Migration Theory

There are more types of borders today than ever before in history. Borders of all kinds define every aspect of social life in the twenty-first century. From the biometric data that divides the smallest aspects of our bodies to the aerial drones that patrol the immense expanse of our domestic and international airspace, we are defined by borders. They can no longer simply be understood as the geographical divisions between nation-states. Today, their form and function has become too complex, too hybrid. What we need now is a theory of the border that can make sense of this hybridity across multiple domains of social life.

Rather than viewing borders as the result or outcome of pre-established social entities like states, Thomas Nail reinterprets social history from the perspective of the continual and constitutive movement of the borders that organize and divide society in the first place. Societies and states are the products of bordering, Nail argues, not the other way around. Applying his original movement-oriented theoretical framework "kinopolitics" to several major historical border regimes (fences, walls, cells, and checkpoints), Theory of the Border pioneers a new methodology of "critical limology," that provides fresh tools for the analysis of contemporary border politics.

El artículo pone de relieve cómo el sufrimiento social, concebido como manifestación de la opresión social y la injusticia incorporada en el individuo, posee atributos que atraviesan las distintas etapas del retorno migratorio, etapas que se encuentran marcadas por procesos transnacio-nales y multilocales. A tal efecto, el Modelo VIA-compuesto por los ejes analíticos de vulnerabilidad, incertidumbre y asistencia-permite describir, interpretar y analizar el sufrimiento social durante el proceso de retorno desde un análisis multinivel que conecta las percepciones y vivencias de los actores con las desigualdades estructurales. Palabras clave: migración de retorno; integración social; sufrimiento; movilidad social; migrantes; emigración e inmigración.

Global migrations are an overwhelmingly complex phenomenon, involving millions of unique individuals and multifaceted social, economic, political and technological infrastructures. Faced with such complexity, we are forced to simplify in order to understand. A popular quote about science, attributed to Albert Einstein, says that " everything should be made as simple as possible, but not simpler. " As social scientists working on migration, we should use this observation to reflect upon the work we do but shift the focus from degrees of simplicity to ways of simplifying. The choices that we make along the way reflect our views about what is essential and what is not; these choices are subjective and contextual, perhaps political, and open to challenge. It therefore takes courage and insight to simplify in meaningful ways. An equally difficult task is to pinpoint why particular simplifications are unhelpful and specify how they should be reworked. A much easier option, which social scientists too often resort to, is to merely claim that things that are " more complex " call for " greater nuance " (Healy, 2017). As a starting point for exploring meaningful simplifications of global migration, I pose a simple and familiar question: why do people migrate? It is a question more associated with introductory courses on migration than the research frontier but it can be leveraged for insights into how we might answer an impossibly complex question. I could start by providing tentative answers. What I will do instead is to examine seven types of answers that might be possible and meaningful. 1. People migrate for the reasons for which they are admitted as immigrants. In practice, this is how we implicitly describe why people migrate. Most high-income destination countries have no generic legal provisions for immigration but rather combine a general prohibition with specific exceptions. Immigrants are therefore admitted as labour migrants, as family migrants, as international students and as refugees, for instance, under particular conditions. These conditions are (except for refugees) not linked explicitly to motivations but assumed motivations make up the logic that differentiates them. This way of thinking about the reasons why people migrate has spread far beyond the regulatory system itself. 2. People migrate because they have the aspiration and the ability to do so. The regulatory barriers to migration ensure that not every person who wants to migrate will be able to do so. We can therefore distinguish between two components in the explanation of migration:

This book contribution deals with a suggested model to conceptualise migration. In a nutshell, migration in my view can be analysed by using four phases or stages: the decision-making process/reasons for migration; the actual movement / the journey; arrival; soujourn/integration. Prior to and in the various phases of the model, I deal with a few theoretical approaches to migration as appropriate, e.g. voluntary-forced migration, push-pull, etc. and the legal approaches assessing reasons for migration and flight, e.g. the Geneva Convention. This happens more in the sense of connecting the dots and providing a broad-brush overview than an in-depth study of the various theories or legal questions involved. This English article is an update and expansion of the German article "Zu Begriff und Phänomen der Migration" which I published in my own edited work on the new East-West migration. Barring unforeseen circumstances I plan to update THIS article during the year 2020, possibly including the EU (Four Freedoms) and BREXIT contexts, to name but two.

The goal of this article is to reflect on the difficulties of analyzing a specific wave
of Polish migration during the 1980s, which cannot be easily categorized as either
political or economic. The article also reviews the existing scholarship and tries
to redefine the main areas of potential research.

The attention paid by international organisations to the link between migration and development in migrants’ origin countries has highlighted the need to revisit approaches to return migration. Moreover, the growing diversity of migratory categories (ranging from economic migrants to refugees and asylum seekers) necessitates a distinction between the various types of returnee. We still need to know who returns when, and why; and why some returnees appear as actors of change, in specific social and institutional circumstances at home, whereas others do not. The first objective of this paper is to analyse how return has been dealt with by international migration
theories, emphasising particularly the assumptions on which they rest. This theoretical overview is necessary to show how return has been defined and located in time and space, and how the returnee has been depicted. The second objective is to take the various approaches to return migration a step further by elaborating on the theoretical insights that have been extensively proposed. The conceptual approach to returnees is then revisited, taking into account a set of distinguishing criteria, i.e. the returnee’s “preparedness” and “resource mobilisation”..

Przekonanie, że „Solidarność” była bezprecedensowym zjawiskiem społecznym w historii Polski (i nie tylko), wydaje się dziś oczywiste. Mniej znany jest fakt, że jej narodziny, a zwłaszcza stłumienie po wprowadzeniu stanu wojennego, dały impuls Polonii do powołania licznych inicjatyw wspierających opozycję w PRL na całym niemal świecie: od Australii, przez Japonię, Wielką Brytanię, po Meksyk. Wiele z nich podejmowały różne pokolenia diaspory polskiej, nierzadko z udziałem rdzennych mieszkańców danego państwa. Przy całym zróżnicowaniu form pomocy łączyło je jedno – niemal każdy z tysięcy solidarnościowych aktywistów działał zupełnie bezinteresownie; nikt ich do tego nie zmuszał, najczęściej nie czekały też za to żadne profity. Działali, bo uważali, że tak trzeba. „Solidarność” potrzebowała solidarności. I może to wypada przede wszystkim zapamiętać.
W pierwszym tomie skupiono się na inicjatywach podejmowanych w państwach pozaeuropejskich.

