Military Conscription

This paper focuses on the ideas of universal conscription and characteristic of the system before the outbreak of the Korean War. Korean government promulgated the Military Service Act in 1949, but could not enforce military duty until the outbreak of war. However, the consensus about the conception of universal conscription has settled within political elites by having discussions before passing the law in 1949. The discourses which produced during this process had justified the conscription system. This paper tries to explore the beginning of the process that the state had monopolized the violence through examining the discourse and system of universal conscription after the liberation of Korea.
This research analyze make an approach to this subject to the figure out features of the process that the state had monopolized violence in the postcolonial Korea. The conclusion can be summarized in three ways.
First of all, it was necessary to adjust the perspectives among the political elites at the beginning of nation-state building. They could implement universal conscription after the adjustment finished. Although the military duty expressly stipulated in the Military Service Act and have described as ‘divined obligation’, universal conscription system was the product of a complex historical process. Secondly, we can find contradictory perceptions of Korean liberalism in the discourse of universal conscription. Contrary to a generally accepted idea of liberalism, Korean elites had formulated the military duty with preventing liberal claim of a right by the people. Korean political elites’ perceptions made contradiction with the liberal principle of social contract. However, this contradiction clearly shows the specific character of postcolonial state in the beginning of the Cold War that enforced ideological control with manifesting the freedom of thought and had been not free from the experience of colonial regime with struggling to become extinct from it.

In this paper, the draft evasion during the Napoleonic periode is examined. It has its focus on the Departement de l'Escaut, which is almost the same area as the current Belgian province Eastern Flanders. Several methods of draft evasion were common, such as (self-)mutilation and forgery. The complicity of civilians in draft evasion is extensively examined, as well as the response of the Napoleonic government to the problem.

In this study, the author examines perceptions by the Dutch population of the nineteenth century model of conscription; it relies predominantly on primary sources. The core of this study is formed by correspondence between citizens, public officials and administrators which was found in the archives of the Dutch Ministry of the Interior and the provincial authorities. Much information on the attitude of the population towards the state-enforced compulsion to enter military service can be found in the numerous applications made by citizens for an exemption, but also in the reports written by lower-ranking officials, who were in direct contact with the population, given the local character of the legislation. The study is structured so as to gain a bottom-up understanding of perceptions of conscription. It is an analysis from below, which seeks not to examine the nation as it was regarded by the political and cultural elite, but rather the population which was the object of the thought and action of that elite.

There are probably few major events in twentieth century Irish history which have received less attention than the general strike against conscription, although it was the most successful demonstration of workers political power in the revolutionary decade and provided the strongest practical demonstration of mass public opposition to British rule during those years. The proposals put forward by the Labour representatives for fighting conscription were also the most comprehensive and innovative of any organisation involved in the campaign. If adopted they would have radically changed the nature of the struggle for independence. Unfortunately, the very success of the first general strike in Irish history intensified divisions within the Labour movement between a rapidly emerging, nationalist oriented and largely Catholic working class in the 26 counties and its long established Protestant counterpart in Belfast and hinterland, which identified with Britain and the Empire. The dynamics of the conscription crisis made this breach both inevitable and irreversible when the Catholic Church decided to actively support opposition to the measure and a pan-nationalist front was established that ranged from constitutional to militant nationalists and the Labour movement itself.

IS INDIAN STATE PROXYING FOR THE HINDUTVA PROJECT OF MILITARIZATION OF THE MAJORITY COMMUNITY?
LINK FOR HINDI VERSION:
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Link for some of S. Islam's writings in English, Hindi, Urdu, Marathi, Malayalam, Kannada, Bengali, Punjabi, Gujarati and video interviews/debates:
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During the Spring of 1914 Ireland appeared to be lurching uneasily towards civil war, but as Spring turned to Summer events in Europe put that unhappy prospect into perspective when the major powers of Europe embarked on the road to a disaster far worse than that which Ireland ever threatened – a conflagration that would ultimately bring down empires and kill more than ten million people, including tens of thousands of Irishmen and Australians. But for Ireland and Australia the significance of the conflict extends beyond the shocking death toll. The Great War turned out to be crucial in the development of these two emerging nations. Its effects continue to be felt to this day.

