among others.

For an offprint as published, please write to me at [email protected] or use the link in the file.

What is the relation between non-domination and rights in the sense of claim-rights? This article argues that this relation is a tight one: rights turn out to be a necessary constituent of non-domination, or they are necessary, in a non causal sense, for non-domination to come into existence and have its distinctive normative character. In particular, rights are necessary to constitute the following features of non-domination: the authority that non-domination signifies and the respect it demands; the kind of accountability that the non-arbitrariness condition of non-domination demands; and the robustness of non-domination. The article then suggests that rights, even if necessary for non-domination, are not also sufficient. It concludes by illustrating how the protection of rights often supports, rather than contradicts, other republican aims.

Este texto aborda una breve caracterización del pensamiento republicano, poniendo especial énfasis en su fuerte compromiso con la vida política, con el autogobierno colectivo y la política de la virtud. El texto discute también la actual vigencia del republicanismo y sus eventuales aplicaciones en el contexto de las democracias contemporáneas. A partir del tratamiento descriptivo de ciertos rasgos centrales del republicanismo se infieren algunos de sus lineamientos políticos más actuales, extrayéndose, de sus premisas conceptuales y valorativas, una agenda republicana de profundización de las democracias, orientada hacia los temas de deliberación pública, educación cívica y justicia.

Wollstonecraft is acclaimed for her groundbreaking social theories in gender relations and politics; however, equally, if not more important to Wollstonecraft, was her work in family relations. Much has been written about Wollstonecraft's own family, so much so that the body of work about her personal life almost overshadowed the study of her work for almost a century.  Although her life is perhaps interesting in the way most dysfunctional families are, it is hardly unique among writers, or people in general, to have Wollstonecraft’s family experience.  Perhaps the inordinate interest in her personal life had to do more with the vigor with which she met the challenge, including her attempt to theoretically explain the horrors that she met with in life. Her suicide attempts, her melancholia, and her lovers seem commonplace in the modern world, but earlier audiences saw them as evidence against the body of knowledge that she amassed from the hard lessons of life.  A much-overlooked topic in Wollstonecraft studies has been the work she did to overturn tyrannical parenting practices.  She says, “Tyrants would have cause to tremble if reason were to become the rule of duty in any of the relations of life . . .” (VRW 150). We will see how Wollstonecraft’s blueprint for an ideal family that has independence at its core, and individual growth for all members as its goal,  is perhaps her most radical and daring legacy.

Die deliberative politische Theorie hat sich zu einem wichtigen Standard in der Debatte über legitimes Regieren in der Europäischen Union entwickelt. Sie hat ein strukturelles Gesamtverständnis der EU entwickelt und grundlegende demokratietheoretische Begriffe so neu interpretiert, dass sie auf die europäische Politik Anwendung finden können. Die deliberative Theorie verfügt damit heute über eine Sprache, die den nationalstaatlichen Container hinter sich lässt und auf eine postnationale politische Realität eingestellt ist. Sie hat zudem wesentlich dazu beigetragen, die ehemalige Fragmentierung der Politikwissenschaft in unverbunden nebeneinander stehende Teildisziplinen zu durchbrechen und einen lebendigen wissenschaftlichen Diskurs zwischen der politischen Theorie, der Regierungslehre, der Europäischen Integrationsforschung und den Internationalen Beziehungen anzustoßen.

RESUMO O objetivo do artigo é examinar a concepção de liberdade como ausência de dominação, apresentada por Philip Pettit como originária do pensamento republicano e como uma alternativa à oposição dominante no debate político contemporâneo entre liberdade negativa e liberdade positiva. Pretende discutir se ela corresponde à concepção de liberdade que pode ser encontrada no republicanismo e se ela pode ser considerada realmente uma alternativa à oposição entre liberdade negativa e liberdade positiva.

Este artículo sostiene que hay un enfoque característicamente republicano de la política que puede proporcionar ideas y reflexiones útiles para afrontar la crisis contemporánea de la democracia y de la ciudadanía. Para presentar este enfoque, el artículo parte de tres conceptos básicos de la teoría política republicana -libertad como no dominación, autogobierno e igualdad-: las concepciones de la democracia mantenidas por los pensadores republicanos dependen en gran medida de cómo hayan sido interpretados y del lugar relativo que se les atribuya. En segundo lugar, se aborda el debate actual respecto al modelo político neorrepublicano de democracia, así como las propuestas republicanas de giro hacia una democracia social, que enlazan con la tradición socialista. Por último, se subraya el papel que desempeña en el enfoque republicano una ciudadanía activa, dotada de virtud cívica y dispuesta a la participación y la deliberación. Palabras clave: republicanismo, democracia, ciudadanía, libertad como no dominación, autogobierno, igualdad, virtud cívica, participación, deliberación.

This paper focuses on discrimination on the ground of religion or belief in Ireland. It is based on the analysis of academic sources, secondary data including Irish legislation related to religion; reports published by NGOs and governmental organisations; information from the Census 2011; and media reports and coverage. The Census 2011 shows that Ireland remains a country with a predominant majority who identify themselves as Catholics. There have been important social and cultural changes in Ireland over the last decades. Irish Catholics no longer have the same devotion to the Church that their parents had, and there are many important changes taking place in the State, the media, the public sphere and civil society towards religion. This report shows that despite these changes, the influence of the Catholic Church in Ireland and specifically in the area of education is still significant. The Catholic Church owns and runs the vast majority of primary and secondary schools in Irelan...

WHAT sort of liberal is Rawls? What sort of liberal is a philosopher who
makes the citizen (and not the individual) the subject of his political
liberalism; who starts from a normative-political definition of the citizen as a
moral person with moral powers; who makes overlapping consensus (and not
the balance of interests) his theory’s central regulative ideal; who makes
reasonableness (rather than strategic rationality) the principle that is to guide
discussion among free and equal citizens; and who has such a patently
constitutive-civic conception of primary goods?
Add to this that Rawls declares his theory of the good society compatible with
the tradition of classical republicanism and thinks it capable of answering Marx’s
four major criticisms of liberalism.1 Truly, Rawls is not an easy thinker to situate
as a philosopher of liberty: it is difficult to decide whether his theory is best
interpreted in terms of the republican tradition or in terms of the liberal tradition;
there is a good deal of republicanism in his doctrine, but also a good deal of
liberalism. The aim of this article is to help determine which tradition affords
the best interpretation of Rawls, above all the later Rawls: the author of Political
Liberalism and Justice as Fairness: A Restatement. I presuppose throughout the
article a certain familiarity with Rawls’ thought on the part of the reader.