Kalimantan

William Henry Furness,
FOLK-LORE IN BORNEO: A SKETCH
Pennsylvania: Wallingford, 1899

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#dayak
#dayakkayan
#kalimantan
#borneo
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#sejarahdayakkayan
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BORNEO : ITS GEOLOGY AND MINERAL RESOURCES

Theodor Posewitz, Frederick H. Hatch (English Translator)

London: Edward Stanford, 1892


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H. Breitenstein,
21 JAHRE IN INDIEN: AUS DEM TAGEBUCHE EINES MILITÄRARZTES, VOL. 1 BORNEO
Leipzig: Th. Grieben’s Verslag, 1899

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Four species of fishes, Rasbora cf. volzi, R. cf. elegans, R. cf. trifasciata, and R. cf. bankanensis, are described from Southeastern Kalimantan. Description is done by measuring morfometrics, counting meristics, seeing the color pattern, and tested by PCA. Rasbora cf. volzi is distinguished from the other species by having the black medial lateral stripe forming a thick line, basal reticulation covering five longitudinal scale rows from dorsal lateral line, and peripheral reticulation covering
four longitudinal scale rows along dorsolateral portion of body. Rasbora cf. elegans is distinguished from the other species by having the black medial lateral stripe forming a square profile in the middle of their body, basal reticulation covering four longitudinal scale rows from dorsal lateral line, and peripheral
reticulation covering three longitudinal scale rows along dorsolateral portion of body. Rasbora cf. trifasciata is distinguished from the other species by having basicaudal spot, having one scale between lateral line and ventral fin, and having circumferential formula ½ 4, 1, 1 ½. Rasbora cf. bankanensis is distinguished from the other species by not having basicaudal spot, having two scale between lateral line and ventral fin, having a black spot in anal fin rays, and having
circumferential formula ½ 4, 1, 2 ½. These species are from the Rasbora sumatrana-Group (Rasbora cf. volzi and R. elegans), and the Rasbora trifasciata-Group (R. cf. trifasciata and R. cf. bankanensis).

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Bibliography 229 Sources 236 About the authors 238 197 Precious Blood A Challenge to Missionary Trialogue 1 Adrian Linder "After the death of their parents, Yaki Pangimong and his younger sister Dalaaiti didn't know how to find food. In a dream the brother learnt how to clear a patch of the forest for a swidden field. Then, in order to get the seeds and cuttings for planting he was told he had to kill his one beloved sister. While he worried about the cruel order, the field became overgrown with elephant grass and weeds. Seeing this, he called his sister and told her to turn around so he could louse her hair. Full of sadness, the brother shed tears upon Dalaaiti's shoulder. Unable to explain what the matter was, he fell silent. Suddenly the earth with all that was in it turned soundless and motionless, petrified stiff. So Pangimong drew a knife from his back and stabbed his sister's shoulder blade. According to his dream he carried her into the middle of his field, where Dalaaiti's blood was spilled on the ground. And after a while her blood grew into rice plants, her head became a pumpkin, her fingers turned into cassava sticks; all parts of Dalaaiti's body became cultivated plants as we know them today. When the rice in his field began to ripen, the lonesome, grieving and regretful Pangimong was shown in a new dream how to bring Dalaaiti back to life by tying the most fertile rice stalks together

The book rests on the premise that remote border regions offer an exciting study arena that can tell us important things about how marginal citizens relate to their nation-state.The basic assumption is that central state authority in the Indonesian borderlands has never been absolute, but waxes and wanes, and state rules and laws are always up for local interpretation and negotiation. In its role as key symbol of state sovereignty, the borderland has become a place were central state authorities are often most eager to govern and exercise power. But as illustrated, the borderland is also a place were state authority is most likely to be challenged, questioned and manipulated as border communities often have multiple loyalties that transcend state borders and contradict imaginations of the state as guardians of national sovereignty and citizenship.


“This pioneering study of state formation ‘at the margins’ forms a perfect demonstration of the promise of borderland studies. Eilenberg argues convincingly that borderlands – and the international borders that run through them – are critical sites for understanding shifting state-society relations. His book provides a powerful analysis of the local historical contexts of resource struggles, state policies and social strategies in what many consider to be a remote and insignificant Indonesian borderland. Eilenberg makes us realize how the unpredictable dynamics of such borderland societies affect entire nation-states”.