The act of migration has been proven to affect personal and group identity on a number of levels. While this has been studied to some extent in the context of the western areas of Viking expansion, little investigation has been done into this aspect of the eastern expansion. This dissertation examines whether or not this effect can be seen in the grave evidence from the areas affected by Scandinavian expansion during the 7th-11th centuries, looking particularly at the burial evidence from three case studies: Salme, Estonia; Gnezdovo, Russia; and Luistari, Finland. The evidence from these sites demonstrates that migration had, in some cases, a marked effect on identity. This could be expressed in myriad ways. Religion, gender, and time period all affected the expression of ethnic identity and how it was changed by migration.

From the mid-1950s through the mid1980s, migration between Mexico and the United States constituted a stable system whose contours were shaped by social and economic conditions well-theorized by prevailing models of migration. It evolved as a mostly circular movement of male workers going to a handful of U.S. states in response to changing conditions of labor supply and demand north and south of the border, relative wages prevailing in each nation, market failures and structural economic changes in Mexico, and the expansion of migrant networks following processes specified by neoclassical economics, segmented labor market theory, the new economics of labor migration, social capital theory, world systems theory, and theoretical models of state behavior. After 1986, however, the migration system was radically transformed, with the net rate of migration increasing sharply as movement shifted from a circular flow of male workers going a limited set of destinations to a nationwide popula...

The Vandals is a Germanic tribe that not only migrated across Europe and the Roman empire during the first half of the first millenium AD but also played a part in Early 20th century geopolitics - besides become a word of shame. This paper follows all three threads of the amazing and turbulent destiny of this Germanic tribe, and examines the archaeological evidence.

Περίληψη Το άρθρο επιχειρεί να εντοπίσει αφενός τις αδυναµίες και αφετέρου τη συµβολή και τις ευκαιρίες της έρευνας διεθνικής µετανάστευσης. Επισηµαίνονται εννοιολογικές συγχύσεις και υπερβολές, τα προβλήµατα που εγείρονται από την ευρύτητα της έννοιας και η θεωρητική αµηχανία που χαρακτηρίζουν αυτήν την ερευνητική προσέγγιση και που την υποχρεώνουν να παραµένει έντονα εµπειρική και να µη µπορεί να ανταποκριθεί στις προσδοκίες που η ίδια έγειρε. Η συµβολή της πάλι εντοπίζεται στη µερική αναθεώρηση της κλασσικής θεωρίας της προσαρµογής και στην ανάδειξη των ορίων της εννοιολόγησης του φαινοµένου που καλείται µετανάστευση. Καταλήγοντας το άρθρο κάνει αναφορά στον ιδεολογικό χαρακτήρα της κατηγορίας της µετανάστευσης και προτείνει την ανάπτυξη ενός κοινού θεωρητικού πλαισίου για την κοινωνιολογική προσέγγιση της ανθρώπινης κινητικότητας. Abstract The article seeks to define the weaknesses, merits and chances of transnational migration research. It addresses the definitional confusions and exaggerations, the problems raised from the inclusivity of the concept, and the theoretical quandaries that force the transnationalists to remain strongly empirical without being able to meet the expectations they raised. The article stresses, that despite its weaknesses transnational migration research has contributed to the partial revision of classical adaptation theory. Furthermore, the transnationalists are credited for having addressed the definitional limits of the phenomenon called migration. The article concludes pointing out the ideological character of the category of migration and proposing the development of a common theoretical framework for the sociological examination of human mobility.

Przekonanie, że „Solidarność” była bezprecedensowym zjawiskiem społecznym w historii Polski (i nie tylko), wydaje się dziś oczywiste. Mniej znany jest fakt, że jej narodziny, a zwłaszcza stłumienie po wprowadzeniu stanu wojennego, dały impuls Polonii do powołania licznych inicjatyw wspierających opozycję w PRL na całym niemal świecie: od Australii, przez Japonię, Wielką Brytanię, po Meksyk. Wiele z nich podejmowały różne pokolenia diaspory polskiej, nierzadko z udziałem rdzennych mieszkańców danego państwa. Przy całym zróżnicowaniu form pomocy łączyło je jedno – niemal każdy z tysięcy solidarnościowych aktywistów działał zupełnie bezinteresownie; nikt ich do tego nie zmuszał, najczęściej nie czekały też za to żadne profity. Działali, bo uważali, że tak trzeba. „Solidarność” potrzebowała solidarności. I może to wypada przede wszystkim zapamiętać.
W drugim tomie skupiono się na inicjatywach podejmowanych w państwach europejskich.

This paper is part of a longer process of theorizing around the notion of migration aspirations and the conceptual pair aspiration/ability. It was presented at the workshop 'Aspirations and Capabilities in Migration Processes' at the International Migration Institute, University of Oxford, 10–11 January 2013.

This conceptual paper seeks to engage with migration theory by examining the nature and functions of aspirations in migration processes. I argue that aspirations play a pivotal role in all migration, but in different ways. Aspirations are elusive, however, both theoretically and empirically. People’s general aspirations in life form part of form part of the background to migration desires; such desires can also be described as migration aspirations, which are the focus of this paper. This conviction that migration is preferable to staying can be understood as an attitude, which helps us raise several epistemological issues. Is the desire to migrate an enduring state of mind, or a context-specific speech act? Do migration aspirations, conceived of as attitudes, comparatively evaluate places, or culturally constructed projects? Does migration have intrinsic value, or is it simply a means to an end? Addressing such questions and relating them to the factors that inhibit or facilitate actual migration can shed new light on how we conceptualize and empirically analyse the determinants of migration. It can also help understand the relationships between force, choice and mobility. In conclusion, I propose an aspirations-centred model of migration, in which observable outcomes—in the form of mobility and immobility—are interpreted as products of three interlinked processes.

Since the existing research on migration from Turkey to Western Europe does not employ multiple theoretical perspectives, this article, based on two field studies, focuses on the changing phases and forms of this human mobility by utilising a number of relevant international migration theories. The article examines the uncovered socioeconomic , demographic, and political aspects of migration from Turkey to Germany and the United Kingdom and unpacks how the parameters and motives for these two routes have changed from a comparative historical perspective. In this way, it deepens the discussion on the factors and circumstances leading to migration and demonstrates that while individual, household, and historicalstructural distinctions and conflicts initiate human mobility, it is perpetuated by ongoing differences, a culture of migration, networks, and ethnic economies.

