Mormonism

In 1966, Barbara Welter wrote an article titled "The Cult of True Womanhood: 1820-1860," that demonstrated the four cardinal virtues expected of women in the nineteenth century: purity, piety, domesticity, and submissiveness. As these virtues became ingrained in society, a system of judgement for women was created and established women in roles determined by the men in their lives. 1 As women struggled within their fixed positions

nouncing that he and his forces were about to close down the temple in Manti, Utah, and that there was nothing Hugh could do about it. Hugh responded that indeed he would do something, and so, teaming up with the Three Nephites, he went to the doors of the Manti Temple and holding back the forces of evil, allowed the temple to operate undisturbed. This story is obviously not true. While I've heard speculation that Hugh Nibley himself is one of the Three Nephites (how else could someone know so much?) and have been unable to determine that claim' s truthfulness, I know this story of Hugh' s thwarting Satan is false. It was transferred to the body of Hugh Nibley lore from an experience attributed to Apostle Marriner Merrill, first president of the Logan Temple (serving from 1884-1906). According to Apostle Rudger Clawson, Elder Merrill noticed a group of strangers arrive at the temple, some walking and some on horseback. One man came forward, and Apostle Merrill asked him who he was and what he wanted. The person replied that he was Satan and then demanded that Merrill shut down the temple for he did not like what was going on there. Merrill commanded him to leave. Satan reluctantly obeyed but promised that he and his followers would whisper into everyone' s ear "persuading them not to come to the temple." Logan Temple attendance did fall off dramatically for a long time afterward. 2 I suspect Clawson' s tale about the temple president' s encounter with Satan has entered the Nibley folklore cycle because of Hugh' s status as one of the Church' s preeminent explicators of temple rituals.

As Mormonism comes to the forefront of American culture, some people may be tempted to assume that the past philosophical victories of Christian theism can be equally applied to the version of theism of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints. In this paper I attempt to show that there are differences in the LDS worldview, and in the LDS conception of the Divine Nature that make the problem of evil, both in its logical and probabilistic form, a very live threat to its brand of theism. This paper is a project of ramified natural theology that attempts to demonstrate that Christian theism is in a much better philosophical position than LDS theism with regards to the logical and probabilistic problem of evil.

I had just returned home from a Fulbright year in Bulgaria and Romania to an email from a Romanian friend I had met in the small congregation of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in Constanta, Romania. They wrote to say: "Early this morning, I was going through Facebook and there was this article"-I could sense a fear and frustration in the message-"they were presenting a few facts about what it was like to be gay in Romania.. .. There is this whole movement by several associations and organizations who want to redefine family. .. in the Romanian Constitution and they want a referendum. " 1 This was the first time the Romanian Referendum was brought to my attention. They continued, "My heart was heavy. And then there are these people whom I admire and love who fully support Coaliția pentru Familie. " Coaliția pentru Familie (Coalition for the Family) was the Romanian organization leading the charge for the referendum, designed to erect further barriers to same-sex marriage in that country. My correspondent was speaking about both Romanian and non-Romanian members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latterday Saints supporting the cause. Same-sex marriage was not permitted in Romania, despite Romania's European Union (EU) membership, so 1. Name withheld. Private email sent to author on Aug. 17, 2017.

This article explores the challenges that immigrant Muslims faced in pre-1965 America in their efforts to find acceptance within the American host society. To understand this phenomenon I have used the ethnographic methods of research and collecting data focusing on a Palestinian Muslim family (Abukhdeir) who came to America in 1910 and settled in Provo, Utah as Kader family and adopted Mormonism. As such, this article demonstrates that the identity crisis of early generation Muslim immigrants resulted in the following consequences: (1) Who assimilated to the prevailing American melting pot culture of mainstream society, including converting to American religions; (2) Who did not assimilate, rather escaped the pressure of assimilation by returning to their home countries and resettled there without coming back to live in America; and (3) Who both assimilated and preserved their Islamic identities, as they were the children of returnees, which coincided with the wake of multicultural...

Of the relatively few labor records of nineteenth-century Utah, none are more amply preserved than those of the Logan Temple construction. They consist of 127 small time books containing the number and names of laborers, their places of residence, wages, type of work, and the number of days worked. These various titled notebooks include: Franklin Quarry (4 books); Green Canyon Quarry (11 books); Hyde Park Quarry (3 books); Lime Kiln (6 books); Saw Mill (24 books); Wood Camp (9 books); Temple block (63 books); and John Parry's Stone Cutters on the Temple Block (7 books). Other contributions in-kind were listed in various accounts contained in the temple ledger books, consisting of five volumes covering the years 1877-86.3 They provide a remarkable source for the study of the Mormon labor force prior to widespread mechanization. The time books list task-oriented wages, such as rock and sand hauling at 80 cents per ton, lime hauling at 8 cents per bushel, and wood hauling at $2.50 per cord, thus indicating the importance of individual output. Hence, the time books are an invaluable source for the measurement of labor and the laboring classes in a Mormon community during economic transition. Approximately 25,000 individuals participated in the building of the Logan Temple during its seven years of construction, with between 60 and 125 laborers working at a time. At the start of construction, localized skilled labor, including masons, carpenters, and sawyers, was supported primarily with food and board by wards and stakes. In the ensuing years, however, compensatory 3Melvin A. Larkin, "The History of the L.D.S. Temple in Logan, Utah," (M.S. thesis, Utah State University, 1954), 178. At the time of Larkin's thesis research in 1953, he had full access to the official records of the Logan Temple and its construction. Since that time, temple records held at the Historical Department Archives of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City (hereafter LDS Church Archives), including the Logan Temple time books, are no longer accessible to scholars. The three time books used in this study were given to the Special Collections, Merrill Library, Utah State University, by a private