Willem van Schendel, Amsterdam University


“Eilenberg’s rich insights could not have been achieved without years spent developing trust and experiencing firsthand the ambiguity of a border as a zone of opportunity as well as control. The analysis of the border elite who combine traditional authority with bureaucratic ones, charisma with force, and legal practices with illegal ones throws into sharp relief a set of practices that are found not only on the fringes of the Indonesian nation, but on the fringes of its cities as well. Anyone interested in understanding how power works in Indonesia should read this book”.

Tania Murray Li, University of Toronto

Abstrak Pelayanan Penggembalaan merupakan satu tanggung jawab yang diberikan Tuhan Yesus kepada yang dipercayainya selaku gembala, namun pemahaman di antara para gembala masa kini tentang tanggung jawab itu semakin kabur dengan kebanyakan hanya mejalankan fungsi penggembalaan setengah jadi. Itu sebabnya dalam penelitian pastoral di antara beberapa gereja pada tahun silam ditemui adanya sejumlah kelemahan kehidupan keimanan jemaat. Gembala bertanggung jawab mengajar (dodaskalous), menuntun (piomenas) dan memimpin (episkopos). Ketiganya tidak terpisahkan melainkan menyatu dan tersinergi dalam sepanjang kegiatan pastoral seperti yang telah ditunjukkan oleh Yesus Kristus dalam menggembalakan muridNya. Menggembalakan umat Tuhan sesungguhnya adalah pelayanan Tuhan Yesus yang Ia sharing-kan kepada para gembala jemaat. Kalau engkau mengasihi Aku, kata Yesus, gembalakanlah domba-dombaKu. Yoh. 21:15-19.

At the interface of Indonesia and Malaysia, border-crossing maritime trade appears to elude attempts to conserve marine resources. In Berau district (East Kalimantan) attempts to protect coastal waters from illegal fishing and trade fail to correspond with mobile trade networks. In this article, I describe how a female Bajau trader acts out her (illegal) trade network in practice. The article draws on 18 months of ethnographic research, during which I joined the trader along her travels through the coastal zone of northeastern Kalimantan. Using a performative network approach, I explore the trader’s network as a continuously generated effect of practice and movement. Following her trading practices, I show that the performance of her network requires the ceaseless movement of people and things, in travelling (mobility) as well as in the reshaping of relations (fluidity). The trader’s network is enmeshed in historically grown relations of kinship, ethnicity, and patron–client associations across the sea. These socially and spatially mobile associations are at odds with conservationists’ preoccupation with a spatial fixation of people, places, and borders. By showing how relations of loyalty, debt, and affiliation systematically transgress these borders, I demonstrate the significance of a relational approach to marine conservation that takes into account the mobility and interdependency of maritime networks. Such an approach may help to redress the hegemony of place-based approaches in marine conservation.

Density estimates are a common tool for assessing potential changes in primate populations over time and for evaluating important habitat characteristics such as preferred food sources. There are several different methods for estimating the density and population of wild primates, though the accuracy of these methods across different habitats and species is difficult to assess. We calculated the density of the population of Müller's gibbon (Hylobates muelleri) in the pristine and regenerating forest in Sungai Wain Protection Forest in East Kalimantan, Indonesia from May to July 2012. We collected data on the location of bonded pairs and compared the results of two different density estimate methods: triangulation and point transect sampling using Distance software. The triangulation method yielded population estimates of 486.9 ± SD 132.6 individuals in the pristine forest and 274.3 ± SD 179.0 in the regenerating forest. Distance analysis produced population estimates of 580.5 ± CV 20.6 and 388.4 ± CV 23.4 individuals for the pristine and regenerating forest, respectively. The difference in the density estimates between methods was not significant. We hypothesize that point transect sampling overestimated group density based on the unusually high estimate, Int J Primatol 5 Orangutan Tropical Peatland Project, Palangka Raya, Central Kalimantan, Indonesia but further investigation into the accuracy of point transect analysis using Distance with respect to gibbons is needed. We conclude that triangulation remains an important tool for hylobatid surveys because of its efficacy in locating gibbon groups using acoustic detection.

There are more then one species in the Malayan fruit bat, Cynopterus brachyotis, species complex based on the ecology, behavior, distribution, morphological and MtDNA cytochorome b analyses. The small form is found in the closed canopy forest while the larger form utilised the open habitat. There is a new species within the C. brachyotis populations yet to be described.


