Left-wing Radicalism

This article examines the reaction by the Australian Federal Government to the protest movements of the 1960s–1970s and their attempts to use public order legislation to thwart radical discontent in Australia. It argues that the Public Order (Protection of Persons and Property) Act 1971 was aimed at the threat of “violent” protests, particularly the tactic of the “sit-in”, and that to this end, the legislation was an overreaction to the actual threat posed by the protest movements at the time. It also shows that after a long gestation period, the Act was ill-equipped to deal with the changing nature of demonstrations in the 1970s, such as the problems caused by the erection of the Aboriginal Tent Embassy. Thus, after an initial flurry of use in mid-1971, the law has been seldom used since.

In my study I would like to draft the intellectual, political
atmosphere, in which the Munka-kör (Work-circle), bearing
the stamp of Lajos Kassák, was founded and formulated.
It was a leftist creative community, which through its
numerous branches most impregnated the Hungarian
labour movement at the end of the 1920s and the beginning
of the next decade. Nevertheless, instead of “background”
it seems more correct to talk about a kind of
milieu, a huge political sphere from the left of social democracy
to the most radical fractions and grouplets, namely the
Hungarian versions of Trotskyism and council-communism
(or, according to the terminology of the Communist
Party of Hungary: the “too-leftists”).

במאמר זה אבקש להבין כיצד בעלי השכלה אקדמאית נמוכי שכר חווים את מיקומם החברתי. הספרות שעסקה במצב זה של אי-הלימה בין המדדים השונים של הריבוד ( "סתירת סטטוס"), בחנה ומצאה תחושה חזקה של הפרת ציפיות לסטטוס לכיד. בבחינה פתוחה של חוויות המשכילים נמוכי השכר את מיקומם החברתי, באמצעות ראיונות חצי-מובנים, מצאתי כי הם מבכרים מימוש עצמי על פני הכנסה ולא מתמקדים בהפרת ציפיות. בדיון אצביע על החשיבות של הבנת תפישתם העצמית של משכילים נמוכי השכר לאור תפקידם המרכזי בהצתת מחאות חברתיות ורדיקליות פוליטית. מכאן אעלה השערה ראשונית בדבר אפשרויות ההנעה שלהם לפעולה במחאות.

En la segunda mitad de los años setenta surgieron en Andalucía potentes reivindicaciones en defensa de una autonomía en igualdad de condiciones con las llamadas “nacionalidades históricas”, con la pretensión de dar solución a su grave situación socioeconómica. El artículo examina el papel desempeñado por el Partido del Trabajo de España en el proceso autonómico andaluz, en relación a las movilizaciones impulsadas gracias a sus estrechos vínculos con el movimiento jornalero.

FC St. Pauli is a football club unlike any other. Encompassing music, sport and politics, its fans welcome refugees, fight fascists and take a stand against all forms of discrimination. This book goes behind the skull and crossbones emblem to tell the story of a football club rewriting the rulebook.

Since the club's beginnings in Hamburg's red-light district, the chants, banners and atmosphere of the stadium have been dictated by the politics of the streets. Promotions are celebrated and relegations commiserated alongside social struggles, workers' protests and resistance to Nazism. In recent years, people have flocked from all over the world to join the Black Bloc in the stands of the Millerntor Stadium and while in the 1980s the club had a small DIY punk following, now there are almost 30,000 in attendance at games with supporters across the world.

In a sporting landscape governed by corporate capitalism, driven by revenue and divorced from community, FC St. Pauli demonstrate that another football is possible.

This paper focuses on the urban graffiti painted with a political message by different
movements of the Italian political radicalism in the cities of Rome, Florence, Massa,
Carrara, Verona and Udine. For the purpose of this article, during the period from June
2011 to June 2012, a total of 165 graffiti have been photographed, of which 83 painted by
neo-fascist groups, 72 by extreme left groups and 10 by anarchist groups. These three
macro communities, made of different subgroups, emerged as the most active in expressing
their antagonism towards the parliamentary parties with their graffiti that combine semantic
(words) and semiotic (images) elements. An analysis of the collected graffiti’s language
form, meaning and context allows for the identification of the variety of styles of
communication adopted by the different political antagonisms and the different contents of
their communication through graffiti as well as the key elements of their political identities.
Key words: political radicalism, graffiti, linguistics