In 1934, Ernest Groves and a number of seasoned members of the National Council on Family Relations (NCFR) joined with others interested in family life issues to create the Groves Conference on Marriage and Family. These two professional organizations of family teachers, practitioners, theorists, and researchers have been linked by shared topics and members for decades-including four members of "The Sisterhood" who have belonged to both NCFR and Groves: Harriette McAdoo, Edith Lewis, Margaret Crosbie-Burnett, and LeAnne Silvey. On November 8, 2008, "The Sisterhood," who had shared lives, stories, and hotel rooms for over a decade, decided to leave the NCFR conference hotel in Little Rock, Arkansas for dinner in the city. Moreover, we were fortunate to be together and celebrate with awe the election of Barak Obama as President of the United States. Determined to both celebrate this event and end the busy conference with a chance to say goodbye in a quiet setting, we set off for a restaurant recommended to us. We never found the restaurant but did engage in a journey that took us across decadesuniting family theory, scholarship, and policy. As we left the restaurant where we enjoyed Southern comfort food-chicken, cornbread, macaroni and cheese, and collard greens-

"If God is male, then male is God." 1 This famous dictum of American Professor Mary Daly, (1928-2010) "radical lesbian feminist," in her own words, and recognized early leader in feminist theology brought to the fore the question of perceived patriarchy and androcentrism in Christian theology, identity and tradition, and in the Scripture itself. The new theology thus conceived elevates the "woman's experience" and her full humanity within a religious discourse in a reversal of the traditional male-centered top-down approach of the Christian historical essentialism. 2 Through liberation hermeneutics, it aims at realizing "an emancipatory ecclesial and theological praxis" which carries with it weight-bearing implications in other areas of society. 3 In that praxis, feminist Christology holds a prominent place, for Christ's salvific work is at the heart of Christian theology. Greatly expanding and ever morphing over the past six decades, feminist spirituality has experienced an egregious diversification in terms of theories of interpretation and analytical critiques regarding women's decried gendered inferiority and oppression, and the theological methodologies employed. Four waves have been identified with the longest lasting dating back to the 1800s. The second-wave feminism, from the 1960s to the early 1990s, grew out of the "woman experience" and claim for dignified selfhood in family, religion and society by mainly the white, middle-class and heterosexual women. Other feminists criticized it as failing to unify the pluralistic aspects across 1

"Behold, how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell together in unity!

It is like the precious ointment upon the head, that ran down upon the beard, even Aaron’s beard: that went down to the skirts of his garments;

As the dew of Hermon, and as the dew that descended upon the mountains of Zion: for there the Lord commanded the blessing, even life forevermore."

— Psalm 133

Women are compared to nature. This is not a new phenomenon rather this tendency has been coming since the dawn of civilization because of their reproductive, nurturing, life giving competence .This paper will try to hold forth an eco-feminist study on two Indian Partition short stories. One is Lalithambika Antharjanam"s "A Leaf in the Storm" (1948,"Kodumkaattipetta Orila"in Malayalam),other one is Jamila Hashmi"s" Exile" (1969,"Banbas"in Urdu). An Indian partition story is generally expounded from some common angles such as horror experiences of abducted women during Indian Partition in 1947, trauma, rape, dislocation, bloodshed, etc. due to communal riots of that time. This paper is a new intuition of reading the above mentioned stories, as it is now going to show an ecofeminist study of the same. It will show how eco-feminism as an ideology and spiritual realization heals unmarried girlJyoti"s( protagonist of "A Leaf In The Storm")wounds which she got being impregnated by rival community males during communal riots of Indian Partitionand how after getting mental healing Jyoti accepts her newborn baby as her own correlating her baby with natural elements. And it will also showhow Bibi, the protagonist of "Exile", being abducted by Gurpal, gets emotional support bycomparing her own existence with that of a"pear" tree. For Bibi, her girl child is the metaphorical main root of her life tree. A transparent metaphorical representation of women to Nature is seen in both the stories. This impersonation evokes a spiritual eco-feminist study.

