Michel Foucault

This paper is a brief review essay of Anne Orford's book 'International Authority and the Responsibility to Protect' which, along with three others and a response by the author published in the inaugural issue of the 'London Review of International Law', was first given at an author-meets-reader session at the University of Sydney. This review addresses the Foucaultian dimensions of Orford's book.

Foucault Studies, No. 14, Sept. 2012, p. 98-114
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«Considérations sur le marxisme, la phénoménologie et le pouvoir»
Cités, No. 52, Déc. 2012, p. 103-126
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This is an interview with Michel Foucault by Colin Gordon and Paul Patton conducted at Foucault's Paris apartment in April 1978 and published in the original French and in English translation in 2012. There is an introductory note by Alain Beaulieu who arranged the authorised publication, and a note on the background to the interview by Colin Gordon.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) was established on August 8, 1967, when foreign ministers of five countries, consisting of Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand, met in Bangkok and signed the ASEAN Declaration. The regional grouping has made the most progress in economic integration, aiming to create an ASEAN Community by 2015. Recently, the Member Countries of the ASEAN have accepted the concept of ASEAN Connectivity, which emphasized on the three pillars regional cooperation of security, socio-cultural, and economic integration. In particular, ASEAN Connectivity is expected: (1) to enhance trade, investment, tourism, and development, (2) to narrow development gaps, and to facilitate people-to-people contacts. As a preparation to adapt with a new system, Indonesia is geared to improve its domestic connectivity as a prerequisite of regional connectivity. In Indonesia's view, regional connectivity should help empower and develop the local economies, as an effort to narrow the development gaps within ASEAN. To fulfill these goals, Indonesia needs to strengthen its physical connectivity through better transportation infrastructure. However, to support trade facilitation, good transportation infrastructure alone is not sufficient. It needs to be enhanced with ICT infrastructure, which is crucial in supporting trade facilitation through its ability to facilitate information exchange and to reduce the cost of doing business. This paper aims to explore how Indonesia's domestic connectivity coops with the concept of ASEAN connectivity. Some data and various existing policies in their effort to accomplish ASEAN connectivity will be explored. With the new legal framework in ICT and transportation, the performance of the ICT and transportation system in Indonesia is expected to ameliorate, hence supporting the development of other sectors, and this will ultimately lead to the realization of ASEAN Connectivity.

El artículo presenta los rasgos de la primera formulación de un discurso sobre el biopoder, que Foucault realizó entre 1973 y 1974 en las conferencias de Río de Janeiro. La lectura atenta de estas conferencias muestra cómo la biopolítica tiene una relación inseparable del desarrollo del capitalismo: la reproducción de la fuerza de trabajo, el desarrollo de unas técnicas de gestión sanitaria y finalmente el nacimiento del mercado de la salud. De este modo, las conferencias se vinculan con lo que se presentará en los cursos posteriores del Colegio de Francia

To cite:
Wilkins, A. 2017. Rescaling the local: Multi-academy trusts, private monopoly and statecraft in England. Journal of Educational Administration and History, 49 (2), 171-185

For the past six years successive UK governments in England have introduced reforms intended to usher in less aggregated, top-down, bureaucratically overloaded models of service delivery as well as secure conditions for greater school autonomy.  Yet the ‘hollowing out’ of local government has not resulted in less bureaucracy on the ground or less regulation from above, nor has it diminished hierarchy as an organising principle of education governance.  In some cases, monopolies and monopolistic practices dominated by powerful bureaucracies and professional groups persist, albeit realised through the involvement of new actors and organisations from business and philanthropy.  In this paper I adopt a governmentality perspective to explore the political significance of large multi-academy trusts (MATs) – private sponsors contracted by central government to run publicly funded schools – to the generation of new scalar hierarchies and accountability infrastructures that assist in bringing the gaze of government to bear upon the actions of schools that are otherwise less visible under local government management.  On this account, it is argued, MATs are integral to statecraft and the invention and assemblage of particular apparatuses for intervening upon specific organisations, spaces and peoples.

The United States is the only Western democratic nation to practice capital punishment in the 21st century. Lethal injection was introduced in the late 1970s as a more palatable alternative to evidently brutal methods of execution such as electrocution, hanging, and firing squads. Today, executions are staged as a quasi-medical procedure in which the inmate/patient is put to sleep – and put to death – on a gurney, hooked up to an IV machine, sometimes with the direct participation of medical professionals such as anesthesiologists. Medical knowledge and authority is both invoked to justify the practice of lethal injection and also strictly limited in its capacity to critique, or even to optimize, this practice.  In the Supreme Court case, Baze v Rees (2008), prisoners on Kentucky’s death row called for the use of medical technology and expertise to minimize pain during execution.  The court denied their request, but in response to a dissenting opinion, many states introduced manual “consciousness checks” which function as both a both biopolitical ritual of care and a necropolitical ritual of social death. Following Foucault, this chapter analyses the current practice of lethal injection in the US as a form of ‘grotesque sovereignty’ or Ubu-esque power.

