Liturgical History

This paper will mainly focus on the material culture surrounding the administration of the Lord’s Supper in the Reformed churches of the Dutch Republic. After a brief survey of the ecclesiastical setting for the service and the practical arrangements, it will principally concentrate on communion plate. Whereas the ecclesiastical decrees of the Catholic Church provided detailed stipulations about the appropriate form for liturgical vessels consecrated for the celebration of the mass, for the Reformed such matters were regarded as adiaphora. Nonetheless, communion plate was an important, if not essential, part of the administration of the Lord’s Supper. However, it, generally, tends to be considered only as part of broader studies of early modern silver and pewter ware rather than in its religious context. While Mark Petersen (2001) has drawn attention to the importance and spiritual significance of Puritan silver in New England, there has not been a similar consideration of communion plate in the Reformed Churches in Europe. In the Dutch Republic, silver and pewter beakers were used in a domestic environment as well as being commemorative items, but similar forms were adopted for the administration of the Lord’s Supper. The differences between secular and religious use will be considered, particularly in relation to their decoration and variations in design. Further research might reveal whether these vessels were regarded in a meditative and spiritual form similar to that identified in New England.

Beginning with Giorgio Agamben’s alignment of ethics and potentiality, this essay questions the ethical dimension of gesture in the field of dance as an eminently potentiality-bound art form. This draws on Daniel Sibony’s concept of law and dance, according to which the body simultaneously repels and longs for the law as a nexus of heteronomous structures. I frame this through a revision of Aby Warburg’s rhetorical concept, pathos formula, into the corollary term, ethos formula, as the encoded movement patterns of ethical attitudes or comportments which are motivated by decision-making rather than emotional content. Do gestures and their citation in dance bear an ethical dimension similar to the encoded transmission of emotions through movement?

This new concept of ethos formula finds an excellent example in the work of the American choreographer Ted Shawn (1891–1972). His strikingly hybrid use of ethos formula from the 19th century Catholic theorist François Delsarte and his parallel practice of quoting liturgical gestures from Protestant church services, pursues the ambiguity and uncanniness of modernity itself. For Shawn—like many other protagonists of modernist dance—argues on the one hand for freeing the body from the boundaries of classical ballet in the name of individual expression, and on the other hand for an instrumentalized body that still clings to principles of taxonomy and normativity.

40 essays by Ronnie Hsia, Ulrich Leinsle, Marius Reiser, Thomas Marschler, Trent Pomplun, Jean-Louis Quantin, William O'Brien SJ, Stefania Tutino, Carl Trueman, Andreas Beck, Willem van Asselt, Eric Carlsson, Stephen Hampton, Benjamin Mayes, Robert Kolb, Risto Saarinnen, Ola Tjorholm, Sarah Mortimer, Jeff Bach, Keith Stanglin, Hartmut Lehmann, Jonathan Strom, Craig Atwood, Stephen Burnett, Emanuele Colombo, Aza Goudriaan, Carolina Armenteros, Eric Watkins, Maria Rosa Antognazza, Stephen Gaukroger, Jonathan Israel, John Henry.

Taft R. F. The Great Entrance. A History of the Transfer of Gifts and other Preanaphoral Rites of the Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom. [A History of the Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom, vol. II]. Roma, 1975. (Orientalia Christiana Analecta; 200).

Accounts of Eucharistic origins have usually been driven by concern to establish the genealogy of later liturgical practices, and reflect broader narratives of early Christian history as either smooth transition or radical fall from primitive ideals. A more comprehensive account of early Eucharistic practice must give attention to Greco-Roman meal con- ventions, acknowledge the diversity of form and meaning in early Christian meals, and be more cautious about grand narratives. It would allow for consideration not only of the explicit theologies of prayer texts, but of implicit meanings involved in ritual, foods and other elements of meals. Such an emerging new paradigm may provide both a more adequate narrative of the development of the Christian Eucharist in classical historical terms, and richer interpretations of meals as a key aspect of early Christian practice.