This book deals with the formation of state surveillance and the emergence of institutionalized political policing in late Victorian and Edwardian Britain. Little has been written on this early formative period for the British security state, which began in earnest as a response to the Fenian dynamite campaign of the 1880s. Based on newly declassified documents, Solomon weaves together separate narrative threads which converge to paint a complex picture of the institutional innovations and personal rivalries that produced Britain's first national political police. The interactions between high-ranking bureaucrats, policemen and politicians reveal how often conflicting ideas on controlling organized radicalism coalesced into a unified counter-subversive strategy. Stressing the distinctness of the early British model of political policing, the narrative goes past the confines of a scholarly account by using source material to flesh out multidimensional characters, ranging from choleric Home Secretaries to remorseful anarchist double agents embroiled in a high-stakes and often unscrupulous combination of espionage, collusion and betrayal.

and Keywords At the start of the last century a modern tradition of literary radicalism crystallized with inspiring results. From 1900 onward, socialists and bohemians yoked their ideals to become a marathon of forward-thinking activist cultural workers. For the next three decades, writers and intellectuals of the Left, such as Max Eastman (1883–1969), were oracles of enchantment in a world increasingly disenchanted, initially by the international war of 1914–1919 and subsequently by a decline in popular political defiance as capitalism consolidated. Still, the adversarial dream persevered during the violence and later, often in little magazines such as the Masses, Liberator, Seven Arts, and Modern Quarterly. Since the 1920s, literary radicalism meant creativity in the service of an insurrection against political power combined with a makeover in human relationships. With the economic catastrophe of 1929 and the triumph of Nazism in 1933, what might have been a generational succession morphed into a paradigm shift. This previously self-governing literary radicalism was now multifariously entangled with Soviet communism during its most awful hour. An unofficial state of emergency escalated so that a range of journals—this time, New Masses, Modern Monthly, and Partisan Review—once more served as barometers of the depth and breadth of radical opinion. Bit by bit, a strange new ethos enveloped the literary Left, one that blended heroism, sacrifice, and artistic triumph with fifteen years of purge trials in the Soviet Union, mortifying policy shifts in the international Communist movement, and relentless domestic repression against the organized Left in the United States. By the end of this phase, in the reactionary post– World War II years, most adherents of communism (not just the predominant pro-Soviet Communism, but the other varieties of communism such as Trotskyism and Bukharinism) desperately fled their Depression-era affiliations. The upshot was a blurring of the record. This occurred in ways that may have seemed clever for autobiographical concealment (by one-time literary radicals who feared exposure or embarrassment at youthful excesses) but became maddening for future scholars wishing to parse the writers' former convictions.

Zu den schillerndsten Persönlichkeiten des intellektuellen linkskommunistischen Milieus der Weimarer Republik zählten die Eheleute Franz Pfemfert und Alexandra Ramm-Pfemfert. Sie arbeitete als Übersetzerin, er gab die vor allem in Künstlerkreisen bekannte Zeitschrift „Die Aktion“ heraus. Ein „dürres Männchen mit verbissenem Altweibergesicht und einer leicht ins Schrille umschlagenden dünnen Stimme“, beschrieb ihn einst Henry Jacoby.
Auf den ersten Blick verband die Pfemferts nicht viel mit Leo Trotzki, einer der Führungsfiguren der Oktoberrevolution in Russland – selbst politisch nicht. Der Dissens ging so weit, dass Trotzki, der sonst keiner Konfrontation aus dem Weg ging, Pfemfert einmal darum bat, in ihrer gemeinsamen Korrespondenz politische Fragen auszuklammern.
Trotzdem waren die beiden deutschen Linksintellektuellen und der sowjetische Dissident ab Mitte der 1920er Jahre gute Freunde – und nicht nur das. Zu dieser Zeit galt Trotzki innerhalb der Kommunistischen Partei Deutschlands bereits als „Unperson“, auf die sich niemand mehr positiv berief. Die Pfemferts sorgten jedoch dafür, dass er wieder gelesen werden konnte. Sie machten Trotzkis Schriften einem deutschsprachigen Publikum zu einer Zeit zugänglich, als die Kommunistische Partei sie längst aus ihrem „Angebot“ verbannt hatte. Der Artikel erzählt die Geschichte dieser transnationalen Freundschaft im Zeitalter der Extreme.