This article develops an analytical model of force-composition that combines the advantages of conscription with those of an all-volunteer force. Using Israel as a hypothesis-generating case study, it argues that mandatory military service has undergone changes centered on five key organizing principles: selective conscription, early discharges, elongated lengths of service, forms of voluntary service and differing pay-scales and other material and non-material incentives for conscripts. These principles are “grafted” onto conscription creating a hybrid, “volunteer-ized”, model. The utility of the theoretical model lies in explaining how these principles facilitate mobilizing a needed number or recruits, providing an adequate level of military expertise, as well as maintaining the legitimacy of the armed forces by meeting domestic social, economic and political expectations about its composition and the use of personnel at its disposal. The system is adaptive and flexible, as shown ...

In a time of multidimensional challenges, the UAE’s conscription and military engagement abroad may be seen as practical devices to forge a recognizable group identity and a modern and effective national discourse. It is possible to identify a circular relationship between the UAE’s armed forces and the domestic realm. Militaries contribute to a sense of federal belonging and national consciousness. At the same time, the country’s institutions are attempting to maximize this bottom-up popular phenomenon, introducing top-down measures, such as military conscription, aimed to shape a shared collective identity and cope with rising internal security threats. Through military service, the federal government aims to promote nationalism above Islamism, the Muslim Brotherhood, and jihadism.

The purpose of this thesis is to explain the process of monopoly on violence which enabled Syngman Rhee government to claim sovereignty. The main subject of analysis is the discourse of universal conscription which performed a leading role during the process that persuaded individuals to internalize surveillance.
Syngman Rhee government, which was formed after liberation from Japanese colony, tried to claim sovereignty on Korean Peninsula. They wanted to exercise their sovereignty exclusively by insisting on ‘complete independence,’ which was not achieved by the ‘division of territory’. It was important that the new state took root universal conscription system to exhibit the people’s sovereignty internationally. However, Syngman Rhee government, similar to the Japanese Government General, explained that military service was a ‘special right’, to prevent liberal claim of a right. We can see that the governmental technology of colonial state which had demanded ‘colonized discipline’ was continued through the government of postcolonial state.
Syngman Rhee government could not implement conscription system before the Korean War, because the United State was negative on military aid. They had been enabled regular conscript through discussing the program for strengthening ROK forces. The US needed to replace their army with ROK army after the commencement of truce talks.
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However Syngman Rhee government opposed the truce talks and asked for security assurance of the US. As a result of this conflict and the following agreement, the scale of ROK forces was specified as 720 thousands at Agreed Minute Relating to Continued Cooperation in Economic and Military Matters.
Meanwhile, resident registration and conscription administration system was also enforced in postcolonial state. But these modern systems, which had been formed during colonial period, couldn’t handle the big scale migration after the Korean War. Syngman Rhee government could implement conscription, but not through a well-ordered system. Wartime as an exceptional condition had made it possible to justify the violent draft. However, it was only temporary.
The discharged soldiers who had been conscripted during the war started to insist on ‘full realization of universal conscription’ in this situation. It was demanded that govern elite keep the value which had been enforced upon conscripted soldiers during the wartime. Syngman Rhee government had to react to their demand sensitively, because it didn't have enough capability to induce their people to internalize surveillance. It was respond that policies of national defense authorities which emphasized principle of ‘universal conscription’ such as abolition the system to delay enlistment for enrolled student why they was concerned crack of public opinion. By contrast, breadwinners and the only sons had lost their opportunity for delay by reflection of the demand. We can find inner discrimination and class inequality within nation-state through discourses about the abolition of delaying enlistment system in the late 1950’s.

At utdanningsavdelinger har svært begrenset operativ nytte er noe det ikke bør herske faglig uenighet om. Det fremstår også som nokså klart at et uprøvd mobiliseringskonsept basert på en personellreserve uten eget materiell og ledelsesapparat, vil ha usikker effekt. Hvorvidt en ønsker å videreføre dagens ordning, eller velge en tjenestemodell som svarer bedre på operative utfordringer, er derfor i all hovedsak et politisk spørsmål. Men da må de reelle alternativene legges frem.

This paper examines the place of conscription in British political history, the liberal tradition of hostility toward forcing people to undertake military service, something often denounced by Liberals as 'Continental Despotism', the hallmark of despotic regimes in Napoleonic France or Bismarckian Germany. The paper traces the softening of this hostility as Liberal Imperialists came to dominate over Gladstonians and Radicals in  the Asquith government.