In 1786, when Charles Wilson Peale announced tbe opening of his cabinet of curiosities "to please and entertain the public," he could not have forespoken better tbe mind and will of Philo Dibble who sought to establish a museum of Monnon art and relics as early as 1845. Dibble's curatorial pursuits, like Peale's, were driven in part by a fascination with a new sensation in American art-moving pichms.1 For a time, these moving pictures, or panoramas, brought profit and popularity to an otherwise elitist field of scientific exhibition By accessioning, collecting, and displaying relics enlivened by vivid canvases illustrating Latter-day Saint historic scenes, Dibble followed the rising tide of popular educa-tion2 A wave of American interest in panoramas swelled early in the nineteenth century after reaching heights of popularity in Paris and London As a form of "rational amusement," moving panoramas w m just as much an American phenomenon as they were European They were newsreels of a sort, allowing eastern spectators a chance to view, in ideahxl form, the untamed frontier of the West.3 elders, Oliver Cowdery, Ziba Peterson, Peter Whitmer Jr., and Parley P. P r a g in Kirtland, Ohio. Dibble was to have a close relationship with Joseph Smith as a friend and bodyguard. "Father Dibble" (so called by children and friends) was later remembered for d v i n g a mob attack in Jackson County, Missouri, in 1833 and remaining faithful in tbe Church through the Missouri and IUlnois periods, migrating to Utah in 185 1.4 Dibble probably caught panorama fever in 1841 while he was living in Nawoo, Illinois, a growing Monnon community on the Mississippi. During the mid 1840s, St. Louis, some two hundred miles down river, was not only a port of emy for Mormon immigrants but also the major center for panorama production in America As early as March 1841, John Banvard was promoting the first of the "largest pictures in the world at the St. Louis Museum (then under the proprietorship of W. S. McPherson). The exhibitions included "Miss Hayden, the accomplished American Sybil" and the "Grand Moving Panoramas, of the cities of Jerusalem and Venice, covering an extent of canvass exceeding 100 [1,000?] square feet"' Philo Dibble, M o m n lecturer and panoramist, was In AP~% b w a r d ~~e d a l'anorama of born in P e w Pittsfield a m v , m c h u s e m , on 6 J~ St. Louis, which had been in preparation for some time. 1806, the second son of Orator and Bulah Dibble. After Between 1840 and 18504.11 full view of a growing the death of his father, he and his elder brother Philander I b l ~m n congregatio-st Louis had become the priwere taken in by one Captain Apollos Phelps to Suffield, W Venue for nearly all the major ~a n o h t s . St adat, where were to remain until tbey were Louisans were presented with John Rowson Smith's tweW+ne. Following ~0 ' s -age to Celia Kent of Panorama of the Mississippi River, Weedon's S a l e l a they moved chardon, located about five Panoramic View of the Hudson River, a Grand miles from ~irtland, Ohio. Dibble and his wife were Historical Panorama of the Antediluvian World, and The -ked in& church membership by baptism on 16 Bombardment of Era Cruz, to name a few. Ad, late in October 1830, after meeting four proselyting Mormon 1849, Henry Lewis and Leon I'0rna.de presented con-NOEL CARMACK is Preservation Librarian at Menill Libmy, Utah State University. He holds an MFA arad has published articles on M o m n art and culture. He wishes to thauk Marilyn and Celia Smith (descendants of Philo Dibble) who graciously provided m a x h materials and photographs for this article.

This article examines the origins of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints (RLDS Church) in postcolonial Malawi. Relying on archival documents, it shows that the RLDS Church’s strategy in Malawi mirrored broader patterns of RLDS and American church expansion elsewhere in Africa with its focus on indigenization and cultivating local leadership, but was distinct in its lack of social service projects. In doing so, it highlights the evolution of the RLDS mission strategy on the continent. Future research ought to consider Malawian RLDS adherents’ motivations for joining the church, and how local cultural customs and rituals were integrated into the church.

Given their status as targets of humor and caricature, the well-worn stories of Adam and Eve, Noah, and the Tower of Babel are sometimes difficult to take seriously. However, a thoughtful examination of the scriptural record will reveal not simply tales of piety or inspiring adventures but rather carefully crafted narratives from a highly sophisticated culture that preserve deep memories of revealed understanding. We do an injustice both to these marvelous records and to ourselves when we fail to pursue an appreciation of scripture beyond the initial level of cartoon cut-outs inculcated upon the minds of young children. In this talk, I will provide an overview of the early chapters of Genesis from a personal perspective. I will explain why I have learned to love and appreciate the truths of these chapters deeply, both as a scientist and as a disciple.