La "dotta leggenda" sull'arimannia Sulla ricostruzione del complesso degli ordinamenti e delle strutture sociali longobarde, ecco qualche accenno alla base su cui poggiava la piramide del populus-exercitus, cioè agli exercitales. Ad essi si riferiscono alcune norme dell'Editto e si ritrovano menzionati in parecchie carte private. Si trattava di uomini liberi, in età valida alla pratica delle armi, dipendenti alcuni dall'autorità del dux, altri da quella del gastaldio e quindi dal re 1. Si configurano così due tipi di milizie longobarde, una di sequela ducale (che possiamo considerare pressoché di natura privatistica) e l'altra di ossequio regio (di natura pubblicistica), che troverebbero vaghi confronti anche nell'esercito romano tardo-antico (milites e buccellarii). Gli exercitales compaiono nella normativa fino a re Liutprando, e dopo di lui non ce n'è più traccia nelle fonti giuridiche; il termine continua però ad essere usato in carte private, e si ritrova anche nella cartula cenedese del 762 per la chiesa di Sarnalia 2. Con Liutprando e con i suoi immediati successori al governo del regno spunta però nelle leggi (e solo di rado nelle carte private) una figura di uomini in armi che dà l'idea di non essere del tutto nuova. L'accenno è agli arimanni, il cui nome, in un'epoca di estesa latinizzazione del popolo longobardo, apparirebbe di primo acchito come una tarda rivalorizzazione di un antico vocabolo della loro tradizione militare; rimane tuttavia il sospetto, malgrado la reticenza documentaria, che il suo uso non sia mai venuto meno, immerso nella tradizione orale. A parere del Bertolini anche questo particolare ceto di guerrieri sarebbe distinguibile in due categorie: gli "arimanni iudicis" e gli "arimanni regis". La loro funzione però, sempre per il Bertolini, non avrebbe superato "i limiti di un servizio di pubblico interesse a tutela o dell'ordine interno, o dell'integrità del patrimonio regio" 3. A badare tuttavia alle disposizioni di Ratchis che imponeva agli arimanni di caballicare cum iudicem suum dotati di lancia e scudo 4 , cioè con completo equipaggiamento militare, sia al seguito del loro comandante per locali operazioni di polizia, sia per manovre a più vasto raggio per le finalità del re, essi sono comunque inquadrabili nella "figura tipica del guerriero longobardo a cavallo, tenuto ad un servizio militare permanente". Dovevano essere ovviamente remunerati per la loro funzione, com'era atavica consuetudine. Agli uni, agli arimanni iudicis avrebbe provveduto il dux-iudex distribuendo rendite o concedendo terre del suo fisco; agli arimanni regis doveva naturalmente badare il gastaldio-iudex, delegato del rex, con parte delle grandi dotazioni in patrimoni fondiari del regno o delle entrate delle curtes regiae.

This seminar focuses on the link international migration and transnational patterns of migration in Europe, the impact of immigration policies and the equation transnationalism-integration. It does so through a critical review of the main theories related to transnational migration and by exploring the so called “transnational turn in empirical migration research” as well as the current discussion on the research methods to size “floating populations”.
At last, transnational practises in different geographical contexts will be also investigated as examples of these social phenomena and within the scope of linking theory with current practice.

Segundo capítulo de la tesis “Desencajes y Bricolajes de la Protección Social: Las Familias Transnacionales Bolivianas en Barcelona y São Paulo”. En este capítulo se ha explorado la mirada nacional para la interpretación de la protección social y de las migraciones internacionales. Este ángulo ha adquirido un carácter clásico en la historia de la sociología, lo que ha producido múltiples marcos interpretativos. Ese punto de vista se fundamenta en una suposición de que el territorio y la ciudadanía nacional son los mecanismos principales donde la socialización de los riesgos se realiza y, por lo tanto, conforman las unidades espaciales que expulsan o atraen a las personas en busca de una vida mejor, en un mundo mejor. Si bien el énfasis puesto a escala nacional se justifica por el papel históricamente importante del estado en la garantía del bienestar; esos supuestos conducen a una negligencia tanto de la relevancia del papel que las familias cumplen en la garantía de la protección como del potencial redistributivo que se puede atribuir a las migraciones internacionales. En gran medida, la fuerza del nacionalismo metodológico se debe a una articulación entre su capacidad de construir narrativas comprensibles de lo social y el lastre emocional de la pertenencia nacional que, en tiempos de globalización, tiende a fortalecerse.
Es innegable, sin embargo, que las lentes del nacionalismo metodológico producen una miopía con relación a la protección social, sobre todo si consideramos sus dinámicas contemporáneas. Al concebir lo social esencialmente como nacional, las migraciones son reducidas a movilidades entre mundos nacionalmente integrados de bienestar. Entre las consecuencias de esta mirada equivocada está en concebir las migraciones como procesos lineales y duales: como una etapa provisional, de transición, entre la vida en el país de origen para la vida en el país de destino. Se niega el carácter complejo y plural que marca las movilidades contemporáneas; se naturaliza el sedentarismo y se anormaliza el movimiento; y se descuida la posibilidad y los incentivos para de constitución de vidas transnacionales. Cuando se aplica el análisis para la comparación internacional, estas lentes tienden a describir los territorios estatales como poseedores de relativa homogeneidad, algo que queda evidente en el trabajo de Esping-Andersen.
En el ámbito de los estudios migratorios existe una tendencia a reducir la explicación de las migraciones a sus factores estructurales (nacionalmente en la mayoría de los enfoques, o en el caso de la teoría del sistema-mundo, internacionalmente determinados) y/o a una concepción del migrante como un actor utilitarista. Incluso sin la intención manifiesta, eso tiene como implicación el rechazo de la capacidad de agencia reflexiva de los migrantes y de la existencia de posibles espacios intersticiales de actuación. El abordaje de las redes sociales ha sido pionera a la hora de superar esas dos limitaciones, lo que ha abierto nuevos frentes analíticos significativos. La postura del nacionalismo metodológico tiene como resultado considerar a los migrantes como víctimas indefensas de las estructuras de explotación o como simples mercancías. En ambos casos, se asiste a una reificación del migrante, definido o bien como objeto de la dominación total, en una óptica crítica (por ejemplo, en la teoría del sistema mundo); o bien como una mercancía que responde a los intereses capitalistas y a dinámicas de atracción y expulsión, desde una mirada economicista. Los marcos del nacionalismo metodológico son insuficientes para el análisis de las migraciones y de la protección social, ya que no dan cuenta de la complejidad de los tipos de movilidad e inmovilidad que responden a múltiples condiciones económicas y políticas locales, nacionales y transnacionales, pero también personales, familiares y comunitarias.
En el próximo capítulo abordaremos un conjunto alternativo de miradas sobre las migraciones y la protección social que ponen énfasis en las dinámicas, potencialmente transnacionales, de cuidado. Estas interpretaciones parten de la identificación del desbordamiento de los mundos nacionales de bienestar promovido por las migraciones y por sus dinámicas intersticiales, especialmente de carácter familiar. Estos estudios no niegan la relevancia de los estados o la existencia de regímenes de bienestar. Lo que esas interpretaciones sí destacan es la capacidad de los vínculos transnacionales entre migrantes, no migrantes, estados, y organizaciones de la sociedad civil a la hora de constituir espacios transnacionales que vinculan lugares de origen, tránsito, destino, así como otros lugares que, a pesar de estar físicamente distantes, pueden llegar a ser cercanos gracias al esfuerzo colectivo de estos actores. En suma: se refuta la idea de que los regímenes de bienestar son impermeables a en tanto que “mundos nacionales de bienestar”. Por último, en el capítulo 4, argumentaremos en favor de la sinergia posible y necesaria entre los marcos interpretativos nacionales de las migraciones y el bienestar y la perspectiva transnacional de las migraciones y del cuidado.