Pentecostalism, found over the past century in the dramatic surge of “Spirit-filled Christians” across the globe, is an astounding phenomenon of religious innovation. Pentecostal believers across categories of race, class, and education congregate in passionate communities (small and large, independent and fully networked) to worship in churches often characterized as promoting emotionalism, informality, absence of historically rooted liturgical traditions, visible interaction with invisible spirits, and full-bodied participation. Certainly, there are multiple Pentecostalisms. Nevertheless, amid the variety of Pentecostal expressions, a consistently distinctive feature of their experience of worship is what I label the power–surrender dynamic.

In the following article we will examine at length some of the dynamics by which R. Yosef Hayyim of Baghdad—the renowned Ben Ish Hai (1834–1909) - integrated Kabbalah into daily life, and the complex way that he combined the teachings of the Rashash with simplified, esoteric practices meant for the general public. Needless to say, the relationship between the Kabbalists of Jerusalem and R. Yosef Hayyim illuminates a fascinating chapter in the history of Kabbalah in the late nineteenth and first half of the twentieth century.

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The article was written at the University of Oslo, Faculty of Theology, under the aegis of project NEWCONT (New Contexts for Old Texts: Unorthodox Texts and Monastic Manuscript Culture in 4th- and 5th-Cent. Egypt), funded by the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Community’s Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007–2013) / ERC Grant agreement no 283741.

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No myth might be understood differently than as a vital cultural power. Thus no researcher can collect and analyse myths out of context. They must notice the influence of myth on social life, morality, law and also religious life with its entire rituals. Many researchers demonstrate permanence of myths in every culture both in literary culture of literate Greek and Roman societies and in exclusively oral tradition of illiterate primeval communities. The phenomenon of permanence of myth might be explained by its special function and meaning. It is also not difficult to notice the relationship between myth and ritual in almost all cases. Applying, on a formal level, the analogy to mysterious rituals but remembering about the fundamental difference, essential and substantive, between monotheism (especially Christianity) and other religions and beliefs it is possible to state that Christian liturgy is also a ritual action, entering and participation in the mystery of Christ (saying per analogiam participation in the Myth of Christ, in the most positive sense of the term “myth”) and realisation of this Mystery through celebration.

Pojęcie „mitu” w historii, etnologii i fenomenologii religii Termin „mit” zwykle bywa kojarzony ze światem nierealnym. Jest najczęściej rozumiany jako baśń, wymyślona historia, która nie ma nic wspólnego z rzeczywistością, i postrzegany jedynie jako wytwór ludzkiej fantazji. Wielu uczonych wskazuje na trwałość mitu w każdej kulturze, tak w literackiej kulturze piśmiennych społeczeństw greckich i rzymskich, jak i w wyłącznie ustnej tradycji niepiśmiennych społeczeństw pierwotnych. Fenomen trwałości mitu można zaś tłumaczyć szczególną jego funkcją i przypisywanym mu znaczeniem. Nietrudno też we wszystkich niemal wypadkach dostrzec związek mitu z obrzędem. Stosując na poziomie formalnym analogię do obrzędowości misterycznych i pamiętając o fundamentalnej różnicy, istotowej i merytorycznej, między monoteizmem (w szczególności chrześcijaństwem) i wszelkimi innymi religiami i wierzeniami, można powiedzieć, że liturgia chrześcijańska to także akcja rytualna, wchodzenie i uczestnictwo w Tajemnicy Chrystusa (mówiąc per analogiam, uczestnictwo w Micie Chrystusa, w jak najbardziej pozytywnym znaczeniu terminu „mit”) i urzeczywistnianie tej Tajemnicy poprzez celebrację.

The author of the Elenchos attributes to Alcibiades of Apamea, an Elchasaite who had arrived in Rome around 220 c.e., the preaching of a baptism for the remission of sin, and of ablutions for those that had been bitten by a rabid dog, the sick with consumption, and the possessed by demons. Erik Peterson has interpreted the rabid dog and the diseases as allegories of concupiscence, coming to the conclusion that the Elchasaite immersion would not have been an antidote for rabies, consumption, or demonic possession but rather a remedy against concupiscence and against the proliferation of sexual passion.
In my opinion, such allegoric explanation is to be rejected. The symptoms of rabies—a disease which causes the infected to suffer from hydrophobia—could have been considered by the baptist Elchasaites as proof of a demonic presence within the person. Likewise, the mention of consumption and demonic possession should be interpreted literally, according to a cultural context in which disease, demonic possession, and sins were considered to be tightly linked. The Elenchos would therefore contain an ancient testimony of a Christian exorcistic rite performed in the water.

