Montesquieu

SOSYOLOJİYİ KURMAK
Montesquieu, Tocqueville, Comte, Durkheim

“Tarihi bilinmedikçe, bir bilim tam olarak anlaşılamaz”. Comte’un bu aforizması belki de en fazla, bizzat kurduğu ve “sosyoloji” adını verdiği bilim için geçerlidir. İsim babası tarafından bilimler hiyerarşisinin en tepesine yerleştirilen bu yeni bilim Fransa’da doğar, kurumsallaşır ve yirminci yüzyıl başlarında bilimsel meşruiyet ve özerklik kazanarak akademik bir disipline dönüşür. Bu kitapta, Durkheim’in ifadesiyle “bir Fransız bilimi” olarak on dokuzuncu yüzyılda inkişaf eden sosyolojinin erken dönem tarihi, dört kurucu düşünürden hareketle incelenmektedir. Sosyolojinin doğuş ve kurumsallaşma sürecine damgalarını vuran Montesquieu, Tocqueville, Comte ve Durkheim; entelektüel biyografileri, düşünsel kaynakları, siyasal pozisyonları, toplumsal çözümlemeleri, kuram ve yöntemleri itibariyle ele alınmaktadır. Sosyolojinin önde gelen dört Fransız kurucusunun orijinal metinlerini merkeze alan bu sentetik çalışma, onların bilim ve toplum anlayışlarındaki farklılıkları göstermeyi amaçlamakla birlikte aralarındaki benzerliklerin, düşünsel ilişki ve sürekliliğin altını çizmeyi de ihmal etmemektedir.
Enes KABAKCI

Montesquieu’s The Spirit of the Laws principally argues that each society has its own customs and organisational systems which are socio-culturally specific to their politico-economic context, and therefore any attempt to impose a political or legal system that is not derived from these customs may lead to state failure generally or tyranny specifically.

In questo articolo l’autore analizza i viaggi di Montesquieu, dove si manifesta il trionfo del piacere della scoperta. Il viaggio è indagine della realtà sociale, politica e istituzionale. Le certezze e le nozioni iniziali sono riconsiderate o temprate dalle conferme dell’osservata realtà. Il viaggio con una vena di disincanto porta con sé il fascino di nuove idee e diventa strumento originale di analisi comparativa della realtà europea dell’epoca. L’autore vuole sottolineare l’imprescindibilità del viaggio nella formazione delle riflessioni di Montesquieu. La teoria da sola non è sufficiente, il barone de La Brède trova nel suo cammino per l’Europa l’ispirazione che solo l’osservazione empirica può dare. Scrutare la realtà da vicino diviene fondamentale, fa comprendere a Montesquieu come siano numerose le variabili che influenzano gli eventi e la politica di uno Stato. L’autore, dopo l’attenta analisi effettuata, giunge alla conclusione che alcune delle riflessioni contenute nel De l’Esprit des Lois, oltre che di derivazione libresca, sono figlie dell’originale metodo d’indagine costituito dai viaggi di Montesquieu.

Temas esquecidos ou abandonados da constituição da teoria dos poderes. Crítica do Estado Constitucional contemporâneo. Crítica do ativismo judicial. Nova configuração da Teoria dos Poderes. Leitura crítica de Montesquieu e dos clássicos. Crítica da Teoria Constitucional e dos constitucionalistas contemporâneos.

« Harrington, dans son Oceana, a aussi examiné quel était le plus haut point de liberté où la constitution d'un État peut être portée. Mais on peut dire de lui qu'il n'a cherché cette liberté qu'après l'avoir méconnue, et qu'il a bâti Chalcédoine, ayant le rivage de Byzance devant les yeux » (De l'esprit des lois, XI, 6). Cette contribution tentera d'éclairer la sentence énigmatique de Montesquieu à la lumière de son analyse du républicanisme anglais et de sa défense du rôle de la Chambre des Pairs. A ses yeux, Harrington néglige les conditions réelles du régime libre en Angleterre, dont l'esprit des Anglais, en partie forgé par leur Ancienne Constitution et par leur droit féodal. Pour autant, la puissante critique de Montesquieu ne signe pas la fin du républicanisme harringtonnien ni de sa théorie de la liberté : sa réhabilitation par certains membres du Club des Cordeliers durant la Révolution française témoigne d'un « retour du refoulé » dont il faudra examiner la teneur.