When the Austrian parliament was debating the new defence law in 1912, the Slovene People’s Party supported the government with all possible means. Ignoring its long-held political principles, the party voted with the government in each and every case. Its MP, Ignacij Žitnik, even endorsed the continuous dominance of German in the armed forces in his speech, causing a temporary split in the joint Slovene-Croat caucus, because the Croat MPs from Dalmatia were not ready to support such a course. The analysis of Slovene People’s Party actions indicates that it was ready to publicly give up on one of the central tenets of ethnolinguistic nationalism—the use of the national language in all the situations—to appear as military-friendly as possible. By 1912, the People’s Party had given up on attaining a favourable reform of the Empire through the parliament. Party leaders now pinned all their hopes on the heir to the throne, Archduke Francis Ferdinand, expecting that he would enact the reform from above at the time of his accession to the throne. Therefore, persuading the Archduke and the army that they are a reliable ally, became their main political strategy.

This article studies the historical shift in societal understandings of
gender and security in Finland that led to the introduction of
women’s voluntary military service and the opening of the military
professions to women in 1995. With a focus on how the gendered
division of defence and military labour was conceptualized at various
stages, the study analyses what caused Finland to lag behind
its Scandinavian neighbours in this respect, and what caused
a sweeping reform process to come about in the early 1990s.
Drawing on press materials, parliamentary records and policymaking
documents, it traces public debates and policymaking over two
decades. It shows that women’s defence work was a controversial
issue, for both historical and political reasons. This caused an
emphasis being placed on women’s non-military tasks within
a broad understanding of societal security during the 1980s.
Around the end of the Cold War, a surge of neo-patriotism coincided
with the normalization of formal gender equality to effect
a significant shift in notions of female citizenship towards military
participation. Positive Scandinavian examples of women’s military
integration were decisive at this point, as was the political impact of
Finland acquiring its first female minister of defence.

Korea and/or the United States. Their stories reveal how the "unending" Cold War and the vestiges of US imperialism and militarism continue to impact Korean young adults and their transnational life projects. In particular, this research compares two groups: one composed of upper middle-class and upper-class male students who graduated from boarding schools and attend prestigious colleges in the United States and who are required to return to complete their military service in South Korea; and the other composed of lower middle-class and lowerclass male students who moved to the United States and are seeking to serve in the US military to secure an expedited path to American citizenship after failing to enter prestigious colleges in South Korea. In so doing, we show how two seemingly divergent paths toward militarized citizenship are highly classed. Although the two groups examined come from different class backgrounds and make different choices, they are alike in their decision to undertake military service-and to use that service to secure valuable citizenship. By showing how both groups remain tied to a militarized regime of citizenship during their respective transnational trajectories as international students, this research demonstrates the ongoing effects of the Cold War, not just on the Korean Peninsula but also in the transnational space of citizenship.

In this study, I examine the dilemmas arising from the tension between citizen duties and youthful aspirations in a globalizing world. The state's requirement of military conscription structures the transnational lives of young Korean male migrants. More particularly, the timeline for serving the duty works as a primary temporal reference for the males' initial migration planning and future projections. Drawn from ethnographic fieldwork and in-depth interviews among a community of young Koreans in New Jersey, USA, my research reveals that their life planning in accordance with this institutional schedule is vulnerable to unexpected changes. The consequences are potentially detrimental to their futures, which not only differ from their individual ideals but also contain a high risk of marginalization both in Korea and in the USA. Building on the transnational migration literature, which focuses predominantly on spatiality, individual rights/agency and the marginalization of women migrants, I am concerned with temporality, citizens' duties and the constraints of masculinity as important parts of unravelling the complexities of transnational life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Der Beitrag beschäftigt sich mit chilenischen sog. Kasernenschulen, die im Rahmen der Wehrpflicht ab Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts eingerichtet wurden. Anhand wissenssoziologischer und sozialgeschichtlicher Ansätze problematisiert der Beitrag die historische z. T. höchst konfliktreiche Verknüpfung zwischen Erwerbung von Grundbildung und Ausführung von Grundpflichten (wie die der Wehrpflicht) und Erlangung von allgemeiner Staatsbürgerschaft. Zuerst wird auf die damalige Situation der Volksbildung, insbesondere der  Erwachsenenbildung, eingegangen. Danach werden die Funktion und Zielsetzung, die der Kasernenschule im Rahmen des Wehrdienstes zugeschrieben wurde, analysiert, und hierbei untersucht, welche Adressaten durch diese „inkludiert“ werden sollten. Anschließend wird das Erziehungsprogramm und der Unterrichtsbetrieb sowie dessen personelle und infrastrukturelle Situation analysiert. Schließlich wird die ihr zugewiesene Alphabetisierungs- und Disziplinierungsmission und die mit dieser Mission verbundenen Unterrichtspraktiken problematisiert sowie auf das in ihr vertretene Gefühlsregime eingegangen. Grundthesen des Beitrages sind: 1. Die Kasernenschulen stellten ein konservatives Erziehungsmittel dar, welches als Ersatz für die nicht bestehende Pflichtschule diente. 2. Im Rahmen dieser Ersatzfunktion war die Zielsetzung, die diesen Schulen eingeschrieben war, soziale und politische Disziplinierung. So bezweckten diese Schulen grundsätzlich die Moralisierung, Zivilisierung und Kontrolle ihrer Adressaten, der so genannte rotos, d.h. der Männer des gemeinen Volkes. 3. Die Kasernenschulen dienten damit als Modell einer nicht nur hierarchisierten, sondern auch begrenzten Staatsbürgerschaft.