Published in The Edinburgh Companion to the Critical Medical Humanities. Ed. Anne Whitehead and Angela Woods. Edinburgh University Press, 2016.

After beginning his historical work in Switzerland in the 1950s and then continuing it in the United States at the Menninger Foundation, Henri Ellenberger (1905–1993) became the leading historian of " dynamic psychiatry ". This expression commonly denotes mental medicine that draws from psychotherapeutic practices and psychological theories to improve our understanding of mental diseases and to cure them. Although still used today, usually in juxtaposition to 19th century alienism or to biological psychiatry, the origin and meaning of this expression are unclear. An unpublished lecture (1956) by Ellenberger on this subject, accompanied by an explanatory introduction, is reproduced here to shed light on Ellenberger's interpretation of that term. This article additionally aims to draw certain parallels and distinctions between Ellenberger, Michel Foucault and George Devereux's teaching in the 1950s. Considering that the history of psychiatry is now a well-established speciality in the academic world, Ellenberger's lecture is also an original document which enables us to trace the professionalization of psychiatric historiography as an academic discipline back to its beginnings after World War II.

In my doctoral dissertation I explore the metaphorization processes that make knowl-edge possible. These metaphorization processes allow the making of temporary coher-ence, a necessary feature to know but also to act in the world. My dissertation argues that we must strive to legitimate a multiplicity of knowledge situations. Our positions are partial, which means that we cannot ensure that our practices are just unless we recog-nize the plurality of viewpoints. My project is to develop a concept of personhood that vii

This essay provides an account of the role of ritual in governmentality (or the conducting of conduct) through an analysis of key texts during the period roughly from 1973 through 1981. I claim that ritual plays an essential role in Foucault's analysis of juridical forms and sovereign power as well as conduct and counter-conduct understood as features of governmentality and political rationality.

Strategic misinformation is an unavoidable term when addressing the relationship between politics, democracy and mass media in the 21st century. Deliberate propaganda has a long trajectory in our history, and it has existed as long as media has been essential for those in power to represent their interests to large audiences. This thesis analyzes the role of strategic misinformation in mediatized democracies of current times, considering cognitive bias as a crucial element that is highly exploited during the creation of systematic and targeted messages that are spread over the internet and social media. Also, the research investigates how strategic misinformation may be an incidental factor in certain population groups when they decide to be part of democratic processes. Religion and the diaspora in the U.S. are two important factors for Latino and Hispanic voting decisions and interaction with the news. In the theoretical framework, this thesis emphasizes post-truth and truth from a Foucauldian approach, cognitive bias and propaganda. The thesis implements an experiment with 15 participants (liberals and conservatives) and it is divided into three categories: a survey to measure their political inclination; exposure to strategic misinformation created to analyze different levels of trust in news that may go against their ideological preferences; and finally a questionnaire to analyze if a change in the levels of trust was possible. Religious affiliation of participants was a key factor that represented levels of confirmation bias related to the stories they read during the experiment, all of which were politically ideological.

Border zones and detention centers are often characterized as spaces that concretize a permanent " state of exception " where resistance is deemed unlikely. This article explores hunger striking and lip-sewing practices of migrants and refugees as a largely neglected form of protest that takes a silent exception from the exception. Focusing on their gesture of a double withdrawal – from nutrition and from speech –, I make the case for an expanded conception of agency that is non-instrumental and expressive. Pursuing an alethurgic analysis, I situate the violent and embodied silence of these protests in Foucault's problematic of parrhesiastic practice. I examine these practices as processes of subjectivation that unmake and remake the self, call into being parrhesiastic counter-publics, and courageously critique the present.

This book recalibrates literature’s political role for the 21st century by excavating the deep history of storytelling as a civic agency. From Aristotle to Arendt and from the novella to the video story, short narrative forms hence become tangible as active vectors that enable and radically modulate the ontology of human encounters.