Calvinism in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth 1548-1648 offers an in-depth history of the Reformed Churches in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in its first hundred years. It analyses church polity, liturgy, the practices of Calvinist church discipline and piety, and the reasons for conversion to and from Calvinism in all strata of the society.
It offers a detailed history of the three Reformed Churches. Drawing on extensive research in primary sources, Dr. Bem challenges the dominant narrative of Protestant decline after 1570 and argues for a continued flourishing of Calvinism in the Commonwealth until the 1630s.

he author of the book of Hebrews (hereater Auctor ad Hebraeos) is widely recognized as a talented theologian. his is largely because he, like the authors of Matthew and Romans, knows how to draw abundantly on Holy Scripture and is skilled at weaving the many references smoothly into his sophisticated train of thought. One may rightly ask, however, just why this is so, and also why he incorporates as many as thirty-four explicit quotations identiiable by means of their formulaic introduction. he same question pertains to his insertion of two-thirds of these quotations into the irst third of the text, with more than half of these from the Psalms. Why does he reiterate certain quotes and not others? Further, since the two longest are among those repeated, Ps 95 (lxx 94):7b-11 and Jer 31 (lxx 38):31-34, does a correlation perhaps exist between them? Finally, what kind of function does the irst quotation from Ps 2:7 fulill? Many other questions could be added to these, all considering the author's use of Scripture. his subject already has a substantial history of research, 1 including study of the following subject areas: (1) the research * I am sincerely grateful to the editors of this ine book project, Eric F. Mason and Kevin B. McCruden, for inviting me to contribute, to Mark Kyburz for proofreading this article, and to Brinthanan Puvaneswaran for his support in gathering the necessary literature.

Stiftung und Stiftungsvollzug sind zweierlei. Eine Stiftungsurkunde allein bewirkt noch keine Stiftung. Für Aussagen über die mittelalterliche Stiftungswirklichkeit gelten daher Nekrologien und Anniversar-, auch Seelgerät-oder Jahrzeitbücher genannt, als einschlägige Quellen.1 Doch selbst die in ihnen enthaltenen, zumeist kalendarisch angeordneten Einträge belegen zunächst nichts weiter als die schriftlich fixierte Absicht der Begünstigten, bestimmte liturgische Handlungen für das Seelenheil namentlich genannter Wohltäter auch nach deren Tod zu vollziehen. Dies ist zu bedenken, wenn wie im folgenden die Beachtung stifterlicher Willensäußerungen durch die Empfänger bei der Anlage eines Anniversarbuches eingehender betrachtet werden soll.

In response to criticisms about the use of "Ordinary Time" as a title for a liturgical season, this essay: 1) offers a historical overview of the weeks immediately following Epiphany and Pentecost; 2) summarizes the theological consensus about these two periods in the early to mid-twentieth-century liturgical movement; 3) compares and contrasts Tempus "per annum" in the Missale Romanum of 1962 and of 1970; and 4) offers three possible explanations for the meaning of the term "Ordinary Time." The author concludes that the most likely explanation is the one that has not been given before, namely, that "Ordinary Time" refers to an Ordinary of Seasons.

A triangulum Eredete, gyakorlata és szimbolikája a római liturgiában Triangel ist die Bezeichnung für den bei den Trauermetten der Kartage gebraucheten dreieckigen Leuchter, sowie für die bis zur Reform der Ostervigil 1951/55 auf einem Stab getragene in drei Arme geteilte Kerze. Im Folgenden wird der Ursprung, die Praxis und die Symbolik dieser beiden liturgischen Geräten den Lesern näher vorgestellt und erläutert.