Title Biogeography and Variation of Cynopterus Brachyotis in Southeast Asia
Author Mohd Tajuddin Abdullah
Publisher University of Queensland, 2003
Length 223 pages

In the Kelabit-Kerayan highlands of Central Borneo, salt plays a highly significant role socio-economically and culturally. Throughout history, salt is not only an important trade commodity, but also functions as gifts and signifiers of identity and wealth. However, most of the existing literature has focused on the salt-making process as well as the cultural and economic values of salt among the Kelabit. This paper focuses on the salt production of the Lun Dayeh community in the Kerayan region. Specifically, the technology and organisation of salt production of two different salt sites; Long Midang and Pa Kebuan, will be compared and discussed. Although the results are still preliminary, this study intends to highlight the various possible factors determining the type of technology and organisation employed by the salt-making communities.

Since 2003, a French-Indonesian archaeological research project, coordinated by the National Research Center for Archaeology (Indonesia) and the University of Toulouse (France), has been developed in the karstic region of East Kalimantan (Mangkalihat Peninsula, Indonesia) to investigate human occupation processes during prehistory. Within the context of debates about the population history of Island South-East Asia (ISEA), the Kalimantan region remains poorly documented and understood. When authors mention this region it is usually with regard
to its strategic location facing the Wallace line on the edge of Sundaland, as a gateway from Sunda to Sahul during the late Pleistocene period, or as part of models of the diffusion of the Neolithic cultural complex from Taiwan and the Philippines and the Malay Peninsula. Such dis-
cussions lead us to expect that archaeological investigation of Kalimantan will provide new data that may lead to the reappraisal of the role of this region during Holocene prehistory and the associated cultural and population diffusion processes. Archaeological research in the Liang Abu rock shelter (East Kalimantan) led to the discovery and analysis of a pottery assemblage including red-slipped, cord-marked and incised pottery sherds, radiocarbon dated to 1672±21 BP and 1524±22 BP. In order to discuss our findings we undertake a reappraisal of the pottery material and associated radiocarbon dates from archaeological sites on Borneo Island, which provide us with an appropriate framework for a comparative analysis. This allows us to to include the inland region of Kalimantan in the technological network of Neolithic Island South East Asia.

ETHNOGRAFISCHE MENDEDEELINGEN OVER DE DAJAKS IN DE AFDEELING KOEALAKAPOEAS (RES. ZUIDER - EN OOST-ERAFD. VAN BORNEO)
J. Mallinckrodt

Amsterdam: K. Institut voor de Tropen, 1925

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#borneo
#kualakapuas
#sosial
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#kesenian
#etnografi
#antropologi
#sejarahkalimantan
#sejarahborneo
#sejarahindonesia
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Borderland identity and traditional community autonomy affect the practice of 'illegal' logging and the impact of regional autonomy among the Iban along the upper Kapuas borderland in West Kalimantan, Indonesia. We examine these issues with attention to the historical development of the Kalimantan Iban as a border people, their struggle to maintain control over their traditional forest resources under the fluctuating power of the Indonesian state and their approaches in dealing with regional and cross-border interests in the harvesting of their forests.

The paper presented aims to probe the significance of an 'oral history' approach for the study of violence in Indonesia. To what extent does a rather biographical access enable us to allocate sources and origins of violent conflicts? How can it enrich discussions on the political economy of local conflicts, and dismantle the frameworks and mutual relationships of individual intentions and communal needs within 'violent environments'? What are its contributions to 'proper' historical methods as recently principal for conflict research in Indonesia?

The paper presented will address these questions within a case study on the Dayaknese-Madurese ethnic war, smouldering for several decades in Central and West Kalimantan. The examination is based on field interviews, carried through from 2000 to 2003 with a number of the 'pangkalima perang', the Dayaknese mystical war leaders. It will discuss the interrelationship of the war's setting in terms of its political economy, and the conditions of people's attendance in the war's incidental occurrences in latter years. By putting the retailed anatomy of recruitment and voluntariness for the war’s attendance, the paper will question the correlations of individual, often biographically rooted drifts, and communal needs.  Somehow hidden ends, as scapegoating and revenge, may happen to be seemingly most important then. However, quite often they mirror rather structural societal grievances as sourced by historical developments since colonial times. Unconscious and short-circuiting historical retention thereby causes a communalization of individual disputes, the spread of hatred, and the imagination of selfhood and otherness. It will be discussed, how these processes contribute to new forms of 'Dayak' identity, cultural exchanges and adaptation of 'war magic', and the generation of renewed mystical leadership.