Feminists have long criticized Rousseau for his patriarchal political theory. But when his lesser-known writings on women from the 1740s are taken into account, including a nearly 900 page manuscript critiquing Montesquieu from a feminist perspective, we see how the early Rousseau robustly converged in feminist ideas with his employer Madame Louise Dupin, before he gradually diverged from this egalitarian school of thought over the course of the 1750s. I add to the evidence of the early Rousseau's egalitarian response to 'the woman question' by showing his philosophical convergence with the feminist arguments of the anonymous 'Critique of the Spirit of the Laws' (c. 1749) as well as Madame Dupin's 'Ouvrage sur les femmes' (c. 1745-51)—manuscripts largely in his secretarial hand. Through this triangulation of understudied texts, we find that the early Rousseau was not a patriarchal apologist, but rather a feminist secretary and a secretary to a feminist.

History of European Ideas, forthcoming

FABIANA FRAULINI IL MEDIOEVO DI MONTESQUIEU Dedicato ai libri XXVIII, XXX e XXXI dell'Esprit des lois, questo volume ricostruisce la riflessione di Montesquieu sul medioevo, collocandola all'interno dei dibattiti relativi ai mutamenti politico-istituzionali in atto nella Francia del Settecento. Attraverso lo studio della storia delle leggi, Montesquieu cerca infatti di individuare quali siano stati, nel corso dei secoli, gli istituti che hanno favorito la creazione di un governo moderato. L'analisi storico istituzionale del feudo, in particolare, risulta fondamentale per la teorizzazione di una monarchia moderata. Il libro si propone dunque di mostrare la centralità, all'interno delle teorie del filosofo francese, del medioevo, che risulta essere un'epoca da studiare con rigore erudito e con spirito filosofico, per ricostruire la storia delle istituzioni giuridico-politiche e così interpretare i fenomeni politici e istituzionali del presente.

Giambattista Vico dall'età delle riforme alla Restaurazione Il volume ricostruisce quasi un secolo di dibattiti relativi alla Scienza nuova di Vico. Accanto a una linea interpretativa laico-illuminista, orientata a valorizzare la riflessione di Vico sui rapporti tra storia e politica, emergono le diversificate reazioni del mondo cattolico, il più delle volte impegnate a sanzionare il presunto materialismo del filosofo napoletano. Emerge, in particolare, la "politicità" dell'eredità vichiana, il cui lascito coinvolge però uno spettro molto ampio di discipline: dalla storia delle istituzioni latine alla filosofia del linguaggio, dalla pedagogia civile all'antiquaria. Nel bene e nel male il ritratto di Vico non era quello di un filosofo isolato, bensì posto in relazione costante con il pensiero filosofico europeo del Settecento.

Les rapports qu'entretiennent la guerre et le commerce ont fait l'objet d'importants débats depuis le XVIIe siècle. Dans ce domaine, les controverses scientifiques sont particulièrement investies de considérations politiques, puisque s'y mêlent des jugements normatifs sur l'économie de marché, et plus largement sur l'ensemble du dispositif libéral.

L'article s'attache à mettre en évidence que la façon de construire la compréhension des faits sociaux, telle qu'on la trouve dans les monographies anthropologiques, possède des racines anciennes. On en trouve, en effet, l'esquisse dans l'œuvre de Montesquieu et de Tocqueville. Chez ces auteurs toutefois, la description monographique s'assortit d'une approche qu'on pourrait dire plus « idéal-typique ». La remarque est notamment utilisée dans une relecture de Louis Dumont.

15.45-17.45 3. szekció: A rokokó századának eszmeisége és annak tovább élése Elnök: Gyimesi Timea (SZTE BTK) 15.45-16.15 Cseppentő István (ELTE BTK): Galantéria, nosztalgia, keleti egzotikum. A rokokó "turquerie" irodalmi továbbélése Pierre Loti A kiábrándultak c. regényében 16.15-16.45 Tüskés Anna (BTK ITI / PTE MK): A rokokó század és Adorján Andor 16.45-17.15 Marsó Paula (műfordító-kutató): Gyönyörfilozófia egy miniatúrában. A knidoszi templom mint ekphrazis 17.15-17.45 Vita 17.45-18.