In Early Judaism: New Insights and Scholarship, ed. Frederick Greenspan (2018)

When Jews hold in their hands a Jewish prayer book today, no matter of what movement, they are participating in a form of worship about which the Bible tells us nothing, but one which derives from the earliest layers of rabbinic teachings. 1 The origins of what Jews do in their formal scripted prayer intersect deeply with the origins of rabbinic Judaism itself; con­ sequently, our understanding of how Jewish liturgy took its form has shifted with debates and emerging understandings of larger questions about rabbinic Judaism in general. Jewish liturgists ask not only how and when rabbinic liturgy emerged and how it took shape, but also how and when this nonsacrificial, highly scripted verbal and communal worship of God come to be the universal Jewish mode of worship.' That it did so is an undeniable marker of the success of rabbinic influence; it is also one that can, to a degree, be traced through evidence that goes beyond the authoritative books of the rabbis' own library. In 2001, I enumerated some emerging questions and methods in the discipline.' In the interim, the study of early rabbinic liturgy itself has been fairly quiescent, but there have been some exciting changes on its borders that have the potential to affect it deeply. This chapter ex­ plores some ways in which these scholarly developments put us on the verge, potentially, of a radical rethinking of method that might lead us to revolutionary new understandings of Jewish liturgical history. This rethinking not only builds on specifically liturgical work of the past few decades, but also requires us to think about liturgy with the tools and methods that scholars apply today to the rabbinic sources on which li­ turgical studies relies. "From where and how did Jews get the liturgy that became the prayers familiar today?" has been the central question of Jewish liturgical studies. I do not seek to decenter this question so much as to ground our answers to it more securely.

The Mass Commentary Dominus Vobiscum: Its Textual Transmission and the Question of Authorship This essay is based on the research for my M.A. thesis of the same title supervised by the late Roger E. Reynolds in 1977. The Dominus Vobiscum is an exegesis on the Mass and is one of a group of commentaries known collectively as the expositiones missae. These commentaries were very influential until the eleventh century when their significance was overtaken by the works of Ivo of Chartres and Bernold of Constance. Susan Keefe in her exhaustive examination of baptismal tracts, research also supervised by Roger Reynolds, showed that Carolingian liturgical exegesis was an expression of the bishop's role in clerical education. An argument is made from the extent corpus of manuscripts and the literary style of the piece that the work should be attributed to Alcuin of York.

Aborda el proceso de conformación del Cabildo de la catedral de Puebla a lo largo del siglo XVI, analizando las representaciones y connotaciones simbólicas adjudicadas a los actos litúrgicos, particularmente el Oficio divino, como forma de materializar su identificación dentro de la estructura social y lograr una representación propia expresada a través del rito, logrando la elaboración de un ordo cathedralis, que definía espacios, tiempos y ritmos de la liturgia.

In his famous work, The Civilisation of Manners, Norbert Elias regarder the Church purely as an agent in the process of implanting the practices of the court among the lower social groups. Entirely enveloped in the state and possessing a quasi-Monopoly on teaching, preaching and publishing, the Church was seen by him as en effective intermediary in the civilising of manners, which it was only required to christianise. But what if, instead of simply appropriating and then propagating a model that was not of its own making, the Church did not, on the contrary, continue  from the 16th century onwards to give preference to its own system of values as expressed in the celebration of the Mass, and thus found itself in competition with, firstly, the mise en scène of the modern state and, secondly, with the competing systems of ritual ? The article seeks to re-situate the liturgical unity focused on Rome which reached its pinnacle in the 19th century as the final stage of this process, one which made of the ars celebrandi an ensemble of social and cultural practices for the reformation of manners.

This paper argues that the origin of the Seven Sacraments in Orthodoxy has been incorrectly catalogued in the past.

Secondly, the real source for adoption of said sacraments derives from lesser known Greek sources and proto-Scholastic Peter Lombard. The Seven Sacraments -I argue- have been mistakenly said to derive from Latin influence of II Lyons (1274). Not only do I debunk this myth, but show the great individuality, really idiosyncrasy, even creativity, in each famous author's adoption of the 7 sacraments in Byzantium. Furthermore, I claim to discover both Nicholas Cabasilas and Symeon of Thessalonica citing from Peter Lombard's "Sentences." If my thesis proves acceptable, it should mean that the entire narrative of the adoption and origin of a sevenfold sacramental system in Byzantium will need to be greatly revised.