Stratum plus. Nr. 2. Arheologie şi antropologie culturală Legăturile neîntoarcerii. Migraţiile preistorice în torentul culturii Petrovienii de până la Petru: dezlănţuirea și revărsarea metalurgiei transuraliene Cu cine se îmbrăţișau alakulskienii? Gene, oase, stejar și ulm: biometria trecutului Vânătorul ce toate zilele le-a dedicat pădurii: deriva neolitică Mediul și locurile de concentrare a culturogenezei Între pre-și post-. Cultura Leilatepe Fosta războinicie a lumii de altă dată Comemorările tumulare ale puterilor trecătoare Năimeala și captivitatea în statul Shang Redactor responsabil-Igor V. Manzura, Redactor adjunct-Valentin B.

The United States has had a wavering acceptance of immigrants throughout itshistory, from eager invitations to violent and immediate forced removals. Presently, immigrants from Central America are in the spotlight, who have been dehumanized into that of the “other” and subjected to harsh deportation and criminal proceedings as a result of these perceptions. This article will show that ‘othering’ immigrants has been a part of restrictive immigration policy since the origins of the United States, continuing to present day by the following: 1) “othering” is explained in application to undocumented immigrants in America; 2) a history of US deportation policy is discussed in order to provide a context to the deep-seated tendency of “othering” in the US; 3) recent federal U.S. policies are introduced, examining the constant presence of “othering” unauthorized immigrants, with a primary focus on the Secure Communities program; 4) the widespread phenomenon of “othering” is discussed, both in the US and internationally, as well as the current state of the “alien other” in American political discourse.

Th is series explores the production and reshaping of space from a comparative and interdisciplinary perspective. By drawing on contemporary research from across the social sciences, it off ers novel insights into ongoing spatial developments within and between the various regions of Europe. It also seeks to introduce new geographies at the edges of the European Union and the interplay with bordering areas at the Mediterranean, African and eastern Asian interfaces of the EU. As a result, this series acts as an important forum for themes of pan-European interest and beyond. Th e New Geographies of Europe series welcomes proposals for monographs and edited volumes taking a comparative and interdisciplinary approach to spatial phenomena in Europe. Contributions are especially welcome where the focus is upon novel spatial phenomena, path-dependent processes of socio-economic change or policy responses at various levels throughout Europe. Suggestions for topics also include the relationship between the state and citizens, the idea of fragile democracies, the economics of regional separation, the deconstruction of the idea of Europe, the comparative assessment of European planning models, new migration streams, and the European labour market.

ABSTRACT

The migration of haitians to Brazil began after the earthquake that destroyed Port Prince, capital of Haiti, and surrounding areas in 2010. In a short time the city of São Paulo has been integrated as destination of large part of immigrants who entered in Brazil through the amazon borders. The Missão Paz, supported by the scalabrini missionaries in downtown São Paulo, has housed the immigrants since then. The surroundings of this have become a reference site for haitians. In this region many immigrants live and some of them work, it is possible to note the emergence of co-ethnics trades undertaken by haitian immigrants. The high cost of living leads the immigrants to seek alternative sites regarding to São Paulo downtown, as outer boroughs and cities of the metropolitan area, such as Santo André, the county where this research was conducted. Besides cheap rent, factors such as ease for rental property and means of transportation are taken into consideration by immigrants; it is possible to observe that communities are forming in regions close to train stations. In the Grande ABC region, the most representative haitian community are located at the Núcleo Ciganos, near Utinga station from the metropolitan train company. The fieldwork in this community led us to the perception of common phenomena to various migration flows, as well as the seizure of particular signs of evangelical haitians, group which we immersed ourselves. Contact networks among haitians are constantly expanding, consolidating several migratory routes. It is possible to observe immigrants who depart from Haiti directly to Santo André, which did not exist in a very short time ago. Reve de Brezil in Haitian Creole, alludes to the "Brazilian Dream" of Haitians; this dream full of fantasies which break with the daily reality of the immigrants who arrive here.

Keywords: Haitian immigration, migratory networks, migratory flow, Santo André, Brazil.