A l’instar des formations politiques européennes, les partis politiques français sont confrontés à plusieurs défis et soumis à nombre de tensions à l’aube de ce XXIe siècle, alors même que leur attractivité n’a jamais semblé aussi faible.

Longtemps dominée par un agencement autour du Rassemblement pour la République (RPR) et de l’Union pour la démocratie française (UDF) à droite, et du parti socialiste (PS) et du parti communiste français (PCF) à gauche, le système de partis a lui-même considérablement évolué sous l’effet de la recomposition de la droite parlementaire, de l’effondrement du parti communiste ou de la percée de nouveaux venus, tels le Front national ou Les Verts.

Après la séquence des élections présidentielles et législatives de 2012, cet ouvrage analyse en profondeur l’état de chacun des partis actifs dans le système politique. Comment chacun d’entre eux se positionne-t-il au regard des transformations du fait partisan ? Comment les partis interprètent-ils les mutations auxquelles ils font face ? Comment agissent-ils face à la désaffection qu’ils subissent ? Quelles évolutions idéologiques et organisationnelles connaissent-ils ?

Ces questions sont examinées dans ce livre de référence. Les auteurs présentent un tableau d’ensemble original, offrant de manière systématique une analyse des partis à l’œuvre dans le système politique français ; laquelle est complétée par une réflexion sur les grandes transformations de la géographie électorale.

Lead by some of the most prominent figures of the US student movement, the Weather Underground  mostly recruited from the upper-class and ivy-league colleges peaking at cadres in almost every larger city throughout the country. By 1974, the former faction of the “Students for a Democratic Society” (SDS) had irreversibly departed from established orientation and methods of the student and civil rights movement of the mid-1960s. It had become a clandestine and multi-branched network of underground and aboveground ties that professed to more than twenty attacks on „symbols of imperialist Amerikkka“.

How did this development unfold? How come that thirty years after McCarthyism and the Smith Act had literally annihilated the Communist Party of the USA (CPUSA), a radical group openly promoted communist ideology and the overthrow of the capitalist system that seemed intangibly wed to the American Dream? What made well-to-do ivy-league students turn into guerrilleros, heading for the overthrow of a system that granted them the very “affluent wealth” they were living of? How did they become out-spoken advocates of nationalist liberation groups such as the National Liberation Front (NLF) or the Black Liberation Army (BLA) whose daily struggle against poverty, racism and exploitation showed great disparity with those who seemed to enjoy unlimited prospects within US society? How did leading activists of some of the largest SDS chapters turn into full-blown opponents of the inefficiency of „these movement people“ and would soon dissolve the mouthpiece of the student movement itself? Was Kirkpatrick Sale right in devaluating them to a „bizzare incarnation of Students for a Democratic Society“ (Sale 1973:72) or did the strength of domestic movements together with the graphic intricacy of the Vietnam War not trigger crisis of legitimization among an ever growing number of US citizen?

Консерватив нь улс төрийн баруун жигүүрт, Социал демократ нь зүүн жигүүрт хамаардаг үзэл баримтлал билээ.

Яг уг чанартаа нийгмийн халамж нь консервативчуудын бодлого ба тодорхой хэлбэл, хүүхдийн мөнгө нь гэртээ суугч эмэгтэйг гэртээ хүүхдээ хараад байлгаж буй бодлого юм. Харин социал демократчууд гэртээ хүүхдээ асарч буй эмэгтэйн үнэгүй хөдөлмөрийг үнэлэх, нийгэмд татан оролцуулах боломжийг олгох бодлого хэрэгжүүлнэ. Жишээлбэл, ядууралд нэрвэгдсэн өрхөд халамж өгөхдөө нөхцөл тавих ба тухайлбал хүүхдээ сургуульд нь заавал явуулахад анхаарах хэрэгтэй гэнэ. Ингэснээр үе дамжсан ядуурлаас гаргах үр дүнг хүлээдэг. Нэг үгээр хэлбэл, консерватив халамж нь халамжаас халамжид суурилдаг бол социал демократ халамж нь халамжаас хөдөлмөрт суурилдаг.

Linke Nahostdiskurse im Spannungsfeld von Erinnerungszwang und Erinnerungsabwehr.