Oral history and its intrinsic self reflection then may provide deeper insights into the incessant condensation of ideology within the Kalimantan riots. Eventually it enables an access to the problematic shift from the 1997 incidents in West Kalimantan to the large-scale Sampit-combats of 2001.

Abstract: Two major Indonesian-MAB (Man and the Biosphere) projects were carried out in the province of East Kalimantan, Indonesia, in the 1980s. Investigators found that farmers vary in their reasons for practicing shifting cultivation, logging, and agriculture, in their intensity of farming, and in the amount of damage they caused forests by their practices. Shifting cultivation includes a variety of practices that under some circumstances, however, can benefit people and protect their environment. In more recent times in East Kalimantan, commercial logging in lowlands has continued at a quicker pace, and the practice has shifted from the export of raw logs to plantation timber and local wood processing.

Archaeological research in the Liang Abu rock shelter (East Kalimantan) led to the discovery and analysis of a pot-tery assemblage including red-slipped, cord-marked and incised pottery sherds, radiocarbon dated to 1672 ± 21 BP and 1524 ± 22 BP. In order to discuss our findings we undertake a reappraisal of the pottery material and associated radiocarbon dates from archaeological sites on Borneo Island, which provide us with an appropriate framework for a comparative analysis. This allows us to to include the inland region of Kalimantan in the technological network of Neolithic Island South East Asia.

Intensity Analysis has become popular as a top-down hierarchical accounting framework to analyze differences among categories, such as changes in land categories over time. Some aspects of interpretation are straightforward, while other aspects require deeper thought. This article explains how to interpret Intensity Analysis with respect to four concepts. First, we illustrate how to analyze whether error could account for non-uniform changes. Second, we explore two types of the large dormant category phenomenon. Third, we show how results can be sensitive to the selection of the domain. Fourth, we explain how Intensity Analysis' symmetric top-down hierarchy influences interpretation with respect to temporal processes, for which changes during a time interval influence the sizes of the categories at the final time, but not at the initial time. We illustrate these concepts by applying Intensity Analysis to changes during one time interval (2000-2004) in a part of Central Kalimantan for the land categories Forest, Bare and Grass.

Tracing various historical narratives regarding 'pacification' campaigns and Brooke-Dutch, respectively Indonesia-Malaysia border security and its interplay with traditional 'ritualist' patterns of peace-pacting, my paper will engage in a re-assessment of the 1990s Dayak/Malay-Madurese violence and modes of its cease.

A leading question will be whether there exists a 'traditional' conception of sustainable peace in Borneo indigenous societies, and how this kind of a would-be cultural pattern was/is influenced by historical events. Remarkable in that regard are the different approaches by colonial governments to end head-hunting and tribal warfare at different points of time in 19th century Borneo. How culturally sensitive were the attempts of both, Dutch and Brooke administrators? Has there been a development in the 'pacification' mechanisms deployed by James Brooke and his nephew Charles some twenty years later? How is pacification in Dutch Borneo (remarkably the 1894 meeting in Tumbang Anoi) remembered (and re-imagined) today, and how does this collective memory influence current discussions on peace-making and peace-keeping in context with Dayak-Madurese violence? What kind of 'indigenous knowledge' about peace-making has been accomodated by colonial regimes – and maybe restructured?

The divide between 'pacification' and 'reconciliatory peace' will be discussed in detail, especially in its connection to both successful and failed attempts to resolve ethnic violence during and after Suharto’s New Order. A conclusion shall draw on the current state of specific Bornean ideologies of conflict and peace, not as a culturalist stigma, but as reflected by historical developments and people’s recent experiences with conflict and violence.