“Civic Storytelling lays bare the complex legacies and persistent powers of short narrative forms. Fuchs guides the reader with assurance and learning through fascinating moments in the history and theory of literature”
—Daniel Heller-Roazen, Princeton University

“Why has the novel stolen so much attention from the equally robust lineage of short forms? In his erudite and wide-ranging alternate literary history, Florian Fuchs rebalances accounts, revealing a long backdrop to our data floods and snippet reading. Short forms do not lead us out of the world, but into full engagement with it; they are the democratic media of the commons.”
—John Durham Peters, Yale University

“Civic Storytelling is a timely intervention in our age of debates about fact and fiction. Drawing on Hannah Arendt’s idea of enacted stories, Florian Fuchs makes a convincing case for the particular cognitive productivity of short narratives.”
—Eva Geulen, Humboldt University Berlin and ZfL Berlin

Since the last quarter of the 20th century, “morality” as a theoretical enterprise revolving around the notions of “law,” “obligation” and “universality” has been severely criticized in the Anglo-Saxon world, especially by the proponents of virtue ethics. However, with the exception of some remarkable figures -such as Alasdair MacIntyre- critics stayed reluctant to focus on the intricate relationship between the modern paradigm of morality and the cultural and political context in which it functions. In this paper, I will argue that Michel Foucault’s work provides us highly valuable conceptual tools through which “code-based morality” can be analyzed primarily as a central “dispositif” that regulates the modalities in which the self relates to the world, to others and to herself. To this end, I will mainly focus on the historical narrative that Foucault develops in his later lectures and show the extent to which certain key aspects of this genealogy may contribute to a criticism of the modern enterprise of morality. A prominent question will be whether the relatively neglected dichotomy between “philosophy” and “spirituality” that Foucault offers in his Hermeneutics of the Subject can be given a key place in this critical project. 

Keywords: ethics, morality, philosophy, spirituality, self, ascesis, Hermeneutics of the Subject

Libri in discussione 1 onsapevoli che il 2014 sarebbe stato l'anno foucaultiano par excellence, Einaudi ha di poco anticipato i tempi e nel dicembre 2013 pubblica il corso di Michel Foucault tenuto a Lovanio tra il gennaio e il maggio 1981 con il titolo Mal fare, dir vero. Funzione della confessione nella giustizia, tradotto in italiano da Valeria Zini. A conclusione del libro non solo sono raccolte tre interviste al filosofo di Poitiers ad opera di André Berten, Christian Panier e Pierre Waitté ed infine Jean François e John De Wit, ma anche è presente -come di consueto nei Corsi al Collège de France -La situazione del corso curata da Fabienne Brion e Bernard E.

Whether due to his insight or influence, Foucault’s mixture of cynicism, paranoia and obsession with power mirrors our current cultural zeitgeist. His thoughts resonate on both thin edges of the American political thought. On the left, consider feminist law scholar Catharine MacKinnon who stated that men incarcerated for rape thinks it is stupid because “They were put into jail for something very little different from what most men do most of the time and they call it sex. The only difference is they got caught. It may also be right.”  On the right, there are those who believe that including homosexuality as a personal choice would lead to an epidemic of sodomy. In speaking of homosexuality, Pat Buchanan sees even mere acceptance as wrong.  While these ideas are clearly on the lip of the American political bell curve, it is an arc plotted on a Foucauldien graph. The X-axis is knowledge and the right axis is power.

Esta tese, como produção situada, tem o tom de seu tempo e do contexto em que foi produzida, atravessada pelos (des)encontros subjetivos com profissionais de psicologia com experiência de atendimento a pessoas em situação de LGBTfobia em meio a uma crise política global com modulações densas nacionais. Foram realizadas entrevistas com oito profissionais de psicologia e outras produções discursivas (entre 473 fotos, 199 áudios e 5 diários) a partir das quais, direta ou indiretamente, foram costuradas as linhas de argumento e análise desta pesquisa, entre saberes, jogos de poder e intersubjetividades. Considerando a pesquisa também como produção de si, na experiência do pesquisador irrompem histórias sobre fatos, ficções e afetos. Assim, as narrativas produzidas por meio de entrevistas e diários, contam não só um processo de pesquisa sobre a prática psicológica no enfrentamento à LGBTfobia, mas também, uma escrita de si comprometida ética, estética e politicamente com a complexidade do presente. Como efeito desse encontro entre pesquisador e profissionais, uma tese, um acontecimento, compreendida figurativamente como revolução, uma catástrofe! Histórias sobre o genocídio dos povos tradicionais, a brutalização sobre os corpos negros, o colapso climático, o impeachment de Dilma Rousseff, as eleições presidenciais de 2018 e o início do governo Bolsonaro são contadas para não só evocar uma problematização sobre a prática psicológica a vítimas de LGBTfobia, mas também produzir uma versão para registro e inscrição da história da atualidade. Profissionais e pesquisador amalgamam experiências e como resultado a defrontação com o fim do mundo, com seu Homem e sua Humanidade. O Antropoceno, evento limite de catástrofe e indigência, coloca a Psicologia à prova no que concerne seu amor ao poder, à técnica e ao fascismo. Como destinação, na tentativa de diferir, profissionais de psicologia são convidados e convidadas a acontecerem, insurgirem-se tomando distância do poder como instrumento de dominação. Ficcionando uma Psicologia não-fascista, artífice de uma clínica ética do cuidado de si e de práticas de liberdade direcionadas à gente tornada indigente, que teve sua agência raptada num país constituído pelo derramamento de sangue e pela apologia ao medo e ao ódio.