Immer wieder wird in Deutschland kontrovers diskutiert, ob, wann und warum israelkritische Positionen zum Nahostkonflikt nur kaschierter Antisemitismus seien.
Peter Ullrich beleuchtet neue Perspektiven: Einerseits haben Lernprozesse der vergangenen Jahrzehnte dazu geführt, dass die linke Nahostdebatte in Deutschland heute komplexer und ausgewogener ist denn je. Andererseits bleiben doch die Gefahren für eine universalistische linke Position erkennbar. Immer wieder droht der Umschlag ins Partikulare, sei es in Form von Antisemitismus, Rassismus, Islamfeindlichkeit oder extremer Überidentifikation mit Konfliktakteuren.
Aus wissenssoziologischer und diskursanalytischer Perspektive untersucht der Autor verschiedene Aspekte des deutschen Blicks auf den Nahostkonflikt.

Formal university and college Intelligence Studies degree programs have experienced a pronounced growth in recent years, exhibiting a richness in diversity and engagement in both institutional type and instructional delivery. At face value American academia seems about to embark on a new era of cooperation and understanding with the U.S. Intelligence Community (IC). But in seeking to determine whether progress in this development is as significant as is hoped in Washington, DC, this study reveals a persisting historical concern and academic bias that constrains the latent collaboration.

Published in Radical Left Movements in Europe / Ed. by M. Wennerhag, C. Fröhlich, and G. Piotrowski. Routledge, 2017, pp. 211-229.

The Ukrainian new left provides an important case for understanding how radical movements build connections with grassroots protests, how they operate within broad coalitions and which causal mechanisms, strategies and factors account for their successes or failures. In this chapter I explore a small new left student union, “Direct Action” (DA), that was founded 2008 by ideological anarchists and Marxists and in 2010 led a mobilization involving 10,000 students in over 14 Ukrainian cities against the introduction of paid services in universities. DA was able to articulate a left-libertarian framing during large-scale student protests against the commercialization of education, which initially forced the government to make concessions, but later DA lost its hegemony in the student movement. I apply the Gramscian argument that a “weak civil society” is not an obstacle but an important structural opportunity for a radical movement. It allows radicals to exploit what I call the “primacy effect” – being the first to raise an issue ignored by everyone else – and in this way to favour their own framing of the problem and its solutions, making a serious claim for hegemony in the wider movement. Ultimately, however, retaining hegemony may require additional resources.

Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliographie; detaillierte bibliographische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar. ISBN 978-3-88619-440-7 (Band 8/I) ISBN 978-3-88619-441-4 (Band 8/II) Alle Rechte vorbehalten © InkriT 2015; für diese Ausgabe Argument-Verlag Glashüttenstraße 28, 20357 Hamburg, www.argument.de Satz: Martin Grundmann, Hamburg. -Druck: freiburger graphische betriebe Abbildung auf dem Schutzumschlag: Pablo Picasso, Foulard für 3. Weltjugendfestival

Studies on Nigerian national interest and Nigerians role in conflict management in Africa can be divided into two groups according to major research questions they are interested in. The first group examine the conditions under which Nigeria intervention becomes necessary. In that regard, this research work explore the factors that influenced the Nigerian intervention in the recent Malian crisis, whether the intervention was in achieving the stated Nigerian foreign policy objectives and in protecting Nigerians national interest. We raised two researched question, did the Malian crisis pose a threat to Nigeria’s national interest? Did the Nigerian interest in the Malian crisis coalesced with her foreign policy objective? Using qualitative method base on logical induction we argue that the implication of the Malian crisis for Nigeria seem grave if the Jihadist gain foothold in Mali, because Nigeria is having its own fair share of extremist activities with Boko Haram insurgency in northern Nigeria the proximity of a possible ally in Mali would be injurious to Nigeria’s national interest. Thus the Nigerian Mali military intervention may have served her national interest.

Keywords: Insurgency, Nigerian national interest, military intervention, foreign policy, Malian crisis.