RESUMEN

El flujo migratorio de haitianos a Brasil comenzó después del terremoto que destruyó Puerto Príncipe, capital de Haití, y sus alrededores en 2010. Rápidamente la ciudad de São Paulo comenzó a figurar como destino de gran parte de los inmigrantes que entraron a Brasil a traes de las fronteras amazónicas. La Missão Paz, entidad mantenida por los Misioneros Scalabrinianos ubicada en el centro de São Paulo ha acogido a los inmigrantes desde entonces. Los alrededores de ésta área se ha tornado un lugar de referencia para los Haitianos en San Pablo. En la región viven muchos inmigrantes y otros cuantos trabajan, siendo posible notar el surgimiento de comercios co-étnicos emprendidos por los inmigrantes haitianos. El alto costo de vida lleva a los inmigrantes a buscar alternativas a la región central de São Paulo, como barrios alejados y municipios de la región metropolitana, como Santo André, municipio donde se llevó a cabo esta investigación. Además del costo de vida más bajo, factores como facilidad para alquilar un inmueble y medios de transporte son considerados por los inmigrantes, siendo posible observar que las comunidades se están estableciendo en regiones cercanas a las estaciones de tren. En la región del grande ABC la comunidad Haitiana más representativa se localiza en el Núcleo Ciganos, próximo a la estación Utinga de la Compañía Paulista de Trens Metropolitanos. El trabajo de campo realizado en esta comunidad nos llevó a la percepción de fenómenos comunes a diversos flujos migratorios, así como la acogida de signos particulares de los Haitianos evangélicos, grupo en el cual actuamos. Las redes de contacto entre los haitianos están en constante expansión, consolidando diversas rutas migratorias. Ya es posible observar inmigrantes que parten desde Haití directamente a Santo André, lo que no se veía hasta unos años atrás. Reve de Brezil, en Criollo haitiano, alude al “Sueño Brasilero “de los haitianos; un sueño lleno de fantasías que se rompen con la realidad de los inmigrantes que llegan aquí.

Palabras clave: inmigración haitiana, redes de migrantes, flujo migratorio, Santo André, Brasil.

RESUMO

O fluxo migratório de haitianos para o Brasil teve início após o terremoto que destruiu Porto Príncipe, capital do Haiti, e arredores em 2010. Em pouco tempo a cidade de São Paulo passou a figurar como destino de parte considerável dos imigrantes que entravam no Brasil através das fronteiras amazônicas. A Missão Paz, entidade mantida pelos missionários scalabrinianos na região central de São Paulo, passou a abrigar os imigrantes desde então. O entorno desta tornou-se um local de referência para os haitianos em São Paulo. Nesta região vivem muitos imigrantes e trabalham outros tantos, sendo possível notar o surgimento de comércios co-étnicos empreendidos por imigrantes haitianos. O alto custo de vida leva parte dos imigrantes a buscar locais alternativos à região central de São Paulo, como bairros afastados e cidades da região metropolitana, como Santo André, município onde a presente pesquisa foi desenvolvida. Além do custo do aluguel mais baixo, fatores como facilidade de locação dos imóveis e meios de locomoção, são levados em consideração pelos imigrantes, sendo possível observar que as comunidades estão se formando em regiões próximas às estações de trens. Na região do Grande ABC a comunidade haitiana mais representativa localiza-se no Núcleo Ciganos, próximo à estação Utinga da Companhia Paulista de Trens Metropolitanos. O trabalho de campo realizado nesta comunidade nos levou à percepção de fenômenos comuns a diversos fluxos migratórios, bem como a apreensão de signos particulares dos haitianos evangélicos, grupo o qual nos inserimos. As redes de contato entre os haitianos estão em constante expansão, consolidando rotas migratórias diversas. Já é possível observar imigrantes que partem do Haiti diretamente para Santo André, o que não existia há até pouco tempo atrás. Reve de Brezil, em crioulo haitiano, alude ao “Sonho Brasileiro” dos haitianos; sonho este repleto de fantasias que se desfazem com a realidade cotidiana dos imigrantes que aqui chegam.

Palavras chave: Imigração haitiana, redes migratórias, fluxo migratório, Santo André, Brasil.

RÉSUMÉ

La migration des haïtiens au Brésil a commencé après le tremblement de terre qui a détruit Port-au-Prince, capitale d’Haïti et certaines villes proches en 2010. Puis la ville de São Paulo est devenu la cible d'un grand nombre d'immigrants qui sont entrés dans le pays par le biais frontières amazoniennes. L'organisation Missão Paz, dirigée par les missionnaires scalabriniens dans le centre de São Paulo, a été la maison des immigrants depuis leur arrivée. Les alentours de ce site sont devenus un point de référence pour les haïtiens à São Paulo; Dans cette région, de nombreux immigrants habitent et travaillent, tant d'autres, il est possible de noter l'émergence des commerces co-ethnique entrepris par les immigrants haïtiens. Le coût élevé de la vie rend un parti des immigrés à chercher des sites alternatifs à la région centrale de São Paulo, par exemple, des quartiers lointains et d'autres villes de la région métropolitaine, telles que Santo André est l'un d'entre eux et où cette recherche a été menée. Cette ville possède de nombreux avantages comme le prix de la location, la facilité d'accès à la propriété et le moyen de transport, ce qui conduit à les communautés à se former dans les régions proches des gares. Dans la région du Grande ABC, où la ville de Santo André est situé, est le Núcleo Ciganos, où se trouve la plus grande concentration d'haïtiens et Il est situé près de la gare Utinga de la compagnie des trains métropolitaine. Le travail sur le terrain est réalisé dans cette communauté nous a conduit à percevoir des phénomènes communs à divers flux migratoires, ainsi que de comprendre les caractéristiques particulières du groupe évangélique haïtienne dans lequel nous nous insérons. Réseaux de contact parmi les haïtiens sont en constante expansion, la consolidation de plusieurs routes migratoires. Il est possible d'observer les immigrants qui arrivent en venant d'Haïti, directement à Santo André, qui n'était pas exister dans un temps précédent. Reve de Brezil en créole haïtien, fait allusion à "Rêver de Brésil" de les Haïtiens; ce rêve plein de fantasmes qui rompent avec la réalité quotidienne des immigrants qui arrivent ici.

Mots-clés: Immigration haïtienne, les réseaux des migrants, les flux migratoires, Santo André, Brésil.

A growing body of migration scholarship has highlighted the inadequacies
of a single-origin-single-destination model for thinking about international migration in our globalizing world. Several terms – onward, stepwise, serial, secondary, triangular, multiple, and transit migration – have been coined to describe these multiple moves within a single migratory lifetime, but the lack of consensus on the terminology to describe these migrations is indicative of the lack of theoretical clarity on this emergent phenomenon. We therefore propose to introduce a new umbrella term, ‘multinational
migrations’, to capture the varied movements of international migrants across more than one overseas destination with significant time spent in each country. The articles presented here bring together researchers investigating multinational migrations across a range of migrant categories and between various migration hubs. They highlight how individual imaginations, aspirations, capabilities and subjectifications interact with multinational migration infrastructures (in the domains of education, tourism, labour, and citizenship) to lead to the adoption of complex multinational migration trajectories.