ABSTRACT: In the infancy of democratic regime theory, David Hume and le Barron de Montesquieu offered two conflicting blueprints for how republics should be constructed. While Montesquieu’s thesis pervaded democratic theory for most of the 18th century, it was swiftly and thoroughly overthrown by Hume’s thesis when bold American statesmen established the world’s most experimental regime: a broad federalist republic. Historians have largely overlooked the profound influence Montesquieu and Hume exerted on the development of the republican structure of the United States. Drawing from primary sources and prominent relevant literature, this paper offers a novel analysis of why the revolutionary framers initially clung to Montesquieu’s thesis, and why, later, the constitutional framers embraced Hume’s alternative. The paper traces artifacts of these influences in various times of American History and how they demonstrate the resilience of the federalist republic. This shift in democratic regime theory should be analyzed in order to better understand the origins of the adventurous and wide-reaching federalism of United States.

Both Plato in the Laws and Montesquieu in The Spirit of the Laws make property sacred, and for the same reasons, though they do it in very different ways. These differences are rooted in the widely divergent religious contexts and the different characters of the peoples for whom each philosopher is, in a way, legislating. Montesquieu finds in the early legal practices of the Germanic and Frankish barbarians certain legal institutions which he opposes to the innovations of Roman law under the influence of classical political thought and Christianity. In this way he diverges from other modern political theorists who make independent philosophic arguments concerning the natural rights to life, liberty, and property to oppose to the justifications for inherited political forms. Instead, Montesquieu points to customary, protean forms of law among the barbarians which are rooted in the passion for vengeance, the desire to feel secure and independent, and the intractability of a warlike, free, and pastoral people. By showing that premodern views of law combined with the Christian concern for belief and tendency toward monarchy or despotism are largely incompatible with these conditions and must therefore defer to the preexisting forms of the sacred and customary, he reflects Plato in his Laws more than he resembles modern imposers of rational, institutional systems. Like Plato, Montesquieu attaches the sacredness of custom to the possession of private property in order to moderate the way in which the prevailing passions work against the common good and tend toward injustice.

Following Hans Blumenberg, this essay studies the genealogy of the idea of originality in a medieval metaphor characterizing the church interior as a "meadow" or λειμῶν (leimôn). Scholars focusing on this metaphor have neglected its use as a description of artistic process. Procopius of Caesarea, John of Damascus, and Leo VI, "the Wise," form the basis of this study, which argues that compiling anthologies (Lat. florilegia, lit. "gatherings of flowers") provided a preliminary description of invention. This metaphor, in turn, laid an initial groundwork for modern writers, including Montesquieu, who sought to theorize originality against the language of manual labor.

This work addresses bell hooks’s call for the development of an alternative to patriarchal masculinity which she calls feminist masculinity. Patriarchal masculinity has convinced most men and women that the development of different forms of masculinity goes against our biological nature. Yet there exists a history of men’s experiences that contradicts this perspective and amounts to, I argue, men’s feminist history.
In particular I argue that the life and work of French philosophe Condorcet constitutes a historical cornerstone for feminist masculinity. An important implication of this work
is the understanding that gender dissolution is not the only strategy capable of rectifying gender inequality. Siding with a range of feminist perspectives, from ecofeminism and Black feminism, I contend that we can accomplish much through a critical reconstruction of men and masculinity, including the reevaluation of historic figures such as Condorcet.