SUMMARY:
CIFOR has been actively engaged in field research in Indonesia focussing particularly on the role of forests and forest products in generating sustainable livelihoods for local users. Issues such as
incentives and institutional structures for equitable and sustainable management systems have been highlighted in this research, which has been undertaken with the active co-operation of local NGOs.
    During Professor VaydaÕs residency in CIFOR as a Distinguished Visiting Scholar, he was requested to conduct a review of CIFOR's social science research, particularly the connections between this Project and CIFOR's other related research on Biodiversity and Non-timber Forest Products. In this review he has assessed the extent to which CIFOR should seek or expect to find "generalisable" research findings to such questions, and whether this particular set of activities
was well-located and well-targeted to attain that objective. His report has led to some modification and refinement of this very important component of CIFOR's overall programme. The views expressed are the author's, and not necessarily shared by CIFOR's management.

In hegemonialen Diskursen, die sich gerade in ökonomischer Hinsicht als wirkmächtig erwiesen haben, erscheinen ökologische Konfikte meist als Konfikte um das adäquate Management von Ressourcen. Der epistemische Subtext dieser Herangehensweise an den Gegenstand „Umwelt“ basiert auf einem spezifschen Konzept von Natur, welches Natur als Materie, als das Andere der Kultur und des menschlichen Geistes begreift. Mit Bezug auf Philippe Descola soll in diesem Artikel gezeigt werden, dass sich die im Kontext indigener politischer Strategien revitalisierenden und neu ausgehandelten Na- turkonzepte der Dayak auf der Insel Borneo von diesem hegemonialen Naturkonzept unterscheiden – auch wenn sich diese immer wieder auf Grundlagen der hegemonia- len Episteme beziehen müssen, um in die globalen Diskurse eintreten zu können. Der Beitrag veranschaulicht diese epistemische Dimension ökologischer Konfikte, indem exemplarisch Publikationen von John Bamba, Direktor einer indigenen Organisation im indonesischen West-Kalimantan, analysiert werden. Es soll außerdem gezeigt werden, wie indigenes Wissen in seiner epistemischen Gesamtheit in hegemonialen Diskursen über lokales Wissen in Kalimantan ausgeblendet wird.

In hegemonic discourses, which have been particularly infuential in economic terms, environmental conficts are mostly framed as conficts about the adequate use and ma- nagement of natural resources. However, the epistemic subtext of this approach is based on a specifc concept of nature that takes nature as matter, as the opposition to culture or the human mind. With reference to Philippe Descola, this paper aims to show that Dayaknese concepts of nature on the island of Borneo, which are revitalized and negotia- ted within the context of indigenous political strategies, difer fundamentally from these hegemonic concepts – even though they have to refer to some hegemonic epistemic pre- mises in order to enter global discourses. The article illustrates this epistemic dimension by analyzing statements of John Bamba, director of an indigenous organization in West Kalimantan, Indonesia. Furthermore, it demonstrates how indigenous knowledge in its epistemic totality is neglected by Western discourses on local knowledge in Kalimantan.

Pada tanggal 7 Januari 1949 bertempat di Durian Rabung, Padang Batung, dibentuk Panitia Persiapan Proklamasi dengan ketua H. Aberani Sulaiman, wakil ketua Gt. Aman, sekretaris Hasnan Basuki, dan beberapa orang lainnya sebagai anggota. Diadakan beberapa kali rapat dalam perumusan kegiatan, tempat rapat sering berpindah-pindah, untuk menghindari patroli Belanda. Selain itu, mata-mata Belanda berada di mana-mana, sehingga setiap pertemuan dilakukan secara hati-hati dan dengan penjagaan yang ketat.

Pada tanggal 15 Mei 1949, dilakukan perumusan teks proklamasi di Telaga Langsat. Perumusan di pimpin oleh H. Aberani Sulaiman, dibantu oleh Gt. Aman, Hasnan Basuki, Pangeran Arya, Budi Gawis dan Romansie. Perumusan selesai pada jam 03.00 pagi hari tanggal 16 Mei 1949, lalu diketik oleh Romansie sebanyak 10 lembar dengan pita warna merah dan huruf kapital semua. Selesai pertemuan, semua anggota berpencar namun semuanya menuju Ni’ih yaitu tempat Hasan Basry berada. Naskah teks proklamasi di bawa Kardi dan H. Ramli untuk diantar ke Hasan Basry. Sesampainya di Ni’ih, teks proklamasi ditandatangani Hasan Basry di hadapan para pejuang yang telah berkumpul. Setelah itu, dilakukan persiapan kegiatan proklamasi, dengan tempat dipilih di Mandapai pada tanggal 17 Mei 1949. Kegiatan proklamasi dilaksanakan dengan upacara penaikan bendera merah putih. Sebagai komandan upacara adalah Ahmad Kusasi, sedangkan penggerek bendera adalah Abbas Basri dan Kardi. Upacara dihadiri masyarakat setempat dan anggota TNI ALRI DIVISI (A). Setelah pembacaan teks proklamasi oleh Hasan Basri dan penaikan bendera merah putih, bendera kembali diturunkan untuk menghindari serangan Belanda.