After the Second World War, it slowly became clear that the implementation of violence had been “decentralized”. If during XIX and half of XX century violence vastly took place in the territories of great powers and the central actors of world politics (even inviolable USA and the UK were plagued on their territories), in the 70s of XX century we have witnessed a cardinal shift as violence started to spread more extensively among the third world, underdeveloped and transitional countries. The epicenters of violence had been shifted from the “civilized” world into the “uncivilized” world. Conventionally and commonly, this shift was anticipated as a decline of violence by researchers like Arendt herself. Nevertheless, I am suggesting that through careful examination of the central political events unfolding after the 70s this perspective lacks cogency. For this, I will examine such regions as the post-soviet region and the Middle East.

***

Noam Chomsky’s ontological evaluation of the Cold War is decoding its essence and contradicts with the concept of deterrence which Arendt suggested: “The compact was that the US would be free to carry out violence and terror and atrocities with few limits in its own domains, and the Russians would be able to run their own dungeon without too much US interference. So the Cold War in effect was a war of the US against the Third World, and of Russia against its much smaller domains in Eastern Europe.” The discernible and impregnable fact is that the Cold War was profitable for both main actors of international politics and the ideological antagonism between them was disguising this predicament. The two leading forces of the globalized world installed and maintained the bipolar system that gave them a possibility to control their share of the world. Arendt’s concept of deterrence is not fully encapsulating the current global political crisis. Instead of stressing the role of hegemony in constructing world politics, she is asserting that deterrence can guarantee peace worldwide.

***

In the smart machine age, the central front of resistance are social networks, the revolutions have moved from their traditional spaces such as streets and places of public gatherings and now it is running through the Internet. Mutiny and rebellion are less and less followed by the rivers of blood and armed conflict; revolutions have lost their organic intrinsic structure and became a spectacle and part of the simulation. The contemporary forms of the revolution have nothing to do anymore with a political or socio-economic fracture and became a synonym for shifting the power from one ruler to another. In modern times rebellions are blemished with lurking agreements among various influential groups and the system brutally cuts an entrance to politics for the innocent and uncorrupted forces. The next stage of development of the system can be displayed not only by disappearance and dematerialization of the ruling force but also by fading exploited entities, “The era of hegemony is the era of the cyber system. It governs, it regulates, but it does not dominate”. This is how Baudrillard’s vision of modernity can be theorized: “There are no longer any exploited or dominated. There is something else, something much harder to overtake by surprise. It is harder to critique as well, because critical thought is devitalized in this case”.

For many, the discourse on anarchists' violence belongs to the past, to an era that shocked the world but ended a long time ago. However, this assumption is not accurate in the twentieth-first century. It ignores the reality that allows extremists to rise from the dust, gain popularity and use available tools to promote themselves and their ideas, and thus, to pose a new potential threat. While most of the research on radicalization
and political violent extremism focuses on jihadism or the contemporary right-wing extremism, it is important not to ignore the reaction that right-wing extremists created and provoked in the past, which is still relevant in our days: left-wing extremism, which is embodied today in violent anarchists and anti-fascists. This article sheds light on the contemporary left-wing extremism and violent mobilization in Europe and North America, its reflections on the Internet and in music, and its violent activity at home against "fascist" representatives (such as right-wing extremist groups and individuals), and even abroad, against other "fascist" representatives, such as the Islamic State organization. The purpose of the article is to examine this underresearched phenomenon while focusing on popular and recent modes of mobilization and recruitment of this "new revolutionary left", which reflect a threat that is developing in Europe, North America and the Middle East – but not from the jihadi or right-wing aspects, but from anti-fascist and anarchists' militancy aspect.

Durch Ausschreitungen in Wien, gewaltsame Eskalationen in Frankreich und Einschüchterungsversuche in Deutschland erregten die türkischultranationalistisch gesinnten »Grauen Wölfe« in jüngerer Vergangenheit politische und mediale Aufmerksamkeit. Dabei herrscht Konsens darüber, dass sie eine ernst zu nehmende Bedrohung für die Demokratie darstellen.

[From 2014.] Since the financial crisis of 2008 and the global popular protests of 2011, more people have begun to wonder and speculate: what's next for civilization? The economic, social, and political status quo seems unsustainable, but what can emerge to take its place? In this book, a historian examines the past and present to argue that the seeds of a more humane society are already being planted, on local and international scales. Whether they will bear fruit depends, ultimately, on grassroots initiative.