There are many histories of the police as a law-enforcement institution, but no genealogy of the police as a form of power. This book provides a genealogy of the modern police by tracing the evolution of ‘police science’ and of police institutions in Europe, from the ancien régime to the early 19th century. Drawing on the theoretical path outlined by Michel Foucault at the crossroads between historical sociology, critical legal theory and critical criminology, it shows how the development of police power was an integral part of the birth of the modern state’s governmental rationalities and how police institutions were conceived as political technologies for the government and social disciplining of populations. Understanding modern police not as an institution at the service of the judiciary and the law, but as a complex political technology for governing the economic and social processes typical of modern capitalist societies, this book shows how the police have played an active role in actually shaping order, rather than merely preserving it.

For Hannah Arendt, spontaneous, ‘initiatory’ human action and interaction are suppressed by the normalizing pressures of society once ‘life’ – that is, sheer life – becomes the primary concern of politics, as it does, she finds, in the modern age. Arendt’s concept of the social is indebted to Martin Heidegger’s analysis of everyday Dasein in Being and Time, and contemporary political philosophers inspired by Heidegger, such as Jean-Luc Nancy, Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe, and Giorgio Agamben, tend to reproduce her account of the withdrawal of the political in modernity. In this article, I complicate Arendt’s theory by turning to Michel Foucault’s parallel but diverging understanding of the nature of power in modern society to show, surprisingly, that Foucault’s narrative of the emergence of modern power pictures a society that is more, not less, politicized.

In contemporary Western society, there is a strong focus on how the body looks and performs, and whether it requires regulation. These powerful expectations impact on individual embodiment - the lived experience of having and being a body, including the internalisation and enactment of socially constructed norms (Kosut and Moore 2010; Shapiro 2015). In this article, we focus on the ways in which tattoos are an embodiment of the interaction order (Goffman 1983); a symbolic mediation between individuals and the social structure. To achieve this, we draw upon the experiences of Rachael, a 24-year old woman employed as a receptionist with ten tattoos, to illustrate how social discourses about the ‘normalised’ feminine body can be reinforced and challenged through tattoos. This is evidenced by Rachael’s use of tattoos as part of a suite of ‘technologies of the self’ (Foucault 1988), which make her feel in control and align, and reconfigure, her body with social discourses of femininity. ...

In this paper, as a final year student at the Faculty of Theology and Religion at the University of Pretoria, in fulfillment of the requirements for a Bachelor of Divinity Theology qualification, I aim to explore the history of Sexuality and Marriage as well as the concerns surrounding sexual and marital constructs as sociological issues, which 21st century Theology is often faced with: whether the Biblical ethics regarding premarital sexuality in its relation to marriage are still relevant for the 21st century...