The concepts of migration and mobility clearly intersect, but they are not synonyms. While migration by definition entails mobility, migration studies has privileged studying other aspects of the migratory process. This article analyzes migratory (im)mobilities and methodologies to study them and it critically reflects on the usefulness of mobility studies as an analytical lens to study human migration. Lack of empirical data suggests that we need more systematic comparative studies of how migratory mobilities are generated in everyday life and facilitated as well as constrained by specific mobility circuits and institutions.

Analyses of the migrations from Morocco in the second half of the twentieth century tend to view them as part of a larger pattern of South-to-North postcolonial circular migration, while Jewish Moroccan migration is deemed an exceptional national phenomenon, unrelated to the study of these global developments. Yet, Jewish migration from northern Morocco to Venezuela was characterised and influenced by a number of sub-regional, ethno- religious, linguistic, and even racial peculiarities, whose analyses may broaden our perspective on the global dynamics of Moroccan postcolonial migration: for example, the status of northern Morocco and Venezuela as a hub for Spanish settlers, Venezuela’s post-1945 open-door policy toward European immigration, and the Judeo-Spanish backgrounds of immigrants from Morocco. In the absence of bilateral migration agreements between Morocco and Venezuela, examining Moroccan Jewish migration to the latter can also shed light on the prominent role of informal networks in shaping global migration from North Africa, and explain why Muslim Moroccans did not immigrate to Venezuela even as many were migrating elsewhere. A focus on grassroots histories of this sort may help advance the scholarship beyond the narratives of mass minority departure, labour migration, and integration that usually treat Morocco and other countries of emigration as homogeneous national units.

The Migration Conference, 2021, London.

Reframing migrancy through intersectional analysis: conceptualizing the embodiment of the migration experience from the Mexican-United States migration field framework.

One of the historical consequences of Mexican immigration to the United States is not only the creation and consolidation of transnational social migration fields (Basch, Glick Schiller & Szanton Blanc, 1994), but the entrenchment of the experience of migration as more than just a cultural repertoire or social capital. These experiences highlight the penetration of the network-society (Castells, 2001), the connective turn (Hoskins, 2011) and the relational self (Chen, Boucher and Tapias, 2006) of the Mexico-United States migrational field. How, then, do migrants negotiate their migrancy among themselves?

The overview of research on Mexican migration to the United States, constructed in the 20th century within, mostly, the boundaries of the migratory field of each nation, has discussed, at length, Mexican migration from a plethora of perspectives that seek to capture migrancy (Brettell & Hollifield, 2015). The literature seems to indicate that the experience of migration is a structuring aspect of the ontological construction of social reality. Migrancy, then, seems to indicate something more than displacements and movements in space-time. The experience of migrancy suggests placement within what anthropologist Arjun Appadurai "scapes" of cultural engagement within the "work of the imagination" (Appadurai, 2001). The migrational experience, deposited in the concept of migrancy, positions the relational Self within a structural, ideological, cultural, economic, and social valences constructing an additional "scape": a "migrancyscape".

By framing migrancy as a Durkheiman "social fact", and applying to it the particularities of Bourdieu's habitus, the concept of migrancy becomes a powerful tool that adds a necessary analytical dimension to migration analysis. Within this working framework of migrancy, intersectional feminist theory provides a sharp and useful resource to reengage with the concept of migrancy in a meaningful way. Articulating migrancy-migrancia in Spanish-within Mexican-United States migration analysis allows for a more comprehensive, historically situated and embodied construction of the migration experience within a macro-micro analytical framework.

By articulating, at least, the three variables of the most basic intersectional composition-gender, race, and ethnicity-migrancy can provide an essential and important baseline for migration analysis, especially in the context of Mexican-United States migration relations. With this, I propose a reengagement with a more substantiated concept of migrancy that brings the scope of intersectional theory to migration analysis, recuperating the habitus of migration experience to the forefront of migration analysis allowing for visibility of the embodiment of migration. I argued that this approach adds a "body" to the migration analysis and expands its scope by adding a new "scape" to the dimension of the perception of migration experience. By framing migrancy through intersectional theory, as a social fact, articulated through habitus and within a "scape", migrancy can be better articulated within migrational analysis and effectively articulate the experience of migration.

ÖZET Göç, tarih boyunca insanlığın güçlükleri aşma isteğinin cesur bir ifadesi ol-muştur. Günümüzde iletişim ve ulaşım alanındaki gelişmelerle birlikte ilerle-yen küreselleşme sürecinin de etkisiyle, yer değiştirme istek ve kapasitesinde olan insan sayısı da oldukça artmıştır. Uluslararası göçmenlerin sayısı 2000'li yılların başında 175 milyon kişi iken, günümüzde bu sayı 232 milyon olarak tahmin edilmektedir. Uluslararası Çalışma Örgütü (ILO) verilerine göre eski-den ilk onda yer alan varış noktaları, göçmenler tarafından 2000 yılına oranla daha az tercih edilmektedir. Çünkü göç olgusu artık, eski kalıplardan uzak-laşarak daha fazla ülkeye yayılmıştır. Tekeli'nin (2008) de ifade ettiği gibi, geleceğin göç analizi, eskiden olduğu gibi noktasal değil, güzergâh odaklı bir göç analizi olmalıdır. Çünkü pek çok insan artık kendi güzergâhını gerçekleş-tirme amacıyla yaşamakta ve eskisine nazaran daha fazla göç etmektedir. Böy-lelikle kendini gerçekleştirme sürecine etki edecek noktalardan faydalanarak bir sonraki noktaya doğru ilerlemektedir. Analiz yapanların noktaları birleş-tirmeleriyle de göçmenin yaşam öyküsü ortaya çıkmakta, bu yaşam öyküleri ise yeni teorilerin gelişmesine kaynaklık etmektedir. On dokuzuncu yüzyılda E. G. Ravenstein'ın araştırmaları ile başlayan göç çalışmaları alanında, 90'lı yıllarda göç teorilerini yukarıda belirtilen bağlamda tartışan ve aynı zaman-da bütünleştiren, çığır açıcı fikirler ortaya çıkmaya başlamıştır. Bu çalışmanın amacı, çağdaş göç teorilerini ortaya çıkan tüm yeniliklerle birlikte değerlendir-mek ve muhtelif yaklaşımlar arasındaki farklılık ve tamamlayıcılıkları ortaya koymaya çalışmaktır.