NB, subsequently a colleague of mine alerted me to one error in the paper. Wherever 1260 or 12 60 synod occurs please read "so-called" for it is more probable that the so-called synod was invented with a terminus ante quem 1283

Historians have never properly dealt with the Twelve Great Feasts (the Dodekaortion) of the Eastern Orthodox Church.  While some feasts have received much attention, others have been almost totally ignored, making an understanding of these feasts as a group difficult.  More importantly, scholars have largely disregarded the historical causes behind the feasts' existence.  When the feasts are studied as a group, it becomes clear that their original purpose was not to commemorate events in Christ's life, as has been claimed (Dix), but rather to put forth theological and ultimately political propositions in an accessible and convincing form.
The early Church observed only three feasts as independent celebrations (what I call the Core Group: the Crucifixion, the Resurrection, and Pentecost).  It was not until centuries later, after the Council of Constantinople, that the other feasts were observed throughout the East.  These post-Nicene feasts followed a similar pattern of institution for the most part.  A feast usually originated at one specific Church as the popular manifestation of opposition to a particular heresy or schismatic doctrine.  Observance of the feasts was at first strictly local.  The rest of the Eastern Church usually adopted them for the same reasons that the local Churches had; but, occasionally, because of the Orthodox character of the feasts, their doctrinal potential was redirected toward other controversies.
Like so much of Christian theology, whose original simplicity became more and more complicated, the post-Nicene feasts were formed in reaction to the various heresies.  The Core Group corresponds to the early stage of Christian theology, commemorating from the beginning the essential tenets of salvation.  The Cyrillian Group (the Raising of Lazarus, Palm Sunday, and the Ascension) comprises the first feasts formed in conscious reaction to a heresy--Arianism.  Before Cyril of Jerusalem, there were no universal feasts apart from the Core Group; with him, the feast as an anti-heretical device became established.  The Epiphany and the Nativity were likewise directed against Arianism, but they derived from pre-existing feasts of local significance that probably had no original connection with heresy.  The Marian Group (the Presentation, the Dormition, and the Annunciation) arose in opposition to the next great threat to Orthodoxy, Nestorianism.  In this group, the first documentary evidence of institution by imperial decree appears, testimony to the importance of festal practice.  The last feast to be adopted, the Transfiguration, seems to have been a statement of the ultimate sanction of Chalcedonian Orthodoxy as the official government position at the end of a long period of Christological argument.
The Twelve Great Feasts took on the superficial character of a life cycle of Christ for two reasons.  First, by presenting their theology in the form of feasts commemorating events in the life of Christ they became more accessible to the faithful and more likely to make an impression on them.  Second, as appeals in theological controversies, they called upon the ultimate theological authority--Christ himself.
The canon of the Twelve Great Feasts began to take shape as the great Christological controversies began.  By the time those controversies reached their indecisive conclusion, all the feasts had been instituted.  Thus, the post-Nicene feasts arose during the period of the great controversies, but the feasts themselves were more than the mere results of these arguments, they played an active, and at times even crucial, part in their outcome.
Written when I was a graduate student, this article received prize for best interdisciplinary essay, and is cited as the principal authority on the subject in the 3rd ed. rev. of the highly authoritative Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church).

Book chapter in S. Hamilton and A. Spicer, Defining the holy : sacred space in medieval and early modern Europe / edited by Andrew Spicer and Sarah Hamilton, Alderschot, 2006.
This article analyses the different aspects of the use of space in the medieval liturgy in Lille (church of St. Peter's) and Saint-Omer (church of Our Lady). It distinguishes four aspects of the use of space: the confirmation of the sacred space, the sacralisation of the profane space, the pastoral use of space and the dramatic use of space.