This doctoral dissertation investigates the development of the norm of sovereignty as responsibility by focusing on its institutionalization in the framework of the International Criminal Court (ICC). Prominent observers have regarded the emergence of a new norm of sovereignty as responsibility as one of the most significant normative shifts in international society since the aftermath of World War II. Against this backdrop, accounts have proliferated situating the ICC at the cutting edge of normative change. The present study critically engages with the whole set of theoretical foundations underlying this view, including the conventional constructivist understanding of norm development upon which the latter is premised. This, on the one hand, emphasizes the importance of norm institutionalization within “tangible” sets of rules or organizations. On the other, it understands institutionalization itself as a moment of clarity and stabilization, thus largely reducing it to an end-point of the norm emergence process. In other words, norm institutionalization is confined to a positivist view in which institutions fall back to the role of neutral fora. The result is a linear, static, and largely depoliticized account of norm content, which, while yielding to the traditional lack of communication between normative and empirical studies, ends up reiterating a dichotomic and simplistic view in which norms are scripts of emancipation, and power a practice of domination. The dissertation aims to unravel this dilemma altogether by offering a step forward in the development of a post-positivist constructivist approach. In other words, it takes a genuinely trans-disciplinary perspective and delves into the configuration of normativity as part of institutional practice, paying special attention to how the relative power of relevant actors reconstitutes norms during norm negotiation and implementation. Hence, the study  unfolds from an unusual location – at the intersection between normative international theory and the politics of international criminal law; and from there, it seeks to revive discussions about the power-laden nature of the normative fabric of international society, its own dis-symmetries, and its outright hierarchies. To this end, the dissertation asks two major sequential questions: how the overarching system negotiated by states at the Rome Conference affects the selection of situations and cases before the ICC and their outcomes; and how the selection of situations and cases and their outcomes, in turn, “feeds back” to the norm of sovereignty institutionalized through the Court’s practice. The resulting analysis shows the following. While the Rome Statute reflects the persistence of the state as the primary site of political authority and coercion, it also cuts against the normative aspirations of sovereignty as responsibility by leaving the Court specifically ill-equipped to break with a notorious pattern of hyper-protected sovereignty. Outstanding issues such as the ICC’s selectivity and African bias, as well as the Court’s future prospects, are then reconsidered under this light. Those findings are then discussed in the final part of the study. Focusing on questions of delegation to international institutions, this ends with a note of caution. It concludes that the prospects of sovereignty as responsibility, as well as the broader discussion about cosmopolitan governance, lie more with the re-politicization of the debate than a straightforward invocation of greater forms of supranationalism.

Interpreters of Michel Foucault's 1966 Les mots et les choses have often conflated the terms 'episteme' and 'historical a priori'. This article suggests that the two terms are entirely separate: while 'episteme' refers to the configuration of thought in a given historical period, 'historical a priori' refers to the conditions of unity for a certain field of science within a given period. In his use of the term 'historical a priori', Foucault is thus much closer to Husserl than has hitherto been appreciated. Keeping the two terms separated also sheds new light on the archaeological method that Foucault uses, showing that there is a procedure to get from an archive of texts to the reconstruction of an episteme.

First this paper will discuss Michel Foucault foundation of his ideas, and why more than a critical intervention from scholars of color is needed. Moreover, we should be aware that not only were Foucault’s deficient of political ideas or a vision of what the world ought to be, but in neglecting question of the human he indirectly made a very ontological statement “only white lives matter”. His ideas are well-known already and I don’t want to site them there or spend a lot of paper space discussing them, what is more important is who and what he represent. Secondly, I want to turn my focus on Marx, to argue that Marxism and Marxist do not and cannot provide us a solution to black suffering. I am not against Marxism, I believe that capitalist exploitation dominates the world and I am against it, but the ontological question “what and who is human?” when answer by the Marxist is always the white, worker, male. So if blacks are outside of human whose racial experiences are not relevant then how can we understanding the student slave, the worker slave, when chattel slavery has already ended? If black people are surplus, therefore disposable, then what is left of Marx? If black people do not have function or purpose within capitalism? I want to follow up with offering an alternative, the work of black feminist Sylvia Wynter is vital to understanding the racialization and the category of human in western modernity (Weheliye, 2014), I will attempt to piece together her call for a new humanism, alongside and relation to work by Afro-Pessimist and Critical Race Theory to gain a perspective of racialization and what does that mean for black students in the Afterlife. In all, I want to argue that the afterlife should be a more proper way of looking at history and progress here in the West. This will cause us to rethink slavery and freedom. Hopefully I will be able to messy picture of schooling where black children are posted to a social death but life is also worth living. To life a life in death or black life is not white social life.