First of all, my congratulations to FARMS for sponsoring this celebration of King Benjamin's special sermon. 1 This celebration will be carried out most effectively by those who speak after me and will help us understand even more the ways in which, as we sang together, we "have been given much. " 2 I should have been more careful in selecting the title of this talk. Using the word manual suggests something stodgy and very lengthy, which this sermon clearly is not. King Benjamin's sermon is anything but stodgy and lengthy, especially with what phrases like "lively . . . guilt" and "bright testimony" (Mosiah 2:38; 3:24) signify, and with inspired interrogatories like "Are we not all beggars?" (Mosiah 4:19). Almost fty years ago, I arrived at the mission home in Toronto, Canada. The rst assignment given to all of us who arrived, by what seemed to me a very stern mission president, Octave W. Ursenbach, was to memorize and recite orally and in unison Mosiah 2:20-25. I could not appreciate back then the signi cance of what we were reciting. Furthermore, the ending words of that particular selection about how even the dust of the earth from which we were created belongs to him who created us also seemed quite stern. But it didn't take long for me to appreciate and love that stern mission president and to love those stern words of Benjamin, words that were just what I needed as I came home from World War II as a rst sergeant in the infantry after the battle at Okinawa and many months in the Paci c. We have no biography of King Benjamin; nevertheless, we have his words, which are what we most need for our discipleship. The combined efforts of the angel who inspired King Benjamin and King Benjamin himself, together with the selectivity of Mormon as editor have given us high relevancy amid the paucity of the Benjamin pages. Of course, while a special portion of King Benjamin's sermon was directed by an angel, angels, in turn, "speak by the power of the Holy Ghost" in what is a seamless process (2 Nephi 32:3). Since the Book of Mormon itself "shall go from generation to generation as long as the earth shall stand" (2 Nephi 25:22), this means, much as we appreciate them today, that the words of King Benjamin will have their widest and greatest in uence-personal and global-in the decades ahead. As for his own exemplification of discipleship, we begin to learn of Benjamin's character well before his sermon. Just as this special king labored to produce his own necessities, he personalized his leadership in other ways. As a warrior-king, he "did fight with the strength of his own arm, with the sword of Laban" in putting down unrest (Words of Mormon 1:13), to which false Christs, false prophets, and false preachers doubtless contributed (see Words of Mormon 1:16). In this challenging context he was not alone, for there were "many holy men in the land" who assisted him (Words of Mormon 1:17). Thus, well before the great sermon, King Benjamin had been involved with typical single-mindedness in his successful efforts to deal with contention and dissension. He acted, as was his pattern, "with all the might of his body and the faculty of his whole soul" and established peace in the land (Words of Mormon 1:18). Even with all this turbulence, King Benjamin did not become jaded, nor was he preoccupied with or de ned by his role as a warrior-king. Clearly, he knew that his was a spiritual ministry. Even a cursory cruise through modern political and military history attests to how often lesser individuals are both con ned and de ned by their contemporary events. We never would have had the great King Benjamin sermon if he had been con ned and de ned by such prior events. Likewise, we would never have had the sermon and his example if he had become desensitized by his victories and achievements. Benjamin's meekness in the face of his many accomplishments marks this man. Ours is an age when we yearn for more consistency and for more correct character in the private and public behaviors of secular leaders. Benjamin was Benjamin, whether he was in his garden, on the battle eld, with his family, or practicing statecraft. For him there was no such thing as a public persona. Moreover, how many other warrior-kings, for instance, would have chosen to regard themselves as teacher more than king? So concerned was Benjamin with his major sermon that he sent among the people to see if they really believed in his words (see Mosiah 5:1). Benjamin was much more concerned over connecting with his spiritual constituency than with his political constituency. He was continually concerned about communicating. For example, Benjamin did not want his people to forget the name by which they were called (see Mosiah 5:14). Illustratively, too, he was anxious to complete the covenant with them, yet he concluded it only when he was sure that their hearts had been touched and that they understood clearly what he had taught (see Mosiah 5:6-7). Such is the great teaching style of this remarkable man whose sermon we celebrate. Additionally, though the information on the subject is scanty, we know that Benjamin was a special father. Signi cantly, his own lack of interest in status and power was apparently successfully transmitted to his sons. Evidently they were not power hungry and did not vie with one another for ascendancy, as so often has happened in the process of political succession. Their father-king had set the example for those whom he affectionately addressed as "O my sons" (Mosiah 1:6). His successor son even tilled the soil just as his father had done, signaling to the people that they were not required to sustain him either (see Mosiah 6:7). King Benjamin's tutorial efforts not only included encouraging his sons, but also teaching them in the language of his fathers, as well as teaching them how to appreciate and search sacred records (see Mosiah 1:2-3). "And many more things did king Benjamin teach his sons, which are not written in this book" (Mosiah 1:8). "Many more things" which we do not have, it says. Intriguing, is it not? In contrast to Benjamin's effective fatherhood, one cannot help but remember Eli, whose sons "knew not the Lord" and in their iniquity were not restrained (1 Samuel 2:12; see 3:13). With no desire whatsoever to be judgmental, one ponders those comparative implications. The general substance of the Book of Mormon itself, of course, encapsulates this rich and special sermon, which is like a sparkling, doctrinal diamond that can be approached and appreciated in so many different ways. Surely King Benjamin kept his promise not to "trifle" with words (Mosiah 2:9), for his was a rich and whole-souled sermon. Earlier, Nephi wrote of how the Lord would, "in word, and also in power, " remove stumbling blocks in order to help some people believe (1 Nephi 14:1). In our time, the prevailing intellectual pattern is secular, and an "exceedingly great many do stumble" over and experience dif culty in accrediting and taking seriously revelations and sacred records (1 Nephi 13:29). Nephi also advised that the Lord will stir, even "shake, " the kingdom of the devil in order to help bring some therein to repentance (2 Nephi 28:19). For the meek, however, the Book of Mormon removes some very large stumbling blocks, including the clear pattern of revelation set forth therein: And after God had appointed that these things should come unto man, behold, then he saw that it was expedient that man should know concerning the things whereof he had appointed unto them; Therefore he sent angels to converse with them, who caused men to behold of his glory. And they began from that time forth to call on his name; therefore God conversed with men, and made known unto them the plan of redemption, which had been prepared from the foundation of the world; and this he made known unto them according to their faith and repentance and their holy works. (Alma 12:28 -30) This, of course, is the very pattern featured in the great latter-day restoration, which is so rich in revealed knowledge about God's plan of salvation. Brigham Young was, as usual, "spot on" in noting how strange the doctrine of modern revelation was in his setting of religious revival, saying: The rst Elders can recollect, when we commenced preaching "Mormonism, " that present revelation and a Prophet of God on the earth were the great stumbling blocks to the people, were what we had to contend against, and were, seemingly, the most potent obstacles in our way to the introduction of the Gospel. 3 George Q. Cannon con rmed: There was a day in our history when it was considered a crime for us to believe in revelation from God. I do not know that that day is entirely past. There was a day in our history when it was considered very improper for us to believe in Prophets or Apostles-that is, to believe that they ought to be in the Church. There was a time when we were indicted by a mob in its written proclamation for believing in miracles. . . . You have doubtless thought, all of you, about the character of the men whom Jesus chose to be His Apostles. They were men who were stumbling-blocks to their generation, for they did not belong to the popular classes. They were not learned men, they were not rich men-that is in the worldly sense of the word-they were not digni ed men; and Jesus Himself, the Lord of life and of glory, was a constant stumbling-block to His generation. 4 After all, revelations do tell us, as Jacob said, of "things as they really will be" (Jacob 4:13), just as the angel revealed to King Benjamin things about the impending Messiah (see Mosiah 3:2, 5-9). Given the multifaceted richness of King Benjamin's sermon, it is instructive to note the one thing another prophet cited ninety years later. Helaman chose this passage out of Benjamin's rich and resplendent sermon: O remember, remember, my sons, the words which king Benjamin spake unto his people; yea, remember that there is no other...