The liturgical services of the Orthodox Church are one of the most important elements in the spiritual life of each of its members. They are understood as both communal prayer, complemented by individual prayer, and specific rites and religious ceremonies. Services considered in a comprehensive manner can be defined as liturgical tradition.
This book demonstrates the historical development of the Orthodox liturgical tradition through the lens of the formation process of the Typikon. The author also answers questions concerning the trends and manner of that development. The main problem, which is analysed in every chapter of the book, centres around the question: were the changes in the liturgical tradition a result of evolution or revolution?
Despite the vast number of the primary literary resources and academic research available, the answer to this question is far from simple. The difficulty is hidden in the richness of the Orthodox liturgical tradition, which has developed over the ages simultaneously in several spiritual centres. For this reason, the author analyses the specific stages in the development of the Orthodox liturgical tradition.
This book outlines the Byzantine, Antiochian, Syrian, Alexandrian and Slavic rites, as well as the liturgical practices of the Holy Mountain Athos. The vast breadth of the materials reviewed in this book does not leave room for an adequate analysis of
the Western liturgical tradition, which is not discussed in this book. Although certain descriptions of elements of the Western practice appear several times, they are not organized, or even more so, analysed, but are merely examples of the influences that this rite has had on the development of the liturgical tradition in the East.
The following topics are presented this book:
1. The Old Testament tradition of prayer with specific consideration of the elements which have been preserved in the Christian tradition.
2. The liturgical practice of the Church in the first four centuries. After showing historical sources, the book then present the people involved in leading services, the places and times of prayer and the various liturgical services. The second part of the chapter demonstrates the development of liturgical practice in both the cathedral and monastic forms.
3. The formation of the full liturgical cycles in two centres: Palestine and Constantinople. This chapter also presents the development of the liturgical cycles and the services held therein with an emphasis on outlining the development of the Divine Liturgy. As in the previous chapter, the analysis takes into consideration the development of hymnography and systematization of the service texts.
4. The period in which the first complete „Typicons” appeared and the completion of the formation of the cycle of services. This chapter presents the following: the Studite liturgical practice, the monastic Founder’s Typicons and the development of the neo-Palestinian tradition.
5. The liturgical practice preserved in the first printed „Typicons” and its further development including two main currents – the Greek and Slavic.
The analysis conducted in this book of the development of the Orthodox liturgical tradition proves that it unceasingly continues, taking into consideration tradition up to date and the outright idealistic pursuit to reconstruct its oldest and original stages.
In this manner, after years of oblivion, the tradition of the Great Lavra of St. Sabbas the Sanctified was revived and restored in the so called neo-Palestinian synthesis. In the same way, the cathedral practice of Constantinople, which has not been practiced for ages, can be shown to have been preserved in contemporary practices of prayer, savingthe elaborate customs related to the entrance into the Temple, the system of entrances and other liturgical ceremonies for future generations.
The author describes the development of the Orthodox liturgical tradition as evolution and enrichment, but without setting out a uniform trend. This book presents the Orthodox liturgical tradition as living, incessantly developing, and preserving the consistency and continuity of the practice of prayer based on the example and teaching of Our Saviour Jesus Christ.

On the Song of Songs by Hippolytus is the earliest surviving Christian interpretation of the Song of Solomon covering the first three chapters to 3:7. Hippolytus wrote the commentary as a mystagogy, an oral instruction in the mysteries of the faith for newly baptized Christians during the Passover season. Side-by-side translations and in-depth studies of the social, liturgical, and theological context of the commentary uncovers new evidence and fresh perspectives on debates about Hippolytus.

This work presents the first ever English translation of the Georgian, Greek, Paleo-Slavonic, Armenian and Syriac texts as well as many patristic quotations. It demonstrates how Hippolytus used the commentary to define the identity of Hippolytan Christians against Jews and rival Christian groups. Hippolytus interpreted the Song as a complicated love triangle between Israel, Christ and the Gentile Church. He represented Christ the Logos in various richly symbolic ways: as the feminine Sophia, who lived with Solomon, as the transgendered maker of wine (like Dionysus) that nurtures the Church with his breasts, as the victorious Helios who rides across the sky, supreme over the nations. The commentary returns often to the topic of the post-baptismal mystery of Christic anointing. This work opens up the world of third-century rivalries within the Jesus movement for anyone interested in biblical interpretation or ancient Christian history and theology. The foreword is written by noted liturgical scholar Alistair Stewart.