Focusing on the new worker cooperative movement in the West, this study not only contains the first systematic discussion of the solidarity economy in the light of Marxist theory; it also introduces a major revision of Marxism that both updates it for the twenty-first century and illuminates our historical moment. It includes an analysis of the history of cooperatives in the U.S., showing where they went wrong and how we can correct their past mistakes. It has a case-study of the successful new worker-owned business New Era Windows in Chicago, which has been celebrated internationally for its defiance of conventional paradigms. And it shows a way out of the age-old conflict between Marxism and anarchism, arguing that both are more relevant now than they have ever been. Which is to say: a gradualist "revolution" is, for the first time, within the realm of possibility.

In recent years, and especially after the outbreak of the global financial crisis, right-wing and left-wing populist parties and movements have enjoyed significant political success in Europe. One of these parties is SYRIZA in Greece. In this paper, we explore some of the particular characteristics of the political discourse articulated by SYRIZA in power. The core argument of the paper is that the Greek radical left party continues to express an inclusionary populist discourse after its rise to power. We examine this issue by utilising the methodology of the Essex School of Discourse Analysis. Moreover, we attempt to substantiate the view that populism does not always have a negative connotation and is not deterministically associated with nationalism or racism. Furthermore, we try to establish whether the concept of "crypto-colonialism” is an important key to understanding the rise of inclusionary populism to power in Greece. Finally, we analyse various manifestations of Greek anti-populism in order to highlight the danger that derives from this kind of stereotypical discourse.

"Opposing the neoliberal rhetoric of a shining middle-class India, the Communist Party of India (Maoist) has, since 2004, called for a New Democratic Revolution. Indian Maoists dismiss parliamentary democracy as a sham insofar as it fails to address the concerns and aspirations of the majority of its citizens, nearly four-fifths of whom live below two dollars a day. In their party programme, Maoists characterize the postcolonial Indian state as ‘reactionary’ and ‘autocratic’ and seek a ‘worker-peasant alliance’ to overthrow ‘imperialism, feudalism and comprador bureaucratic capitalism’ via an armed revolutionary struggle. The CPI (Maoist) politburo, which constitutes its ideological leadership, is thus supported by an underground People’s Liberation Army (PLA). The party’s long-term objective is to establish a ‘people’s democratic state under the leadership of the proletariat’ that will ‘guarantee real democracy for the vast majority of people while exercising dictatorship over a tiny minority of exploiters’.

The CPI (Maoist) is active mostly in eastern and central India, where human development levels rank among the lowest in the world, forest cover and rugged terrain facilitate guerrilla tactics and protracted low-intensity insurgency, and tribal and lower caste groups are preponderant. According to the Indian prime minister, Maoist rebels pose the greatest internal security threat to India since independence. In reality, however, Maoist cadres are estimated to be anywhere between 10,000 and 40,000 in a country of nearly 1.2 billion people, though this number does not include sympathizers and non-combatants. These thinly-spread cadres are concentrated chiefly in what journalists, policymakers, and scholars call the Red Corridor, running from the Nepalese border through the states of Bihar, Jharkhand, West Bengal, Orissa, Chhattisgarh, and Andhra Pradesh. In these areas, regular elections are held, state and non-governmental organizations routinely participate in rural development, and state police and forest officials coexist with armed rebels and their rural supporters. Since 2005-06, the state has deployed paramilitaries to supplement state police forces in combating Maoist guerillas, which has intensified state-sponsored violence and led to widespread human rights abuses, yet it has been incapable of establishing anything akin to a monopoly of legitimate violence. Shared sovereignty is thus the norm, not the exception, as in other insurgent zones in India such as Kashmir and the northeastern frontier. This state of affairs also suggests that the everyday realities of Indian Maoism are somewhat different from its ideological self-image as a vanguardist revolutionary movement."

This report focuses on the case of Greece, where the phenomenon of radicalisation has been present throughout the period from the mid-1970s. Greece displays one of the most persistent problems of terrorism in Europe, raising anew the question of why extremist and revolutionary organisations continue to emerge and be active in democracies. Since the 2010, right wing and left wing extremism and radicalisation have intensified, especially in the context of a deepening social and economic crisis. The report provides a background study on radicalisation in Greece and the various forms that it takes, as a basis to bridge existing knowledge gaps on the subject. It provides and overview of past and current radicalisation trends. The national background study aims to first, identify and assess the legal and institutional responses to the processes of radicalisation that may lead to acts of violence and second, to review and analyse trends (ideas, actors, actions, motivations and root causes) in three strands of radicalisation (right and left wing, Islamist radicalisation and football hooliganism).