First of all, my congratulations to FARMS for sponsoring this celebration of King Benjamin's special sermon. 1 This celebration will be carried out most effectively by those who speak after me and will help us understand even more the ways in which, as we sang together, we "have been given much. " 2 I should have been more careful in selecting the title of this talk. Using the word manual suggests something stodgy and very lengthy, which this sermon clearly is not. King Benjamin's sermon is anything but stodgy and lengthy, especially with what phrases like "lively . . . guilt" and "bright testimony" (Mosiah 2:38; 3:24) signify, and with inspired interrogatories like "Are we not all beggars?" (Mosiah 4:19). Almost fty years ago, I arrived at the mission home in Toronto, Canada. The rst assignment given to all of us who arrived, by what seemed to me a very stern mission president, Octave W. Ursenbach, was to memorize and recite orally and in unison Mosiah 2:20-25. I could not appreciate back then the signi cance of what we were reciting. Furthermore, the ending words of that particular selection about how even the dust of the earth from which we were created belongs to him who created us also seemed quite stern. But it didn't take long for me to appreciate and love that stern mission president and to love those stern words of Benjamin, words that were just what I needed as I came home from World War II as a rst sergeant in the infantry after the battle at Okinawa and many months in the Paci c. We have no biography of King Benjamin; nevertheless, we have his words, which are what we most need for our discipleship. The combined efforts of the angel who inspired King Benjamin and King Benjamin himself, together with the selectivity of Mormon as editor have given us high relevancy amid the paucity of the Benjamin pages. Of course, while a special portion of King Benjamin's sermon was directed by an angel, angels, in turn, "speak by the power of the Holy Ghost" in what is a seamless process (2 Nephi 32:3). Since the Book of Mormon itself "shall go from generation to generation as long as the earth shall stand" (2 Nephi 25:22), this means, much as we appreciate them today, that the words of King Benjamin will have their widest and greatest in uence-personal and global-in the decades ahead. As for his own exemplification of discipleship, we begin to learn of Benjamin's character well before his sermon. Just as this special king labored to produce his own necessities, he personalized his leadership in other ways. As a warrior-king, he "did fight with the strength of his own arm, with the sword of Laban" in putting down unrest (Words of Mormon 1:13), to which false Christs, false prophets, and false preachers doubtless contributed (see Words of Mormon 1:16). In this challenging context he was not alone, for there were "many holy men in the land" who assisted him (Words of Mormon 1:17). Thus, well before the great sermon, King Benjamin had been involved with typical single-mindedness in his successful efforts to deal with contention and dissension. He acted, as was his pattern, "with all the might of his body and the faculty of his whole soul" and established peace in the land (Words of Mormon 1:18). Even with all this turbulence, King Benjamin did not become jaded, nor was he preoccupied with or de ned by his role as a warrior-king. Clearly, he knew that his was a spiritual ministry. Even a cursory cruise through modern political and military history attests to how often lesser individuals are both con ned and de ned by their contemporary events. We never would have had the great King Benjamin sermon if he had been con ned and de ned by such prior events. Likewise, we would never have had the sermon and his example if he had become desensitized by his victories and achievements. Benjamin's meekness in the face of his many accomplishments marks this man. Ours is an age when we yearn for more consistency and for more correct character in the private and public behaviors of secular leaders. Benjamin was Benjamin, whether he was in his garden, on the battle eld, with his family, or practicing statecraft. For him there was no such thing as a public persona. Moreover, how many other warrior-kings, for instance, would have chosen to regard themselves as teacher more than king? So concerned was Benjamin with his major sermon that he sent among the people to see if they really believed in his words (see Mosiah 5:1). Benjamin was much more concerned over connecting with his spiritual constituency than with his political constituency. He was continually concerned about communicating. For example, Benjamin did not want his people to forget the name by which they were called (see Mosiah 5:14). Illustratively, too, he was anxious to complete the covenant with them, yet he concluded it only when he was sure that their hearts had been touched and that they understood clearly what he had taught (see Mosiah 5:6-7). Such is the great