Brief review in Zeitschrift für die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft, 128.3 (2016):

This extensive study is based on the dissertation directed by Carolyn Osiek, submitted to Brite Divinity School in 2009. In addition to the first-ever English translation of the Georgian text of the commentary of Hippolytus on the Song of Songs, the book provides a comprehensive study of the intention and social positioning of the earliest Christian interpretation of this biblical book. The book demonstrates through the setting of the commentary in preparation for baptism, that Hippolytus deliberately wanted to replace [earlier, viz. Melito of Sardis] readings for the Passover Festival: "The reading of the Song of Songs and the Commentary On the Song could very well be a midrashic replacement for the kind of reading and midrash on Exodus 12" (413). It is also clear how here for the first time among Christians, the genre of the commentary was used to reach larger parts of the Greco-Roman elite. The study is a useful tool to explore the early Christian reception of the Song of Songs.
—Anselm C. Hagedorn, Berlin

My book is now in 25 great libraries. Ask your librarian to get it for yours.

1. Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, Roberts Library Ft Worth, TX 76115 the United States, 3 miles away from my home
2. Texas Christian University, Mary Couts Burnett Library, Fort Worth, TX, 76155, 4 miles away
3. Abilene Christian University, Brown Library Brown Library, Abilene, TX 79699 the United States, 139 miles
4. Oblate School of Theology, Donald E. O'Shaughnessy Library, San Antonio, TX 78216 the United States, 228 miles away
5. Saint Louis University - Main Campus, Pius XII Memorial Library St Louis, MO 63108 United States 576 miles
5. Pitts Theology Library Candler School of Theology Atlanta, GA 30322, United States, 759 miles
7. Columbia Theological Seminary, JBC Library Decatur, GA 30031 United States, 761 miles
8. SBTS Library James P. Boyce Centennial Library Louisville, KY 40280 United States, 763 miles
9. University of Notre Dame, Hesburgh Library, Notre Dame, IN 46556 United States, 875 miles
10. Clemens and Alcuin Libraries @ College of St. Benedict/St. Johns University, , Collegeville, MN 56321 the United States, 908 miles 
11. Claremont School of Theology Library CST Library Claremont, CA 91711 United States, 1100 miles
12. Gateway Seminary Library, Ontario, CA 91761 the United States, 1100 miles
13. Pittsburgh Theological Seminary Clifford E. Barbour Library Pittsburgh, PA 15206 the United States, 1100 miles
14. University of Manitoba Libraries, Winnipeg, MB R3T 2N2 Canada, 1100 miles
15. Carroll College Library, Corette Library Helena, MT 59625 United States, 1200 miles
16. Library of Congress Washington, DC 20540 the United States, 1200 miles
17. Princeton Theological Seminary, Princeton, NJ 08542 the United States, 1300 miles
18. Columbia University in the City of New York, Columbia University Libraries, New York, NY 10027 United States, 1400 miles
19. Gateway Seminary, Mill Valley, CA 94941 the United States, 1400 miles
20. Graduate Theological Union, Flora Lamson Hewlett Library, Berkeley, CA 94709 United States, 1400 miles
21. Yale University Library, New Haven, CT 06520 the United States, 1400 miles
21. UNIVERSITATSBIBLIOTHEK, University of Basel, Basel, 4057 Switzerland, 5200 miles
23. Universität Konstanz, KIM (Kommunikations-, Informations-, Medienzentrum), IT- und Bibliotheksdienste, Konstanz, D-78464 Germany, 5200 miles
24. Zentralbibliothek Zürich, Zürich, 8001 Switzerland, 5200 miles
25. Unisa: Muckleneuk Campus, Pretoria, 0003 South Africa, 9100 miles

For nearly a century the concept of the twelfth-century renaissance has been integral to our understanding of the medieval Latin West. At the heart of any notion of renaissance is a Rome of the mind's eye. This collection places Rome into the larger context of multilingual imaginations to reveal tat Rome was an object of both fascination and contestation across the Mediterranean world. In Arabic, Greek, Hebrew, Latin, and Persian, in art, inscriptions, geographies, ritual practice, and itineraries, Rome was both held up as ideal and challenged as an authoritative center. These constructions of Rome could be deployed for renewal and reform, or to enhance or challenge papal or imperial authority because of the imaginative force of the ancient city.