Kirjoittaja on kapteeni, joka opiskelee sotatieteiden tohtoriohjelmassa Maanpuolustuskorkeakoulun Johtamisen ja sotilaspedagogiikan laitoksella TiivisTelmä Suomen kansalliseksi puolustusratkaisuksi on vakiintunut koko maan puolustaminen yleisen asevelvollisuuden avulla. Ratkai sevan tärkeä asema on kuitenkin sodan ajan joukkojen rungon muodostavalla reservillä. Artikkelissa laaditaan kokoava katsaus suomalaisesta reservin koulutuk sesta analy soimalla reservin koulutukseen liittyviä tut kimuksia ja opinnäytteitä. Kat sauksessa keskityttiin erityisesti kertaus harjoitusten merkitykseen reserviläisten osaamisen ke hittämisessä, vapaaehtoisen maanpuolus tus työn asemaan ja reserviläis ten omaeh toiseen toimintakyvyn ja osaami sen ke hittämiseen. Laadukas reservin osaa misen kehittäminen vaatii usean toimijan tarjoamien resurssien yhteensovittamista ja käyttämistä. Oleellista on selkeä kokonais näkemys sodan ajan joukkojen osaamisen kehittämisen vaatimasta kokonaisuudesta läpi joukon elinkaaren. Kertausharjoitukset ovat joukon suorituskyvyn rakentami sen päämenetelmä, mutta osaamisen kehit tä mistä voidaan tukea merkittävästi va paa ehtoisilla harjoituksilla ja Maanpuolus tus koulutusyhdistyksen koulutuksella. Va paa ehtoisilla maanpuolustusjärjestöillä on jat kossa merkittävä asema maanpuolustustah don ylläpitäjänä ja kehittäjänä. Voidaan todeta, että reservin koulutuksen tutkimus kenttä on vielä hyvin hajanainen. Todennä köisesti ilmiötä kohtaan osoitetaan jatkos sa kasvavaa tutkimuksellista mielenkiintoa, koska sitä voidaan pitää eräänlaisena ase velvollisuustutkimuksen alalajina.

['Farewell conscription! On the dismantling of Germany's general conscription, the newly established 'Federal Volunteer Service' and the pedagogical possibilities arising thereof']

----- A B S T R A C T -----
Deutschland braucht „vor allem einmal viele Generationen, die gar nicht wissen, was ein Dienstbefehl ist. Wir haben genug von ›gedienten Leuten‹. Das [Wehrpflicht-]Gesetz muss –im Namen der Freiheit– verschwinden!“ mahnte Kurt Tucholsky im Jahr 1922 (Wrobel, 1922, Abs. 117). Neunzig Jahre später wird es wahr: Mit der Verabschiedung des Wehrrechtsänderungsgesetzes, welches zunächst eine Aussetzung der Wehrpflicht ab 1. Juli 2011 regelt, hat die Bundesregierung –als einer der letzten NATO Mitgliedsstaaten– das Aus des Wehrdienstes in Reichweite gestellt und die Neugestaltung der Streitkräfte hinsichtlich einer modernen, zweckvollen, und daher reduzierten, zwanglosen Berufsarmee eingeläutet (Presse- und Informationsstab BMVg, 2010). Gleichzeitig wirbt der neu ins Leben gerufene Bundesfreiwilligendienst (BmFSFJ, 2010) für ein modernes, gesellschaftliches Engagement; neue Perspektiven, die für den schulischen Rahmen nicht uninteressant sind.