As a welcome alternative to economic explanations of migration, the social network has become a key concept in migration studies. However, by maintaining a static conceptualisation of networks (as grid-like structures) and by suggesting that social capital automatically derives from networks, we tend to fall into a form of network determinism. As an alternative, this paper makes the case for a practice approach to social networks that recognises the changeable nature of networks and the social endeavours that are needed to accumulate social capital. In so doing, I first revisit the work of Granovetter and Bourdieu in order to explore existing practice elements in their network approaches. I subsequently combine these insights with practice-oriented migration studies. This analysis results in four hitherto undertheorised elements that provide a foundation for the advocated networking approach. Finally, I illustrate the analytical value of this approach by discussing the networking practices of sub-Saharan African migrants en route for the European Union.

This paper seeks to lay out—in a comprehensive yet concise way—how migration comes about. It stops short of prescribing particular policy interventions, but lays the foundation for identifying how migration dynamics and their outcomes may be shaped by government policy. The paper presents a model of migration that draws upon recent developments in migration theory. It is broadly applicable across different categories of migrants, including refugees. The model is built around three steps: (1) The formation of a desire for change. This is driven by people’s current conditions, their perception of prospects for the future, and their life aspirations. The desire for change may be focused on personal security, living conditions, professional development, or other spheres of life. (2) The channelling of a desire for change into migration aspirations. People could respond to a desire for change by seeking a future elsewhere. Alternatively, they could pursue local opportunities—either for changing their personal circumstances or contributing to social change. These responses could be constructive (e.g. pursuing education, entrepreneurship, or political activism) or destructive (e.g. radicalization or violent mobilization). (3) The outcomes of migration aspirations. A wish to migrate could be converted into actual migration, depended on opportunities and resources. But it could also result in an unsuccessful migration attempt in the form of death, being trapped en route, or having to return against one’s will. A third outcome is involuntary immobility—wishing to leave but being unable to do so. This is a largely invisible outcome, but a potentially damaging one for individuals and communities.

Research on post-migration processes usually focuses either on micro-level behaviours or on macro-level interactions between states and their diasporas. This paper aims to fill a gap by proposing a structure/agency approach likely to address the micro-, meso- and macro-level factors that account for cross-border phenomena. The first section compares the main structure/agency approaches (Bourdieu's theory of practice, Giddens' structuration theory and Archer's morphogenetics) with a view to highlighting the core elements that characterise these theories. The second section outlines an innovative framework that combines Habermas' theory of communicative action and the 'plural man' theory of Bernard Lahire. The central idea is to use a renewed concept of social institutions (family, associations and businesses) as an entry to the study of social practices and structuration processes.

Tercer capítulo de la tesis “Desencajes y Bricolajes de la Protección Social: Las Familias Transnacionales Bolivianas en Barcelona y São Paulo”.  En este capítulo vislumbramos el desborde de los mundos nacionales de bienestar. De esa forma, en el lugar de una concepción de lo social como equivalente al nacional y de la protección social como resultado de regímenes de bienestar nacionales, se ha reconocido, por medio de la perspectiva transnacional, la existencia de mundos intersticiales transfronterizos. Los espacios sociales transnacionales son producidos y reproducidos por diferentes tipos de actores, como los migrantes, no migrantes, emprendimientos económicos, instituciones estatales y organismos no gubernamentales. Estos son espacios dinámicos, en permanente estructuración y marcados por niveles significativos de contingencia.
El desborde de los mundos nacionales de bienestar desafía la explicación sociológica. Cuando la sociedad era vista como equivalente al territorio nacional, la relación entre individuos y sociedad venía definida en términos de ciudadanos y sociedad nacional representada por el estado; en la medida en que la perspectiva transnacional llama la atención sobre la posibilidad de vínculos simultáneos en múltiples lugares, el cuadro se complejifica y germinan cuestiones difíciles de resolver, tales como: ¿Cuáles son las implicaciones de una reflexión acerca de los riesgos y las formas de protección social cuando los individuos y colectivos están socialmente presentes “aquí”, “allá” y “más allá”?
La agenda de las familias transnacionales ha buscado colaborar con ese panorama desafiador, centrándose en las relaciones multisituadas de cuidado. Tiene un gran potencial, en la medida que permite superar tanto las descripciones despacializadas de las teorías de la globalización como los presupuestos del nacionalismo metodológico. Desde otro ángulo, es posible reconocer que los análisis de la transnacionalización del cuidado tienen la capacidad de superar reducciones micro (individual) y macrosociológicas (nacional o global). Por una parte, el foco limitado al individuo es insuficiente, puesto que la experiencia de la migración es vivida colectivamente y producida socialmente por medio de la disponibilidad de recursos, instrumentos e imaginarios (SASSEN, 2007, pp. 131-132). Por otro lado, un enfoque limitado a las fuerzas estructurales, que no presta atención a la experiencia migratoria, tiende a afirmar la imagen de un mundo dividido en escalas estancas y lineales. Los estudios de las familias transnacionales ponen énfasis en las relaciones sociales de cuidado, o sea, tienen como foco el nivel mesosociológico. El foco en el cuidado se muestra crucial puesto que expresa un tipo de vínculo profundo entre actores, la capacidad de agencia de esos y la participación en un proyecto de bienestar común.
La transnacionalización del cuidado es un aspecto significativo para la comprensión de las interfaces entre migraciones y protección social. Al dislocar el cuidado para el centro del análisis, se superan las miradas economicistas que conciben la migración internacional y la protección social como una transacción entre individuos y estados, impregnadas por una noción dicotómica de hombres productores y mujeres reproductoras (KOFMAN, 2004). Desde diferentes caminos analíticos, esa agenda ha permitido revelar que los mundos transnacionales son lugares en que dinámicas productivas (de trabajo y renta), reproductivas (cuidado) y (re) distributivas (creación de estrategias de protección frente a los riesgos) están en permanente desarrollo y transformación.
Cada uno de los enfoques expuestos en la segunda sección de este capítulo componen el amplio panorama de la transnacionalización del cuidado. Las cadenas globales de cuidado reconocen la existencia de una división internacional del trabajo reproductivo, en el cual las capacidades de cuidado del sur global son desviadas hacia el norte formando un ciclo vicioso que tiene como un último encadenamiento el trabajo de cuidado no remunerado en los lugares más pobres, realizados por las mujeres más vulnerables. El análisis en términos de la organización social del cuidado pone el énfasis en las configuraciones institucionales y las formas sociales de distribución de las tareas y obligaciones de cuidado. Por último, el emergente enfoque de la circulación parte de una concepción multidimensional del cuidado, para comprender los modos de circulación de diferentes tipos de cuidado por medio de la actuación desigual de diferentes tipos de actores. El enfoque de la circulación del cuidado es especialmente interesante para una reflexión sobre las interfaces entre la protección social y las migraciones, puesto que adopta, de manera más clara y operativa, una óptica transnacional, y, de esa forma, permite poner el foco en la agencia y las desigualdades de los diferentes miembros de las redes familiares.
La circulación del cuidado en el interior de las redes de las familias transnacionales puede considerarse como una forma de crear, mantener y transformar estrategias de protección social transnacional. Sin embargo, esos arreglos están siempre supeditados a la disponibilidad de oportunidades, recursos y servicios de protección social que, en gran medida, siguen siendo anclados nacionalmente. En este sentido, es posible destacar la relevancia y necesidad de una complementariedad entre las perspectivas transnacionales del cuidado (en particular de la circulación del cuidado) y el marco de los regímenes de bienestar.