teaching style of this remarkable man whose sermon we celebrate. Additionally, though the information on the subject is scanty, we know that Benjamin was a special father. Signi cantly, his own lack of interest in status and power was apparently successfully transmitted to his sons. Evidently they were not power hungry and did not vie with one another for ascendancy, as so often has happened in the process of political succession. Their father-king had set the example for those whom he affectionately addressed as "O my sons" (Mosiah 1:6). His successor son even tilled the soil just as his father had done, signaling to the people that they were not required to sustain him either (see Mosiah 6:7). King Benjamin's tutorial efforts not only included encouraging his sons, but also teaching them in the language of his fathers, as well as teaching them how to appreciate and search sacred records (see Mosiah 1:2-3). "And many more things did king Benjamin teach his sons, which are not written in this book" (Mosiah 1:8). "Many more things" which we do not have, it says. Intriguing, is it not? In contrast to Benjamin's effective fatherhood, one cannot help but remember Eli, whose sons "knew not the Lord" and in their iniquity were not restrained (1 Samuel 2:12; see 3:13). With no desire whatsoever to be judgmental, one ponders those comparative implications. The general substance of the Book of Mormon itself, of course, encapsulates this rich and special sermon, which is like a sparkling, doctrinal diamond that can be approached and appreciated in so many different ways. Surely King Benjamin kept his promise not to "trifle" with words (Mosiah 2:9), for his was a rich and whole-souled sermon. Earlier, Nephi wrote of how the Lord would, "in word, and also in power, " remove stumbling blocks in order to help some people believe (1 Nephi 14:1). In our time, the prevailing intellectual pattern is secular, and an "exceedingly great many do stumble" over and experience dif culty in accrediting and taking seriously revelations and sacred records (1 Nephi 13:29). Nephi also advised that the Lord will stir, even "shake, " the kingdom of the devil in order to help bring some therein to repentance (2 Nephi 28:19). For the meek, however, the Book of Mormon removes some very large stumbling blocks, including the clear pattern of revelation set forth therein: And after God had appointed that these things should come unto man, behold, then he saw that it was expedient that man should know concerning the things whereof he had appointed unto them; Therefore he sent angels to converse with them, who caused men to behold of his glory. And they began from that time forth to call on his name; therefore God conversed with men, and made known unto them the plan of redemption, which had been prepared from the foundation of the world; and this he made known unto them according to their faith and repentance and their holy works. (Alma 12:28 -30) This, of course, is the very pattern featured in the great latter-day restoration, which is so rich in revealed knowledge about God's plan of salvation. Brigham Young was, as usual, "spot on" in noting how strange the doctrine of modern revelation was in his setting of religious revival, saying: The rst Elders can recollect, when we commenced preaching "Mormonism, " that present revelation and a Prophet of God on the earth were the great stumbling blocks to the people, were what we had to contend against, and were, seemingly, the most potent obstacles in our way to the introduction of the Gospel. 3 George Q. Cannon con rmed: There was a day in our history when it was considered a crime for us to believe in revelation from God. I do not know that that day is entirely past. There was a day in our history when it was considered very improper for us to believe in Prophets or Apostles-that is, to believe that they ought to be in the Church. There was a time when we were indicted by a mob in its written proclamation for believing in miracles. . . . You have doubtless thought, all of you, about the character of the men whom Jesus chose to be His Apostles. They were men who were stumbling-blocks to their generation, for they did not belong to the popular classes. They were not learned men, they were not rich men-that is in the worldly sense of the word-they were not digni ed men; and Jesus Himself, the Lord of life and of glory, was a constant stumbling-block to His generation. 4 After all, revelations do tell us, as Jacob said, of "things as they really will be" (Jacob 4:13), just as the angel revealed to King Benjamin things about the impending Messiah (see Mosiah 3:2, 5-9). Given the multifaceted richness of King Benjamin's sermon, it is instructive to note the one thing another prophet cited ninety years later. Helaman chose this passage out of Benjamin's rich and resplendent sermon: O remember, remember, my sons, the words which king Benjamin spake unto his people; yea, remember that there is no other...