met la gaze et lève les voiles. La fiction orientale n'est pas simplement une façon de mettre le discours à couvert, ni d'aiguiser la curiosité en déployant des séductions exotiques 1 . La gaze, qui désigne au XVIIIème siècle une certaine façon (au sens de "fashion", de mode) de parler et d'écrire, d'afficher en dissimulant, est un tissu si ajouré, qu'il laisse voir la trame du texte, qu'il enveloppe et développe à la fois. "Gazer" consiste moins à dissimuler qu'à simuler la dissimulation, à faire voir le voile, afin d'inciter au dévoilement et d'assurer le plaisir de la découverte. Sans gaze, aucun jour ne percerait, aucun persan ne franchirait la frontière qui le sépare de la lumière occidentale. 2 Il y va de la possibilité et de la nature même des Lumières, dont les Lettres persanes constituent peutêtre l'allégorie la plus achevée. Je pourrais te montrer comment, à chaque moment, à chaque niveau d'élaboration du texte, la logique de l'exhibition, qui s'accorde au projet philosophique de mise au jour, s'appuie sur une logique de la dissimulation qui l'étaye et la complique à la fois. Le geste de livraison des Lettres , en introduction, n'échappe pas à cette structure (qu'il faudrait peut-être ici nommer "stricture", à l'instar de Derrida). Loin d'écarter les voiles, l'"auteur" y multiplie les effets de dissimulation publicitaire. Si, comme il le prétend d'emblée, il "ne demande point de protection" pour cet ouvrage, le livrant sans défense à la première phrase, il annonce dès la phrase suivante qu'il garde autant ou peut-être plus de lettres en réserve qu'il n'en laisse paraître: "J'ai détaché ces premières lettres, pour essayer le goût du public: j'en ai un grand nombre d'autres dans mon portefeuille, que je pourrai lui donner dans la suite." L'évocation d'une livraison ultérieure des trésors du portefeuille s'assortit immédiatement d'une menace de retrait:  Article paru dans Contretemps n.2/3, Paris : Galilée,1997. 77-95. 1 Coup de style qui joue à la fois du voile et de la pointe , comme le montrait Derrida dans Eperons. Les styles de Nietszche. 2 "Nous sommes nés dans un royaume florissant; mais nous n'avons pas cru que ses bornes fussent celles de nos connaissances", écrit Usbek pour justifier son voyage au début des Lettres Persanes.

In 1728, Montesquieu embarked on a three-year Grand Tour across Europe which took him to Italy, Austria, Germany, the Dutch Republic and Britain, where he stayed for nearly two years, before returning to the castle of La Brè de near Bordeaux. It was here he started to write The Spirit of the Laws (1748). Most Montesquieu scholars agree that this Grand Tour played a seminal role in the development of Montesquieu's thought, in terms of both method and content. 1 In terms of method, the trip grounded his blossoming theory of the State on the observation of facts and the power of experience. In terms of content, it may have cooled off his youthful enthusiasm for republican regimes and fed his admiration for the sense of constitutional balance of the British monarchy. In fact, this is very much how Montesquieu is remembered today: as an admirer of the British constitution which, it is true, forms the bedrock of his comparative approach to constitutional history. Yet, Montesquieu's works also contain numerous references to the Dutch Republic which feeds into a more general understanding of European fiscal-military states. The fiscal-military state refers here to the fiscal and military activities of the state in a context of prolonged warfare and, more precisely, to the mutation of the state under the pressures of war. 2

Toplumu bilimsel olarak inlemeye çalışmış Fransız düşünür Montesquieu (1689-1755). Sınırlandırılmış yönetim anlayışının ayrılmaz bir parçası olan kuvvetler ayrılığı ilkesini savunan düşünür, Fransız Aydınlanmacılığına olan etkisiyle önem kazanmıştır.  Despotik eğilim gösteren mutlak monarşi ya da halk yönetimlerine karşı İngiliz modeline dayalı aristokratik bir yönetim biçiminin devlet içindeki dengeyi en iyi şekilde temin edebileceğine inanmıştır...

This article offers a framework for thinking about democratic representation beyond election. It argues, firstly, that modern democracy is a unique form of government made up of representative claims. To act on behalf of the people without electoral backup is therefore not foreign to modern democracy, but integral to its very operation. At the same time, not all claims to represent the people are necessarily democratic. In order to distinguish democratic from non-democratic representative claims, the article argues, secondly, that it is necessary to qualify what it means to act on behalf of the people, and that such qualification can be found in the principle of equality. The article concludes by exploring the significance of this framework for the crisis of electoral democracy.

This essay offers a genealogy of the UK’s political constitution from the seventeenth century to the present, noting how it has drawn on different ideas and taken different forms over time, and highlighting the contingent nature of its current representative and parliamentary character. It identifies three forms of political constitutionalism over this period, and the emergence of a fourth, all associated with a particular account and justification of parliamentary sovereignty: the mixed constitution of the sovereignty of 'King in Parliament', that emerged in the 17th century and received its canonical expression with Montesquieu and then Blackstone in the eighteenth century; the adaptation of this account to the primacy of the Commons in the theory of parliamentary government developed by Hume, Burke and Dicey; the association of parliamentary sovereignty with representative democracy in the twentieth century; and, finally,  the  recent challenge to this form by a theory of popular sovereignty. Political constitutionalism is typically associated with the third form. However, a genealogy allows one to see how at different times the idea has been composed by different elements and been subject to contestation and debate - as is the case now. As a result, rather than viewing political constitutionalism as doomed or inadequate, and destined to be replaced by legal constitutionalism, it becomes possible to rethink political constitutionalism in different ways appropriate to new circumstances.