Problematika významu progresívnej hudobnej kultúry so zameraním na psychedelický rock a kraut-rock v rámci tzv. kontrakultúry je vo vedeckej monografii reflektovaná z viacerých interdisciplinárnych, kulturologických a filozoficko-estetických hľadísk – skúma vzájomné vzťahy a prieniky hudby, životného štýlu s filozofiou, resp. svetonázorom a politickými východiskami kontrakultúry daného obdobia. Odborná reflexia témy sa pohybuje od uchopenia kontrakultúrnych fenoménov vo všeobecnosti až po jej konkrétne prejavy v tzv. kraut-rockovej subkultúre vo vtedajšej Nemeckej spolkovej republike (v komparácii so situáciou vo svete).

The global economic crisis, the popular discontent against traditional parties and post-democratic forms of governance, as well as the sharp increase in migrant and refugee arrivals have led to the resurgence of populist parties around the world. Left-wing parties usually express an inclusionary populist discourse with patriotic features, while right-wing parties utilize an exclusionary populism with strong nationalist and xenophobic characteristics. In Greece in recent years, the radical left party of SYRIZA rose to power through a left-wing populist and anti-imperialist discourse. Alexis Tsipras formed a paradox coalition government with the radical right party of ANEL to reach an agreement that would lessen the effects of austerity policies. However, once in office, SYRIZA transformed some features of its political style and began to follow a type of “pragmatic populism”. This paper examines the relationship between populism and anti-imperialism, while analyzing SYRIZA’s discourse in opposition and in power. The questions that it attempts to answer are: does Tsipras express an anti-imperialist discourse both in opposition and in power? What forces are considered imperialist by SYRIZA? Can the notion of “crypto-colonialism” explain the rise of left-wing populism in Greece?

МАРКСИСТКАТА ТЕОРИЯ И ПРОИЗВОДСТВОТО НА НЕЗНАНИЕ
    В тази книга ще бъдат разгледани някои елементи в развитието на
производствените  отношения  и  преди  всичко  извличането  на
принадена  стойност    посредством  концептуалната  схема  на  Роза
Люксембург.  За  целта  първата  глава  ще  бъде  посветена  на
реабилитиране на теорията за принадената стойност.

Introductory courses dealing with sex, gender and sexuality are usually quite biased, going as far as to deny the reality of biology. Drawing on the Catholic tradition (Aquinas), this article presents an accessible argument aimed at restoring deliberative balance in the classroom.

The belle epoque of neo-socialdemocracy during the second half of the 1990s and the first half of the 2000s marked the last step in the exhaustion of the utopian energies that had emerged from the 1960s cultural rebellion. Its inscription into neoliberalism and the neoliberal transformation of social democracy has not only severely damaged traditional social democracy, but along the collapse of Eastern and Western communism and the generally declining integrative potentials of former catch-all parties it has also entailed the emergence of right-wing populist parties (or forces within first-past-the-post voting systems) as an almost universal byproduct of neoliberal social restructuring. The rise of the  German Left-wing Party as a transregional German party marks a historical turning point. It is the first left-wing articulation of the contradictions of neoliberalism that has hindered the rise of right-wing populism at the national level, which in 2004 still seemed inevitable, and embodies a new left that is not merely a remainder of the fallen Western new left or Eastern communism. The leftist articulation of the contradictions of neoliberalism, however, do not imply that right-wing populism has been banned for good. This points to the historical responsibility carried by the left-wing party both in Germany and beyond.

In this episode of Sikh Archives, we are joined by Pritam Singh who is a scholar and professor of Economics at Oxford Brookes University where his main areas of teaching interest and expertise are development economics, environmental economics, comparative economic systems and competing economic paradigms.

Today we discuss the origins of Marxism in Punjab, its relationship with Sikhi and the evolution of Marxism throughout the 20th century with particular reference to the interwar period, communalism, the independence movement, post-partition, Nehruvian politics and secularism, the Suba Lehar, the Khalistan movement and beyond.