Analyzing John Milton’s works, one can observe the
influence of his personal life, his biography upon his poetry and
prose. There is no second opinion about its greatness, in the
sublimity of thought and the majesty of expression, in the
profundity of feeling and the range of imagination. Milton, in his
works, not only demonstrates the social and political issues of his
own society, but he also deals with the gender issue by creating
female characters who have some weaknesses or faults, which
cause destruction and disaster. John Milton's self-centered
personality, is revealed in his writing, particularly in his depiction of marriage and his patriarchal
views

En este trabajo, realizamos una serie de consideraciones preliminares a un análisis comparativo de diversos sistemas de representaciones que conforman el campo religioso argentino. Nos basamos para ello en la metodología de análisis estructural levistraussiana. Como punto de partida del análisis, proponemos comparar dos versiones del mito cosmogónico que involucra a personajes míticos como Jehová, Cristo, Lucifer y Satán. Las versiones elegidas son la versión de la iglesia mormona y la versión de la llamada “gnosis hiperbórea”, sostenida por grupos esotéricos.

During the Saints' later exodus west, Brigham Young, President of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles, allowed for baptisms for the dead at the Missouri River and also allowed for eternal marriages and sealings to be performed for members of the Mormon Battalion at Willard Richards's octagon at Winter Quarters in 1847, realizing, as Charles C. Rich put it, that "priesthood is greater than the Temple." 1 One of Brigham Young's first acts upon arriving in the Salt Lake Valley in 1847 was to identify the site upon which a new temple would be reared, a work of construction that for various reasons would take forty years to complete. In the meantime, under Brigham Young's direction as President of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, baptisms for the dead and marriage sealings and endowments for the living were conducted, first in the Council House in Salt Lake City from 1851 to 1854 and later in the Endowment House on Temple Square from 1855 to 1887. However, the fullness of temple ordinances could not be administered until a temple was built. Said Elder Orson Pratt in March 1877, "The Endowment House in which we had officiated in the ordinances was only temporary; but now [that the St. George Temple was completed] it was no longer acceptable for that purpose, for our condition was such as to make it imperative on our part to build temples. . . . Many blessings never conferred upon any peoples in former temples had been reserved to be revealed in this dispensation of the fullness of times." Meanwhile much of the time, energy, and financial resources of both the Church and its growing membership went into

El artículo ensaya una llave teórica para pensar las temporalidades en los procesos culturales de una ciudad no metropolitana. Desde un abordaje cualitativo y etnográfico, trabaja sobre las marcas espaciales y temporales que se expresan en las prácticas culturales y artísticas situadas en una ciudad de pequeña escala del noroeste de la provincia de Buenos Aires durante el período 2019-2023. Los resultados muestran articulaciones entre espacio, tiempo y cultura, organizadas alrededor de la producción cultural de trayectorias personales e institucionales, que explican los principios de continuidad, estabilidad y quietud con las que se suelen caracterizar este tipo de territorios.

I consider aspects of the way these three ages approach the nature of the Old Testament text, its origin, its historical reference, and its exegesis, and to suggest ways our post-modern context might change our aims and practice in Old Testament study and enable us to appropriate the strengths of pre-modern and modern while sidestepping their respective weaknesses.

This essay explores the film Heretic as an inversion of the Mormon temple ceremony, presenting it as an "anti-Endowment" that critiques the perversion of sacred spaces while simultaneously engaging with Gnostic and esoteric themes. By tracing the evolution of Gnostic ideas, including the tension between ascent and descent and the transformative power of sacred spaces, the essay situates Heretic within a broader tradition of Western esotericism. Joseph Smith, founder of Mormonism, emerges as a central figure whose progression from treasure seeker to prophet mirrors archetypal journeys found in alchemical and mystical traditions. His creation of LDS temple rituals is framed as an effort to encode Gnostic principles of spiritual ascent and inner revelation. Through a comparison of these rituals with the protagonists' harrowing journey through Mr. Reed's house, Heretic critiques institutionalized religion while reclaiming the transformative potential of sacred knowledge. The film's symbolic depth invites reflection on the nature of faith, authority, and the human quest for transcendence, illuminating both the legacy of Joseph Smith and the enduring resonance of Gnostic thought.

Atheism is often characterized as merely "a lack of belief in God," but a closer examination reveals that it functions as more than just a passive absence of belief. It is, in many cases, a worldview-a set of assumptions and beliefs about the nature of reality, morality, and human existence. Below are four key arguments demonstrating how atheism extends beyond a simple lack of belief and constitutes a belief system or worldview that influences how one interprets and engages with the world.

This article explores the intersection of economic underdevelopment, inter-denominational competition, and educational development in postcolonial southeastern Nigeria through a case study of the Saints Comprehensive Secondary School -- a mission school established by the RLDS Church in Ikot Oku Mfang, Cross River State. Using archival documents housed at the Community of Christ Library Archives, the article shows how denominational schools functioned as tools of both community empowerment and inter-denominational competition. Despite military-era efforts to secularize education, religious organizations continued to play critical roles in the educational sector in the postcolonial period, showcasing the persistence of missionary influence and the adaptive strategies of rural Nigerian communities in shaping their futures.