Para quienes editamos Cuadernos de Marte siempre es grato presentar una nueva edición con aportes de calidad, realizados por investigadores de diversas tradiciones intelectuales y sitios del mundo. En este número 12 publicamos ocho artículos y dos reseñas. El primero de los textos es una contribución de Fabián Vega y se titula "Confrontación armada y violencia durante la Gran Rebelión andina (1780 -1783). Un estado de la cuestión".

Nicolás Maquiavelo, nacido en 1469 y fallecido en 1527, fue un filósofo, escritor y
estadista florentino. Su obra más destacada es El Príncipe, publicada en 1513.

Charles Secondat (Barón de Montesquieu y señor de la Brède) fue un filósofo
francés que vivió entre 1689 y 1755. Su obra más destacada, es
El Espíritu de las Leyes, publicada en 1748.

Ambos vivieron en diferentes épocas y lugares, tuvieron diferentes vidas filosóficas
y profesionales y se concentraron en diferentes enfoques. Sin embargo, ambos
estudiaron la ciencia política desde el punto de vista de su aplicación en los
gobernantes, que comportamientos debían de tener y que leyes debían de aplicar.

MAKALAH PANDANGAN PEMISAHAN KEKUASAAN DAN PEMIKIRAN MONTESQUIEU DALAM KEKUASAAN Oleh: Rendi Akbar Faiz (193503516026) Muhammad Chairul Fikri (193503516021) Lisa wati (193503516014) Dinda Wahyuni (193503516027) Tiara Ratna Oktaviani (193503516027) Mata Kuliah: Filsafat Dasar dan Logika: Dosen Pengampu: Dr. Firdaus Syam, M.A. PROGRAM STUDI S-1 SOSIOLOGI FAKULTAS ILMU SOSIAL DAN ILMU POLITIK UNIVERSITAS NASIONAL JAKARTA 2020 KATA PENGANTAR Alhamdulillah segala puji bagi allah SWT, Tuhan Yang Maha Esa, pada akhirnya paper yang penulis susun dalam rangka memenuhi tugas mata kuliah Filsafat yang penulis berjudul "Kekuasaan Negara" telah dapat diselesaikan.

The rereading of the origins of the theory of the separation of powers leads us to several ideas that have the potential to reconfigure it for the future. Locke, Montesquieu and the French revolutionaries distinguish functions from bodies, even though their delineation criterion is intuited rather than constructed, announcing the need for the systemic and functional nature of the power of devolution. The jurisdictional power is situated somewhat outside the separation of state powers. Justice resembles an intermediary body between state and community rather than a power of the state. The (horizontal) separation of the central powers of the state is merely a power limitation technique situated in a larger system. The vertical structuring of power, the pluralist structuring of intermediary bodies and the autonomy of civil society, understood firstly and foremost as autonomy of the bourgeois economy from political power, are concerned. Since the origins of the theory, the structuring of the system of parties, the structuring of the right of suffrage and the autonomous structuring of the economy have been understood as necessary fundaments of the functionalization of the separation of powers. The re-evaluation of the origins of the theory of the separation of powers indicates that it has always been about the separation of state, justice and civil society rather than the separation of powers.

Il concetto di «governo della legge», cui si sono richiamati fra Ottocento e Novecento pensatori liberali e costituzionalisti, è stato recentemente utilizzato per identificare la concezione «repubblicana» della libertà. Nelle pagine seguenti verrà ricostruito il dibattito antico e moderno sulla supremazia delle leggi per verificare se la nozione di libertà sotto la legge sia effettivamente un elemento teorico caratterizzante le dottrine che vengono classificate come repubblicane. A tal fine si sono ripercorse le tappe principali dell'opposizione fra governo delle leggi e governo degli uomini da Aristotele a Rousseau. La tesi che si intende sostenere è che, da un lato, l'ideale della supremazia delle leggi è un tema largamente condiviso nella storia del pensiero politico occidentale e può continuare ad essere catalogato sotto l'etichetta di «costituzionalismo», dall'altro, per quanto riguarda gli autori generalmente ascritti alla tradizione repubblicana, i contenuti con cui essi riempiono l'ideale della supremazia delle leggi sono così diversi da rendere problematica l'individuazione di un concetto repubblicano unitario di «governo della legge».