----- S T I C H W Ö R T E R -----
Bundeswehr | Wehrpflicht | Zivildienst | Abschaffung | gesellschaftliches / soziales Engagement | Gesellschaftsdienst | Bundesfreiwilligendienst | Schule | schulischer Rahmen | pädagogische Möglichkeiten | gesellschaftorientiertes Lernen | Erfahrungslernen | Gesellschaftsdialog | Integration.

Cruel hunting for draftees at the streets is a common practice of brutal enforcement of conscription in Ukraine. Conscientious objection is practically forbidden. Near 17 000 of people punished the last five years for avoiding military service. Petitions to the president Zelensky calling to abolish conscription gathered more than 10 000 signatures.

An article exploring the activities of socialists and organized labour in the cities of Fort William and Port Arthur during the First World War. Particularly focused on is the contradictory response of the labour movement to Canada's involvement in the war and its reaction to the issue of conscription.

Original Abstract: The Red Army achieved victory due to its manpower policies. Theory was overridden by the requirements of the situation. The failure of the pre-war training system was not recognized, or at least addressed, until nearly a year into the war. Only in early 1942, after the successful counter-offensives at Moscow had bought the Red Army a small breathing space, were the actual effects and costs of the failed training system recognized. Stalin's directive of March 1942 capitalized on this breathing space and on the successes of the mobilization process and significantly altered the Red Army's training and replacement system. While the continuing manpower demands limited the effectiveness of the new training programs, huge reserves of adequately trained soldiers were nevertheless slowly built up through 1942. This finally provided dividends when these reserves were released into combat with the beginning of the Stalingrad counter-offensive on 19 November 1942. The Red Army of the later periods of the war took its soldiers from any part of the Soviet Union and trained them itself. By incorporating huge numbers of recuperated and retrained wounded soldiers, liberated Soviet POWs, and other booty troops, and by continuing to conscript and train new age classes, the Red Army was able to maintain a sufficient manpower surplus. This in turn allowed the Red Army to maintain the required units in the front lines while training huge numbers in the rear. As the Red Army undertook all military training and preparation, the importance and influence of the raion decreased to the level of a mere induction centre. Affiliations between specific parts of the nation and specific military units were severed as a result of the Red Army's wartime replacement system. The Red Army became a stronger, more unified, and more influential organization, reflecting its importance in saving the nation.

2022 Update: I have chosen to post this old thesis now because we appear to be seeing many similarities between the failures of the Red Army in the first years of WWII and the failures of the Russian Army in its invasion of Ukraine in 2022.  Some of these Russian Army deficiencies relate to its conscription, mobilization and training system and examination of the Red Army system may provide insights.

Este texto aborda el fenómeno de la deserción militar durante la
última parte de la Edad Moderna, el cual es descrito como una respuesta
contraria a la modernización y a la violencia estatal por parte de las periferias
europeas. El proceso de modernización europea de los siglos XVIII y XIX
transformó prácticamente todas las esferas de la vida, incluyendo la transición de
sociedades agrarias a otras de tipo industrial. Esta modernización tuvo diferentes
protagonistas, siendo el Estado el factor de cambio más pertinaz. Durante el
último tercio del siglo XIX, la mayoría de los regímenes europeos comenzaron a
poner en marcha procesos de conscripción, en tanto que la más moderna
tecnología militar, con el objetivo de protegerse ante posibles enemigos. Del
mismo modo, la idea del ciudadano-soldado fue empleada para dar forma al
proceso de construcción nacional, así como para educar a los ciudadanos y
canalizar la propaganda de los éxitos de la modernidad, como la alfabetización o
la extensión de la educación y la higiene, entre otros. Así, el servicio militar se
convirtió en un importante periodo en la vida de muchos varones europeos, una
etapa de transición entre la adolescencia y la madurez en todo el sentido de la
palabra. No obstante, la modernización también tuvo sus perdedores. En
comparación con lo sucedido en las áreas urbanas, en las periferias europeas la
modernización fue percibida una serie de obligaciones añadidas, y no tanto como
un beneficio. El proceso se vio a menudo complejizado por la existencia de
reservorios patriarcales en contextos cerrados que, en líneas generales, se
mostraron hostiles a la transformación de unos estilos de vida que habían
perdurado inalterados durante siglos. Los ejemplos que ofrecen las deserciones a
territorio ruso de individuos encuadrados en el ejército del imperio Habsburgo y
oriundos de regiones como Bukovina, Galitzia o el Este de Hungría ponen de
manifiesto la escala de esas reacciones contrarias a la modernización y al cambio
existentes en esta región periférica. Aquellos jóvenes que no podían aceptar
dichas transformaciones tendieron a evitar el servicio militar huyendo del país,
RUHM Vol. 9, Nº 18 (2020), pp. 269 – 289 © ISSN: 2254-6111 268
convirtiéndose así en desertores perpetuos, es decir, individuos que buscaban
permanecer a toda costa en una sociedad tradicional. De hecho, en no pocas
ocasiones migraron de Austria-Hungría a Rusia, y viceversa. El análisis de estos
casos evidencia las necesidades militares de los ejércitos modernos, así como el
carácter irreversible de la modernización y el poco halagüeño destino de aquellos
que no pudieron adaptarse a un mundo en proceso de cambio.