This article analyzes the RLDS Church's efforts to run the Saints Health Clinic in Ikot Oku Mfang, Cross River State, Nigeria in the early 1980s. Drawing on archival reports and correspondence housed at the Community of Christ Library and Archives, it examines how patron-client relationships influenced the clinic’s development. While partnerships with local leaders facilitated progress, insufficient local capacity undermined the clinic's sustainability. The example of the Saints Health Clinic illustrates the complexities of delivering public services in postcolonial Nigeria and navigating the neopatrimonial state.

This article analyzes the establishment of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints' Saints Health Clinic in Ikot Oku Mfang, Cross River State, Nigeria, during the early 1980s. It explores collaborative efforts between church leaders, Nigerian adherents, and the Cross River State government to address maternal healthcare needs in the postcolonial period.The clinic’s development highlights the persistent reliance on expatriate medical professionals, the challenges of navigating local bureaucracy, and the role of colonial healthcare legacies in shaping the professionalization of maternal healthcare in the postcolonial period. The article also shows how the Saints Health Clinc was related to the church's broader mission strategies of community-led development and ecumenical collaboration.

This piece deliberates on Rola El-Husseini's contribution to contemporary debates on double standards and dissonance at the intersection of women's rights and religious freedom in the Global North by highlighting similar performative contradictions of the past. In exercising thinking through current dilemmas with Mark Twain's commentary on non-dyadic marriages in the Ottoman Empire and the United States, this article suggests that across time and space, whoever the manufactured "other" may be, the processes and mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion generally favor the interests of those who hold and seek to maintain the greatest martial, economic, and political power.

ing with his apparent primary reason for writing, that is, telling his forgiveness-commission story as a latter-day prophet-apostle? Because this exegesis is "a modest imaginative craft, not an exact science," 17 I leave it for readers to decide whether the proposed connections exist. At a minimum, I hope to demonstrate the Bible is not merely present in the 1832 First Vision account, but that it frames, forms, and illuminates the account too.To what degree and why that might be the case, of course, are open questions I will address briefly in the conclusion. Before delving into this analysis, however, I will provide a concise introduction to the 18 3 2 account to situate it in its historical context.

This thesis critiques contemporary Latter-day Saint scholarly efforts to validate the historicity of the Book of Mormon through textual criticism by presupposing its historic authenticity, then combing the text for evidence of literary elements that may suggest ancient Hebrew authorship. Chapter 2 surveys current Latter-day Saint scholarship and arguments for internal evidence in support of the historicity of the Book of Mormon. Chapter 3 assesses the importance of King David's influence over the biblical and non-biblical Hebrew cultural and religious identity to determine the likelihood and anticipated portrayal of the king's appearance in the Book of Mormon. Given the Book of Mormon's scant and peculiar nature of references to the fabled king, this chapter also argues that a competing testimony against the book's historicity is produced. Chapter 4 offers concluding remarks.

V erses 12-18 of the Words of Mormon have always been a bit of a puzzle. For stylistic and other reasons, they do not really fit with verses 1-11, so commentators have tried to explain their presence as a sort of "bridge" or "transition" that Mormon wrote to connect the record of the small plates with his abridgment from the large plates.1 This paper proposes a different explanation: Rather than being a bridge into the book of Mosiah, these verses were originally part of the book of Mosiah and should be included with it. To understand why that is so requires some background information about the Book of Mormon manuscript and the order in which the plates were translated. The Manuscript There are actually two Book of Mormon manuscripts-the original manuscript and the printer's manuscript. The original manuscript was written by various scribes (but primarily Oliver Cowdery) as Joseph Smith dictated his translation from the golden plates. The printer's manuscript is (primarily) Oliver's copy of the original manuscript; as the name implies, he made the copy for the printer to work from, keeping the original manuscript as a backup.2

Since time immemorial, humans have found meaning and purpose in revering sites because of events that transpired there. Such sites offer an opportunity for pilgrims to visit sacred places. Members of the Church of Jesus Christ have tried not to create shrines or pilgrimage sites per se, but they often experience deep religious attachment to sacred places where significant events occurred. In the early 19th century, however, relatively few people traveled for tourism or pleasure. The few who were able to visit sites associated with the early years of Mormonism provided word pictures or visual presentations for those who did not have the opportunity to visit the sites. This article explores the visual images of the Hill Cumorah, from a woodcut printed in 1841 through photographs taken in 1935 when the Hill Cumorah Monument was dedicated. Title

As the world's population grows, there is an ever-increasing pressure to utilize land exposed to extreme geological hazards. Earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, landslides, and floods already cause annual economic losses of at least several tens of billions of US dollars, before account is taken of lives lost. This cost will inevitably increase unless governments can be forced to give a higher priority to public safety and to the implementation of protective measures.