Michel Foucault -Filosofias da Prática -Ferramentas conceituais Fidelidade infiel -Metanarrativa -História Os grandes filósofos edificantes destroem para o bem de sua própria geração. (Rorty, 1988, p.286). Fugir a uma tradição. Neste caso, fugir à minha própria tradição... Fugir àquilo que, em minha forma de escrever, tem sido mais tradicional: a talvez excessiva preocupação com a arquitetura e o endereçamento do texto. Uma fuga desse tipo requer algum esforço e, no meu caso, implica riscos. No plano mais formal: como deixar um pouco de lado a sempre torturante lapidação que me acompanha, na constante preocupação com uma estrutura textual lógica e gramaticalmente rigorosa? E no âmbito daquilo que se costuma chamar de conteúdo: saberei escrever sem me preocupar tanto com o rigor das tecnicalidades daquilo que escrevo e com os mapas e amarrações conceituais dos temas que abordo? Neste caso, saberei ser claro para quem me ler sem, com isso, precisar rechear meu texto com mil amarrações e referências a terceiros? Saberei me libertar, por pouco que seja, dessa constante preocupação que herdei do trabalho docente: ser didático e (muito) útil àqueles a quem escrevo? E como combinarei várias coisas que já escrevi com outras que me preocupam mas que ainda não coloquei no papel? Enfim, como dar mais uma volta no parafuso com o qual venho trabalhando há tantos anos, sem gastar a rosca e sem arrochar o conjunto todo? Esses são os desafios que aqui proponho a mim mesmo. E se me desafio é porque quero experimentar mais liberdade na visita que volto a fazer à oficina de trabalho de Foucault. E se quero liberdade nessa visita é para que eu possa me deter um pouco mais no exame não propriamente daquilo que ele está fazendo com as suas ferramentas, mas sim no exame daquilo que o cerca nas lutas de seu ofício. Se seu ofício era pensar e escrever e se ele escrevia não por

Medical geography is a small sub-discipline of academic geography. Its presence within histories of geography depends in part upon whether geography is considered as a discipline or whether there is a broader understanding of geographies as forms of practical and popular knowledge. If we take the second approach, medical geography would seem to be quite important in the development of geographical imaginations. There are connections of cause and responsibility between these popular and academic geographies.

A mildly chronological overview of the philosophers who may have been inspired by the use of psychoactive chemicals, inc. Plato, de Quincey, Davy, Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, James, Bergson, Benjamin, Jünger, Paz, Marcuse, Sartre, Foucault; and a mention of the Outsight project.

This article was based on a talk given for the University of Exeter Philosophy Society (video: https://youtu.be/X2eY4n37FC0) and at the ICPR2016 conference. It was published in the popular HighExistence magazine on August 2nd 2016, and has received over 90 000 social media shares (http://highexistence.com/hidden-psychedelic-influence-philosophy-plato-nietzsche-psychonauts-thoughts).

Reference:
Sjöstedt-H, P. 'The Psychedelic Influence on Philosophy', HighExistence.com (2nd-08-2016)

Aux mois d'avril et de mai 1981, Michel Foucault prononce un cours qu'il intitule Mal faire, dire vrai. Fonction de l'aveu en justice. Il y poursuit l'élaboration de la notion de gouvernement par la vérité, introduite en janvier 1979 dans La naissance de la biopolitique puis reprise en janvier 1980 dans Le gouvernement des vivants pour donner un contenu positif et différencié à la notion de savoir-pouvoir et opérer par rapport à celle d'idéologie dominante un second déplacement.

Le cours est la trace d'un engagement militant : le fruit de l'alliance nouée avec des juristes radicaux, sous l'égide de l'École de criminologie de l'Université catholique de Louvain, à l'occasion d'un projet de révision du code pénal en vigueur en Belgique. Adressé à un public de juristes et de criminologues, il replace l'analyse du développement de l’aveu pénal dans l’histoire plus générale des technologies du sujet et examine diverses techniques par lesquelles l’individu est amené, soit par lui-même, soit avec l’aide ou sous la direction d’un autre, à se transformer et à modifier son rapport à soi. D’entrée de jeu, Michel Foucault annonce que le problème qui l’occupe a deux aspects. Politique : « savoir comment l’individu se trouve lié, et accepte de se lier au pouvoir qui s’exerce sur lui ». Philosophique : « savoir comment les sujets sont effectivement liés dans et par les formes de véridiction où ils s’engagent ».

Ainsi conçues, les leçons peuvent se lire comme une suite donnée à Surveiller et punir ou comme une première esquisse de l’analyse de la parrêsia et des formes alêthurgiques développée dans Le courage de la vérité. Avec le sujet avouant, ce n’est pas seulement le thème du dire vrai qui est introduit. Parce que les formes de véridiction ont partie liée avec l’assujettissement et la déprise de soi, c’est aussi la question de ce qui s’en déduit pour la philosophie critique – qu’en l’occurrence, Michel Foucault met en œuvre, à la croisée de l’activité pratique et de l’activité théorique, de la politique et de l’éthique.