Untuk mempublikasikan hasil proklamasi, disuruhlah kurir Tarsan untuk menempel teks proklamasi di pasar Kandangan. Teks proklamasi akhirnya berhasil ditempel pada tanggal 20 Mei 1949, seketika gemparlah masyarakat Kandangan. Lalu salah satu wartawan mengambil teks proklamasi tersebut dan membawa ke Banjarmasin, sehingga berita proklamasi dengan segera beredar di Kalimantan. Isi proklamasi tanggal 17 Mei 1949 tersebut adalah sebagai berikut:

“
“PROKLAMASI“

MERDEKA, DENGAN INI KAMI RAKYAT INDONESIA DI KALIMANTAN SELATAN, MEMPERMAKLUMKAN BERDIRINYA PEMERINTAHAN GUBERNUR TENTARA DARI “ALRI” MELINGKUNGI SELURUH DAERAH KALIMANTAN SELATAN MENJADI BAGIAN DARI REPUBLIK INDONESIA, UNTUK MEMENUHI ISI PROKLAMASI 17 AGUSTUS 1945 YANG DITANDATANGANI OLEH PRESIDEN SOEKARNO DAN WAKIL PRESIDEN MOHAMMAD HATTA. HAL-HAL YANG BERSANGKUTAN DENGAN PEMINDAHAN KEKUASAAN AKAN DIPERTAHANKAN DAN KALAU PERLU DIPERJUANGKAN SAMPAI TETES DARAH YANG PENGHABISAN.

TETAP MERDEKA ! KANDANGAN,17 MEI IV REP. ATAS NAMA RAKYAT INDONESIA DI KALIMANTAN SELATAN GUBERNUR TENTARA

HASSAN BASRY

Is there any connection between ritual (animal) sacrifice, as common in Dayak passage rites, and violent events in Kalimantan inter-ethnic relations? Is sacrificial violence a valid category for the study of socio-cultural patterns in contemporary Dayak societies?

This paper reconsiders Schärer’s early explanations of collective human sacrifice in Central Kalimantan and draws a connecting line between his work and Girard’s mimetic theory on sacrificial violence. The analysis’ results can serve as an explanatory model for the ritual structure of recent violent events in Kalimantan. As examples, some episodes from the long-lasting history of Dayak-Madurese violence in West- and Central-Kalimantan will be deployed and compared to cases of Dayak-Bugis violence in East Kalimantan. The ethnographic material originates from fieldwork experiences in West- and East-Kalimantan during the last five years.

Colonial policies in the Dutch East Indies had limited activities of the Catholic Church to pastoral care for Europeans until the mid-19th century, when the Apostolic Vicariate of Batavia could be established. Pastoral tours to the island of Borneo in the following decades led to the foundation of missionary stations in West-Borneo since the late 1870s and the spread of catholic missions to the eastern portion of Borneo since 1907. A missionary post and a catholic school were set up in the village of Laham in the middle reaches of the Mahakam river. Despite initial set-backs, at present Catholicism has become most influential in East Kalimantan, both spiritually and politically. Recently, just prior to the centenary festivities of the catholic mission to the eastern part of Borneo, the Diocese of East Kalimantan has been elevated to become an Archdiocese.

This paper includes a brief review of the history of catholic missions to the island of Borneo, with a particular focus on the dissemination of Catholicism to the upper reaches of the Mahakam and the Apo Kayan plateau in East Kalimantan, and a discussion of the socio-political and socio-cultural dynamics of this area, which was among the latest to be penetrated by the Dutch colonial administration. Education and the recruitment of alumni from the missionary school in Laham – as teachers and indigenous “ambassadors” – played a crucial role in the spread of the catholic faith. My analysis of the promotion and localisation of Catholicism in East Kalimantan is based on an oral history approach, with special reference to the testimonies of Bo Hagong, a Bahau elder who was among the first female graduates of the Laham school and since the 1920s was pioneering as a teacher in the Apo Kayan region.