"Can the Undocumented Immigrant Speak? Exploring Decolonial Thinking in Latinx Literature and Cinema" focuses on young undocumented immigrant students by primarily analyzing nonfiction texts: Joshua Davis’s Spare Parts: Four Undocumented Teenagers, One Ugly Robot, and the Battle for the American Dream, and Julissa Arce’s My Underground American Dream memoir. I also discuss the Spare Parts film, and Jose Antonio Vargas’s documentary, Documented. As migration theory has largely failed to recognize the importance of race and racism in the process of migrant integration, my analysis incorporates theories that center on dismantling western binaries to create hybrid, new non-linear, third spaces of subaltern enunciation. Therefore, decolonial theory is useful in the examination of the always fluid notion of undocumented immigration. Peruvian sociologist Aníbal Quijano’s concept of “coloniality of power,” Argentinian-Mexican philosopher Enrique Dussel’s “principle of solidarity,” and Latina theorist Gloria Anzaldúa’s notion of “Nepantla,” provide essential thinking to my analysis.

Wisdom is at once one of the most elusive and most valued kinds of knowledge. Empirical research shows that, indeed, across cultures, people hope that life experience will eventually make them wiser. The problem is that, to date, the academic study of wisdom and of the processes by which it can be learned has been dominated by psychologists. The first part of the article reviews the state-of-the-art psychological scholarship on wisdom to show how that conceptualization lacks geographical sensitivity and therefore misses some of the crucial geographical mechanisms by which people become wiser. The second part of the article singles out and focuses on one such mechanism, namely, the learning of wisdom through geographical dislocations. By drawing on insights from the study of international migration, exile, and transculturation in postcolonial contexts, the final part of the article suggests specific learning processes that might strengthen the hypothesis that geographical dislocations and the attendant cross-cultural experiences they generate are often conducive to wisdom. La sabiduría es a la vez uno de los tipos de conocimiento más esquivos y más valorados. La investigací on empírica en verdad muestra que en todas las culturas la gente espera que la experiencia de la vida eventualmente los haga más sabios. El problema es que hasta ahora el estudio académico sobre la sabiduría y sobre los procesos por medio de los cualesésta puede alcanzarse ha estado dominado por los psicólogos. La primera parte del artículo revisa el estado del arte de la erudicí on psicoí ogica sobre este particular, para mostrar c ´ omo esa conceptualizací on carece de sensibilidad geográfica y en consecuencia deja de considerar algunos de los mecanismos geográficos cruciales mediante los cuales la gente se hace más sabia. La segunda parte del artículo escoge y se concentra en uno de tales mecanismos, o sea, el aprendizaje de la sabiduría por medio de las dislocaciones geográficas. A partir de la perspicacia del estudio de la migrací on internacional, el exilio y la transculturací on en contextos poscoloniales, la parte final del artículo sugiere procesos de aprendizaje específicos, que podrían fortalecer la hipótesis de que las dislocaciones geográficas y las experiencias culturales de vasto espectro generadas por aquellas a menudo llevan a la sabiduría. Palabras clave: distancia, dislocaciones geográficas, migrací on internacional, aprendizaje visceral, sabiduría.

In media, political and lay representations of migrants it remains frequently the case that metaphors are systematically used in racist and demeaning manners, though also, occasionally, in positive ways empathizing with the plight of refugees, migrant com- munities and the sans papiers. In this piece, however, I wish to note the wider, more personal and speculative reasons as to why metaphors are so frequently used and are, it seems, so widely effective in shaping social perceptions. In late modernity, in the affluent north-west some name the migrant through demeaning metaphors in an attempt to deny their anxiety over their own inessence and instability, our  constant transferal in our species’ constitutive shapeshifting body that encompasses the linguistic being of the non-linguistic. I think this with and against the use of metaphors towards a sense of metamorphosis, including through a reading of the pneumatic body in Paul.

1 The term "transnational" has long been used to describe corporations that have major financial operations in more than one country and a significant organizational presence in several countries simultaneously. The growth of transnational corporations has been accompanied by the relocation of populations. It therefore seems appropriate to use the term "transnational" as a description for both the sectors of migrating populations who maintain a simultaneous presence in two or more societies and for the relations these migrants establish. In 1986 the American Academy of Political and Social Science employed the term as the theme of a conference publication entitled F n m r h wwkm o settkrs?-i'innmahal rn&atzim and thc tmqjmcc ofa tlclp mim.9. The conference papers dwelt more on the effect on public policy of this type of migration, but did so without developing the concept of transnational migration.

From the mid-1950s through the mid-1980s, migration between Mexico and the United States constituted a stable system whose contours were shaped by social and economic conditions well-theorized by prevailing models of migration. It evolved as a mostly circular movement of male workers going to a handful of U.S. states in response to changing conditions of labour supply and demand north and south of the border, relative wages prevailing in each nation, market failures and structural economic changes in Mexico, and the expansion of migrant networks following processes specified by neoclassical economics, segmented labour market theory, the new economics of labour migration, social capital theory, world systems theory, and theoretical models of state behaviour. After 1986, however, the migration system was radically transformed, with the net rate of migration increasing sharply as movement shifted from a circular flow of male workers going a limited set of destinations to a nationwide population of settled families. This transformation stemmed from a dynamic process that occurred in the public arena to bring about an unprecedented militarization of the Mexico-U.S. border, and not because of shifts in social, economic, or political factors specified in prevailing theories. In this paper I draw on earlier work to describe that dynamic process and demonstrate its consequences, underscoring the need for greater theoretical attention to the self-interested actions of politicians, pundits, and bureaucrats who benefit from the social construction and political manufacture of immigration crises when none really exist.