journal article published in Korean - 프랑스혁명과 1798년 국민개병제 법안

In pre-revolutionary Europe there was no mass conscription, widely regarded as an “instrument of tyranny.” However, as it became impossible to meet the military needs of France with volunteers, the National Convention issued the two decrees of 1793: the levee des 300,000 (in February) and the levee en masse (in August). It must be noted that each of these decrees was a one-off mobilization rather than a law advancing the establishment of a legal institution of military conscription, the first example of which is the loi Jourdan (or loi Jourdan-Delbrel) of 1798. The nascent French republic at war against the rest of Europe could maintain its forces because of the 1798 law of national conscription and the administrators’ pertinacious efforts to enforce it. Thus formed, the French revolutionary army became a symbolic figure during the 19th century as a “citizen army.” This article is an effort to enable reflections on this first legal institution of national conscription in Europe by introducing the reader to the mental world of politicians of the time, the parliamentary debate on the Jourdan Law, and its social impact.

In order to ensure that the units trained into Estonia’s reserve are effective and capable for conducting required operations, it is of utmost importance to understand how to motivate the conscripts to be able to make most out of their conscription. The understanding of the motivation issue is extremely important since the fulfilment of one of the Estonian Defence Forces’ peacetime tasks depends on it. The education facilitators need to understand how to apply the motivation principles of an adult learner on conscripts.

There are several theories regarding adult learners’ motivation to perform better in their quest for new knowledge. This paper argues that even though most of the conscripts can be motivated using extrinsic motivation due to their initial negative attitude towards conscription, their intrinsic motivation should be supported by using the principles of adult learning motivation.

For over two decades prior to World War I Italians living and working in Australia had been on the receiving end of union hostility. Regularly referred to as cheap, even coloured, labour, they were frequently accused of working for less than award wages, as strike breakers, and as a major threat to Australian workers’ rights.  In 1918, having successfully fought against conscription in two referendums, the Australian labour movement found itself in an unusual position. The round up and forcible deportation of allied Italian men by the Australian authorities, effectively selective conscription, was seen as a direct challenge to the ‘NO’ vote and as the first step towards wider conscription of other nationalities and ultimately Australian workers. Around the country groups within the labour movement helped organise protest meetings, posted flyers and wrote petitions in support of the Italians as they fought against their deportation. According to the Military Investigation Bureau, who closely monitored these activities, “the Labor Party and Socialists [did]…much to create and foster the soreness…among Italians.”  Certainly the labour movement provided an avenue of protest for these Italians where no other means existed. This paper will consider how the plight of allied Italian men fitted into the Australian labour movement’s anti-militaristic and anti-conscriptionist beliefs and how the events around this protest brought a group of previously distrusted workers, albeit briefly, into the fold.

Currently Bulgaria has no conscript army. The compulsory military service for men was abolished at the beginning of 2008. However, this gave rise to numerous questions in the public realm. This paper sheds light on one of these questions. It examines the attitude of the Bulgarian people to the service in the army, conditioned by elements of the traditional popular attitude expressed in folklore and national literature. In other words the paper dwells on the abstract-mythological ideas of the Bulgarians about the service in the army. The examined period is the time after 1944 which is characterized by exceptionally intensive social, cultural, economic and urbanization processes leading to drastic changes in the traditional Bulgarian culture.