In einer vorzeit war die erde um Sapoanau Wüstes flaches land und wasserleere öde Als an geheimem ort drei männer aufeinandertrafen. Nach einer quelle waren sie geschickt Um leidende und dulder zu erlösen, In ihren hütten ging der dürre tod. Zwei waren freunde: Nalau und Datu, Der andre aber wurde Nancang Sait genannt Und galt ihnen als dämon Denn er war einäugig geboren Und jeder hegte furcht vor ihm-In dieser gegend ging der spruch Er sei begabt mit bösen kräften. An einer grube trafen alle drei zusammen Die frische wasser barg aus reinem quell. Doch von der tagesglut erhitzt 80 Entbrannte ernster streit, nicht freude, unter ihnen. Die wasser waren nicht genug für drei Und dreier hütten. Die beiden freunde liessen ihre furcht Vor Nancang Sait Und waren endlich sieger in dem kampf Der Nancang Sait den atem nahm. Die quelle die sie leerten lag an einem ort An dem acht wege aufeinandertrafen Die wie ein stern das land durcWiefen. Wo seine straWen ihre kreuzung nahmen Vergruben Nalau und Datu das auge Nancang Saits, So seine dunkle macht. Es war nach kurzer zeit Dass eben dort wo sie das auge Nancang Saits, So seinen dämon, vergraben hatten, Ein baum den himmeln entgegenwuchs, Ein mächtiger spross dunkler kraft. Sie nannten ihn Kayun Naing. In eile strebten die äste dieses baums zu den himmeln, Eilig verdichtete sich das blattwerk Und sein schatten war von grosser dunkelheit. Nalau und Datu waren voller furcht Denn dieser baum war Nancang Sait. Die beiden freunde fällten ihn Und sammelten sein holz an einem ort, Den dämon nun in flammen In rauch und flüchtigkeit zu bannen. Der rauch war dicht und dunkel Und tag wurde nacht. Aus dem gewölk fiel endlich grosser regen: Acht tage und acht nächte Fielen die wasser zu boden. 81 Und am neunten tag war die erde um Sapoanau Verwandelt in fruchtbare ebene. * Betrübt vom tod des Nancang Sait War einer mit namen Ayus, Sein treuer freund und unheilvoller bruder: Beide verband ihre besondere kraft, Vom bösen genährt und über allem menschlichen. Beim tod des gefährten War Ayus durchschauert von schmerz, So nah waren sich beide. Den mord zu rächen begab er sich Auf die suche nach Nalau und Datu. Ayus begann also steine zu sammeln Und einen berg zu bilden, Eine höhenleiter, Denn die himmel wollte er abgehen Die mörder zu suchen. Es war am selben ort Wo Nancang Saits auge vergraben Und Kayun Naing verbrannt war. So schichtete Ayus stein und fels Und war verwundert über seine kraft dabei-Sie war verzweifacht. Der neue berg war ein geringes kleiner Als ein andrer, In form ihm aber überlegen Und unzerrüttbar, denn er war ganz aus stein. Als Ayus vom gipfel seines berges rings ins land blickte, Vergass er die bestimmung Den freund zu rächen. 82 Er labte sich am freien blick Und schreckte nur vor einem: Dem höhern berg im norden. Ihn plagte neid vor diesem berg Der J empang hiess und stolz und prachtvoll prangte, Und himmelnäher als er selbst. Den eignen berg nannte Ayus Nungan Und liess ihm seinen dunklen geist. * Die beiden berge sprachen miteinander Und wollten beide den gigantenkampf, Zu wissen wer von ihnen Dem andern überlegen sei. Die wasser machten sie zu ihren richtern. Das land um Sapoanau befiel In diesen zeiten ein zweites unwetter Und grösser war der regen noch Als zu der zeit da Kayun Naing verbrannte. Viele hütten rings und berge Wurden diesem streit geopfert. Nach langer dunkelheit war einer sieger: Der berg Nungan, den Ayus baute, Denn er war ganz aus stein. Und der berg Jempang war zerflossen Zu einem grossen see: Zeichen seiner unterwerfung. Doch trotzig rief J empang den N ungan an: »Den wettstreit habe ich verloren Und bleibe doch ein sieger. Sieh: in mir ist leben, Den menschen bin ich nahrung und freude