« On parle souvent de la récente domination de la science ou de l’uniformisation technique du monde moderne. Disons que c’est là la question du "positivisme", au sens comtien du terme, et peut-être vaudrait-il mieux associer à ce thème le nom de Saint-Simon. Je voudrais évoquer, pour y loger les analyses que je vous propose, un contre-positivisme qui n’est pas le contraire du positivisme, plutôt son contrepoint. Il se caractériserait par l’ étonnement devant la très ancienne multiplication et prolifération du dire vrai, la dispersion des régimes de véridiction dans des sociétés comme les nôtres. »

Przysługujący widmom wywrotowy, niemalże rewolucyjny potencjał został odsunięty oraz zagubiony poprzez pozbycie się tej kontrowersyjnej kategorii z terytorium metafizyki i zbyt pośpieszne odesłanie jej do przestrzeni badań nad literaturą, sprowadzając ją jedynie do roli użytecznego, bezpiecznego narzędzia interpretacji.

Książka Andrzeja Marca odzyskuje niepokojący charakter widmontologii i ponownie wprowadza widma do myśli metafizycznej. Czym nawiedzona i przeniknięta jest tradycyjna metafizyka, co właściwie ją dręczy, nie daje spokoju oraz nieustannie podmywa jej stabilność?

Kategoria widma Derridy posłużyła Marcowi przede wszystkim do rozważań nad charakterem współczesności i przeobrażeń, jakie dokonały się w obrębie myśli ponowoczesnej. Współczesna kultura, zdaniem Marca, stała się miejscem powstawania widm, nieustannie powracających z przeszłości. Uznając, że nie jesteśmy już w stanie tworzyć utopijnych wizji przyszłości, autor stara się zdać sprawę z widmowego charakteru współczesnej kultury, analizując m. in. strategie vintage, retro, nurt no future w kulturze lat 70. czy nurt fantastyki naukowej w literaturze.

Enclosed is the syllabus and course notes from the upper division course I teach in PostModernism and Post-Marxist Critical Theory. It occurs to me that some of these essays--ranging from Horkheimer and Adorno, Baudrillard, Foucault, and the feminist post-modern theorist Donna Haraway may offer some insight and some tools for comprehending the dark times in which we live. While these essays may not be directly aimed at understanding the rise of phenomena like the Alt-Right, toxic masculinity, and particularly violent forms of patriarchy, I think they can show us something about the ideological trends that set us on out current morally troubling path.

In the introduction to the volume, the editors explain the overarching aim of the volume and contextualize the main themes of its chapters. Even if the notions of biopolitics and biopower have played a crucial role in philosophy, the humanities, and the social sciences over the last decades, they have been used in various and at times diverging senses, which has also produced different narratives about the history of biopolitics. The main aim of the volume is to clarify whether and to what extent the concept of biopolitics is applicable to antiquity. To answer such questions, the chapters collected in the volume address three main topics, namely the possible presence of biopolitical discourse in ancient thought, the extent to which the application of a biopolitical approach to ancient thought requires qualifications, and some influential contemporary interpretations of the relation between biopolitics and antiquity.

“Power is war, the continuation of war by other means”: Foucault’s reversal of Clausewitz’s formula has become a staple of critical theory — but it remains highly problematic on a conceptual level. Elaborated during Foucault’s 1976 lectures (“Society Must Be Defended”), this work-hypothesis theorises “basic warfare” [la guerre fondamentale] as the teleological horizon of socio-political relations. Following Boulainvilliers, Foucault champions this polemological approach, conceived as a purely descriptive discourse on “real” politics and war, against the philosophico-juridical conceptuality attached to liberal society (Hobbes’s Leviathan being here the prime example).
However, in doing so, Foucault did not interrogate the conceptual validity of notions such as power and war, therefore interlinking them without questioning their ontological status. This problematic conflation was partly rectified in 1982, as Foucault proposed a more dynamic definition of power relations: “actions over potential actions”.
I argue, somewhat polemically, that Foucault’s hermeneutics of power still involves a teleological violence, dependent on a polemological representation of human relations as essentially instrumental: this resembles what Derrida names, in “Heidegger’s Ear”, an “anthropolemology”. However, I show that all conceptualisation of power implies its self-deconstruction. This self-deconstructive (or autoimmune) structure supposes an archi-originary unpower prior to power: power presupposes an excess within power, an excessive force, another violence making it both possible and impossible. There is something within power located “beyond the power principle” (Derrida). This (self-)excess signifies a limitless resistantiality co-extensive with power-relationality. It also allows the reversal of pólemos into its opposite, as unpower opens politics and warfare to the messianic call of a pre-political, pre-ontological disruption: the archi-originary force of différance. This force, unconditional, challenges Foucault’s conceptualisations of power, suggesting an originary performativity located before or beyond hermeneutics of power-knowledge, disrupting theoreticity as well as empiricity by pointing to their ontological complicity.
The bulk of this essay is dedicated to sketching the theoretical implications of this deconstructive reading of Foucault with respect to the methodology and conceptuality of political science and social theory.