"The tenth-century Palestinian codex Sinai Gr. 957 contains one of the oldest
redactions of the Constantinopolitan nuptial rites of Engagement and Marriage. In addition to copying the marriage practices of the tradition of the Byzantine capital, the euchology also includes local marriage rites celebrated at the nuptial bedchamber. These nuptial-chamber blessings have been overlooked or misinterpreted by Byzantine liturgiologists. This article dispels the misunderstandings surrounding these prayers, places them in their historical context, and shows how these prayers from the Byzantine periphery came to influence the development of the Byzantine Rite of Marriage as we know it today."

This chapter argues that the sensory, corporeal, and spatial practices of desert ascetics transmuted into a technique of Christian imperialism in the later Roman Empire. It is divided into two sections: ‘Fortress of the Ascetic Body’ and ‘Spatial Practice of the Ascetic Body’. The first section surveys ways in which the Christian body vanquished its classical counterpart through sensory, material, and spatial techniques. The second part of the chapter applies the corporeal theory established in the first section to build the architecture of the ascetic body, a new direction for scholarship in the field. The essay concludes by suggesting methods through which the material, sensory, and architectural world of late ancient asceticism travelled across the Alps to the monasteries of the early medieval North, where the ideal of the desert became part of the everyday experience of monks.

Il Movimento liturgico cattolico, nato nell’Ottocento con il proposito di ricollocare la liturgia al centro della pietà dei fedeli, si è sviluppato nel corso del Novecento articolando motivazioni e obiettivi del proprio impegno. In questo percorso, esso si è avvalso di studi di storia della liturgia. Il presente articolo opera un sondaggio sull’approccio metodologico a quest’ultima di alcuni suoi significativi esponenti. L’indagine condotta ha individuato due approcci principali, riconducibili all’impianto apologetico del benedettino Prosper Guéranger (1805-1875) e a quello critico-scientifico di Louis Duchesne (1843-1922). Il primo appare largamente diffuso tra i non specialisti, almeno fino alla vigilia della seconda guerra mondiale. La tensione al secondo segna invece l’attività intellettuale del benedettino francese Fernand Cabrol (1855) e del gesuita austriaco Josef Andreas Jungmann (1889-1975). Dalla sua applicazione alla storia liturgica costoro trassero entrambi conclusioni analoghe: e cioè che la liturgia, come tutta la vita della chiesa, era segnata da una dinamica di cambiamento, sia pure sotto la supervisione della gerarchia ecclesiastica. Jungmann, in particolare, diede un contributo significativo alla riforma liturgica del Vaticano II, con i suoi studi e la sua partcipazione ai lavori per la redazione della costituzione conciliare sulla liturgia Sacrosanctum concilium (promulgata nel 1963) e poi per l’applicazione di quest’ultima nel Consilium ad exsequendam constitutionem de Sacra liturgia (istituto nel 1964). Egli è oggetto di critiche da parte degli ambienti tradizionalisti del “Nuovo movimento liturgico”, che considerano troppo radicali i cambiamenti della liturgia legittimati dai suoi studi e, più in generale, quelli introdotti dalla riforma liturgica postconciliare. Le critiche investono, in particolare, l’applicazione del metodo storico-critico alla storia liturgica come strumento per cogliere le leggi del cambiamento della “preghiera della chiesa”. Ma esse sembrano sottendere una più generale messa in discussione di quel metodo come strumento di conoscenza della realtà storica "tout court".

Si cerca di operare una prima messa a punto dell'uso delle espressioni "riforma della riforma" e "nuovo movimento liturgico" nella pubblicistica e nella sitografia del tradizionalismo cattolico contemporaneo.

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