On dördüncü yüzyılda Kuzey Afrika’da yaşayan İbn Haldun ile on sekizinci yüzyılda Fransa’da yaşayan Montesquieu arasında, doğal yaşamın, coğrafi koşulların ve iklimin insan yaşantısı üzerinde doğrudan belirleyici bir etkisi olduğuna dair fikirleri açısından önemli bir benzerlik vardır.  Dünyayı güneyden kuzeye doğru yedi iklim bölgesine ayıran İbn Haldun’a göre, bu kuşakların tam ortasında yer alan dördüncü iklim bölgesi en yaşanılabilir yerleri kapsamaktadır. Bu bölgelerde yaşayan insanların ahlakları ve kişilik özellikleri başka bölgelerdekilere oranla daha mutedildir. Benzer şekilde Montesquieu da iklimin insanların kişilikleri, davranış biçimleri ve yaptıkları kanunlar üzerinde etkili olduğunu ifade etmiştir. Ona göre soğuk iklimlerde yaşayanlar soğukkanlı, mağrur, güvenlik ve hürriyetlerine düşkündürler. Sıcak iklimlere geçilince bu özellikler değişmektedir. Bu çalışmada, doğal koşulların insan ve toplumlar üzerinde etkili olduğunu belirten iki düşünürün görüşleri karşılaştırılmıştır.

Le débat entre libre-échange et protectionnisme se trouve au cœur de l’actualité politique, car c’est l’un des terrains sur lesquels s’affrontent aujourd'hui « libéraux » et « populistes ». À l’heure où l’Union européenne négocie de nouveaux traités de libre-échange, à l’heure où ses dirigeants dénoncent le protectionnisme américain, il est intéressant de se demander à nouveau si le libre-échange représente bel et bien une promesse de paix.

This article offers a fresh critique of the work of political scientists and historians who have propagated the Eurocentric history of democracy. The paper argues that such work can be dissected and critiqued along several key lines: their reliance on a distinctly patriarchal discourse riddled with prejudices; the assertion that one can understand the history of democracy via the etymology of the word itself; and the deeply Eurocentric
roots of the study of democracy’s past embedded in the canon of Western political thought. The paper concludes by calling on contemporary political scientists and political historians concerned with the history of  democracy to be careful in re-iterating this deeply flawed history of democracy and to instead work towards a history of democracy that retrieves the silenced histories and the forgotten democratic moments that lay behind the roar of Western power.

WESTERN POLITICAL THOUGHT NOTES

Montesquieu is one of the most prominent French political philosophers in the eighteenth century. He is famous in the history of political thought for his notable formulation of separation of powers as the most important precondition of political liberty and this idea he stated in his the famous book “ The Spirit of Laws ”.

Punjab University MA Part 2 Political Science Solved Past Paper 2020 (pdf) of Paper VI (Comparative Political Systems) in English is available.

Cet article entend montrer que la philosophie du droit, chez Montesquieu, demeure étroitement tributaire de la philosophie politique. Le rôle du juge varie en fonction des formes de gouvernement, et le despotisme sert de repoussoir afin d’identifier les formes non liberticides du pouvoir de juger. La réflexion sur l’attribution et la limitation du pouvoir de juger (I) ainsi que sur les modalités du jugement (II) ne peut être séparée de la critique de l’absolutisme. Si Montesquieu ne verse pas dans la satire comme le fera plus volontiers Voltaire, s’il efface toute référence aux lettres de cachet, il ne faut pas minimiser sa critique de la montée en puissance de la justice royale. En tant qu’ancien magistrat, Conseiller à la Cour puis Président à mortier du Parlement de Bordeaux (1714-1726) où il a siégé onze ans au pénal à la Tournelle, Montesquieu a eu l’occasion d’observer de près les audiences et pratiques judiciaires de son temps, et d’analyser leurs effets sur la liberté des sujets. L’Esprit des lois propose ainsi une réflexion sur les conditions de la liberté politique, à laquelle l’analyse du pouvoir de juger demeure subordonnée.