This paper will focus on the aims, methods and problems of both Husserl's and Foucault's projects in order to mark their differences and their similarities. In so doing, it will underscore their shared (Kantian) goal: to strengthen the human capacity for reason as a critical means of theoretical and practical reflection. It is my contention that the differences between the thinkers' specific aims only reinforce their respective routes towards a common objective. In this respect, I will argue that both thinkers actually engage in a project to objectify subjective reason. My reasoning follows that both apply a methodological reduction in order to understand and thereby reduce the discursive and social powers that determine the praxis of reasoning. As a result, Husserl sought to make the sciences aware of their foundations in the life-world, while Foucault sought to expose their basis in and through the workings of power.

Tal como tendremos ocasión de revisar, son varios los autores que reconocen en la emoción del miedo uno de los aspectos que caracterizan y modelan nuestra contemporaneidad. Sin embargo, no es solamente tal prevalencia lo que nos interesa en este texto destacar. Más allá de visibilizar  algunas de las zonas en donde el miedo se manifiesta como una dimensión  ineludible de considerar al momento de describir cómo se ha venido estructurando nuestro entramado social, lo que nos parece relevante es señalar el lugar que el miedo ocupa dentro de las actuales agendas gubernamentales.
-Iván Pincheira, "Miedo", en Mary Luz Estupiñan (Ed.), El ABC del neoliberalismo, Viña del Mar, Communes, 2016, pp. 167-182.

Im Jahr 2017 äußerte sich die antirassistische muslimische Aktivistin Linda Sarsour zum Antisemitismus in den USA wie folgt: "While anti-Semitism is something that impacts Jewish Americans, it's different than anti-black racism or Islamophobia because it's not systemic." (Sarsour 2017). 2 Der Soziologe Balàzs Berkovits kommentierte dies kritisch: "Here, Sarsour implies that first, it is not a collective or structural phenomenon, but the sum of scattered individual acts, and second […], that anti-Semitic attacks carried out by other minorities […] cannot be significant, for those are not the actions of the dominant (white) groups, who determine the permanence of structural racism." (Berkovits 2018, 89) Sarsours Aussage ist dabei nur eine Variante in einem ganzen Spektrum von Antisemitismusverharmlosungen, die aus dem Diskurs des akademischen Antirassismus in den politischen Aktivismus eingedrungen sind. Begriffliche Eskamotierung des Antisemitismus, Relativierung des Holocaust, Dethematisierung des Judenhasses der ‚Anderen' und Feindschaft gegen Israel bilden einen systematischen Zusammenhang in diesem Diskurs. 3 Leider handelt es 1 Bei diesem Text handelt es sich um die korrigierte, überarbeitete und erweiterte Version von Elbe 2021a. 2 Vgl. dagegen die FBI-Zahlen über sog. Hassverbrechen, die von religiösen Vorurteilen motiviert sind. Sie weisen für die Jahre 2010-2018 zwischen 67% und 58% antijüdische Verbrechen auf, während die gegen Muslime begangenen von 12% auf 24% gestiegen und wieder auf 14% gesunken sind (darauf folgen dann ca. 10% antichristliche Taten) (vgl. FBI 2010, 2017, 2018, 2019). Es ist natürlich problematisch, Antisemitismus unter das Label eines religiösen Vorurteils zu subsumieren und diese Zahlen sind auch nicht mehr als ein erster Anhaltspunkt, um weiter zu fragen, ob Antisemitismus nicht vielleicht doch noch ‚systemische' Ursachen und Aspekte haben könnte. 3 Alain Finkielkraut hat bereits 1989 anlässlich der "postkoloniale[n] Verteidigungsstrategie" (Gerber 2021a, 217) der Anwälte des Nazi-Täters Klaus Barbie auf den ideologischen Komplex hingewiesen, der die Verharmlosung des Antisemitismus als innerweißer "Familienzwist" (Finkielkraut 1989b, 51), die Einebnung der Differenzen zwischen Shoah und Kolonialverbrechen, die Behauptung, die Erinnerung an den Holocaust "blockiere" "die Erinnerung der Welt" (56) an die Kolonialmassaker und die Dämonisierung Israels als ‚wahrhaft rassistischer' Staat beinhaltet (vgl. ebd., 64).