This is a short review of Rob Bollard's 'In the Shadow of Gallipoli: The Hidden History of Australia in World War 1', focusing on Bollard's credentials as a radical historian, and the significance of his book's account of militant and politicized workers at a time when liberal and conservative historians are lauding the imperialist patriotism of the ruling class during World War 1 - as its centenary approaches.
wallow in the militaristic centenary of World War 1.

In this study, I examine the dilemmas arising from the tension between citizen duties and youthful aspirations in a globalizing world. The state's requirement of military conscription structures the transnational lives of young Korean male migrants. More particularly, the timeline for serving the duty works as a primary temporal reference for the males' initial migration planning and future projections. Drawn from ethnographic fieldwork and in-depth interviews among a community of young Koreans in New Jersey, USA, my research reveals that their life planning in accordance with this institutional schedule is vulnerable to unexpected changes. The consequences are potentially detrimental to their futures, which not only differ from their individual ideals but also contain a high risk of marginalization both in Korea and in the USA. Building on the transnational migration literature, which focuses predominantly on spatiality, individual rights/agency and the marginalization of women migrants, I am concerned with temporality, citizens' duties and the constraints of masculinity as important parts of unravelling the complexities of transnational life.

The events of 2014 in Ukraine and fomentation of military conflict in Donbas demonstrated the situation that reflects the influences of the aftermath of WWI on contemporary Ukrainian history. The annexation of Crimea and further military operations of Russian troops on Ukrainian territory, including the usage of Ukrainian citizens for separatist actions, are still recognized on official level as separatism and terrorist actions, but not the international war. Titled by Ukrainian government as "antiterrorist operation", in historical retrospective they could be defined as the components of the third Russo-Ukrainian war. Proposed paper is devoted to the analysis of processes of formation of national Ukrainian army in the crucial periods of existence of Ukrainian state. In all these processes the formation of national identities or loyalties was very important, often allowing or not allowing the Ukrainian state to exist further. At the very beginning I'd wanted to clarify the situation with definitions and indicate, what exactly I mean under the term "Russo-Ukrainian war". Due to variety of military conflicts during 20th century, where Russians and Ukrainians often were the rival parties, such definition could be applied to many cases. Here I speak about the wars that could be recognized by some formal features as interstate military conflicts. In the first two cases these are the wars that were officially proclaimed by Ukrainian People's Republic (UPR) and Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic (RSFSR). In the third case we speak about non-proclaimed war between Ukraine and Russian Federation (RF) that is actually acting. In all three cases it is sometimes hard to indicate exact dates of begin or end of warfare, because military conflicts were the components of general rise of violence in context of Russian revolutions of 1917 or Ukrainian revolution of 2014. That is why some formal acts of international legislation or certain military operations are recognized as chronological frames of above listed military conflicts.
The development of the war between Russia and Ukraine in 2022 adds some new patterns to the discussed problem. Different versions off the text were published in 2016 (2018) in the 'Eesti sojaajaloo aastaraamat' and 2020 in 'Rozpad imperiow' (Wroclaw, Instytut pamieci narodowej).

This article combines the perspective of transnational transfer with contributions from social theory and historical sociology – specifically the Luhmannian concept of social ‘inclusion’. In doing so, this article reconstructs a historical case regarding the conflicting implementation of universal conscription and compulsory schooling in Chile in the context of a reform process that took place at the turn of the twentieth century and was oriented towards the German Reich. The article aims to trace both the structural correspondence between compulsory schooling and universal conscription and the statutory implementation of both versions of ‘inclusion’ by analysing the lines of argument set forth by the warring liberal and conservative groups of actors and, in particular, their discursive references to the German Reich and Prussia. The main arguments are, firstly, that the German Reich was extremely attractive to broad and even opposing coalitions because of its ambiguity. Secondly, a contradictory conception of citizenship prevailed. Thirdly, a social mobilisation process led by professionalised teachers and officers finally made the introduction of compulsory schooling possible. The article ultimately confirms the fundamental role of ‘reference societies’ in the context of nation-building and modernisation processes in Chile.

Apartheid society became deeply militarised between 1972 and 1989. One way for the minority regime to remain in power was to make use of mass-conscription of the young male population. In doing so military power could be projected into southern Africa, maintain control over an illegally occupied Namibia and to bolster police forces during the widespread township unrest from 1985 onward. This article explores this era through an auto-ethnographic lenses.