François-Xavier Ricaut, Bambang Sugiyanto, Jean-Georges Ferrié, Pindi Setiawan, Josette Sarel, Adhi Agus Oktaviana, Antonio Guerreiro, Budi Amuranto, Michel Grenet, Sébastien Plutniak, Benedicte Voeltzel, Jean-Michel Chazine & Tony Djubiantono

Background Orangutans are critically endangered primarily due to loss and fragmentation of their natural habitat. This could bring them into closer contact with humans and increase the risk of zoonotic pathogen transmission. Aims To describe the prevalence and diversity of Cryptosporidium spp., microsporidia and Giardia intestinalis in orangutans at seven sites on Sumatra and Kalimantan, and to evaluate the impact of orangutans' habituation and location on the occurrence of these zoonotic protists. Result The overall prevalence of parasites in 298 examined animals was 11.1%. The most prevalent microsporidia was Encephalitozoon cuniculi genotype II, found in 21 animals (7.0%). Enterocytozoon bieneusi genotype D (n = 5) and novel genotype Pongo 2 were detected only in six individuals (2.0%). To the best of our knowledge, this is the first report of these

Since 2003, a French-Indonesian archaeological research project, coordinated by the National Research Center for Archaeology (Indonesia) and the University of Toulouse (France), has been developed in the karstic region of East Kalimantan (Mangkalihat Peninsula, Indonesia) to investigate human occupation processes during prehistory. Within the context of debates about the population history of Island South-East Asia (ISEA), the Kalimantan region remains poorly documented and understood. When authors mention this region it is usually with regard to its strategic location facing the Wallace line on the edge of Sundaland, as a gateway from Sunda to Sahul during the late Pleistocene period, or as part of models of the diffusion of the Neolithic cultural complex from Taiwan and the Philippines and the Malay Peninsula. Such dis- cussions lead us to expect that archaeological investigation of Kalimantan will provide new data that may lead to the reappraisal of the role of this region during...

Much of the ethnographic literature on East Kalimantan has assumed relatively stable ethnic identities. Marriage alliances between different Dayak groups have been frequent, but usually led to swift cultural assimilation of the inmarrying party. Similarly, Dayak-Kutai Malay intermarriages have been conceptualized in terms of socio-religious assimilation (masuk Islam). This paper suggests that a number of socio-historical developments, including Christian mission work, the spread of formal education and the more recent advances in regional political autonomy, have resulted in a higher degree of cultural adaptability among the Dayak groups of East Kalimantan, leading to hybrid identity formation especially in the urban centers of Balikpapan, Samarinda, Bontang and Tanjung Redeb, but also in the new political centers of decentralized regencies (kabupaten).

In this context, my paper explores the dynamics of ethnic identity among three extended families based in Samarinda and Sendawar (West Kutai) in historical perspective, tracing their multi-ethnic genealogies and the perceived meaning of divergent traditions vis-à-vis matters of belonging and cultural practice in the lives of family members. Considering issues of transferability and generalizability, the scope of application of these case study data for the understanding of the dynamics of ethnic affiliation in the urban and semi-urban contexts in East Kalimantan will be discussed.

Considering the hybrid ethic labels of North-East Kalimantan with a particular focus on a variety of “Basap” groups, this paper addresses constructions of culture and wilderness in the self-perception of contemporary forest dwellers and settled Dayak groups in the region. Oral history accounts, as well as a number of paradigmatic mythologems in the coastal areas and the Mangkalihat mountains indicate dynamic patterns of ethnic identity formation vis-à-vis historical and/or contemporary others whose savage features reassure one’s own ethnic groups’ cultural advantages.

Ever since their first mention in colonial ethnography, the “Basap” have been conceptualized as a distinct group of forest nomads, usually subsumed under the category of “Punans”, and a near lack of cosmological perceptions and religious practice has been noted. However, my paper argues that a wide rage of ethno-linguistic fragmentation among “Basap” groups can be demonstrated and a variety of ritual practices are observed by several of these groups, often rooted in fragile cosmologies, which transform recent historical developments into mythical realms. Tracing these processes of myth-making sheds new light on processes of (re)constructing ethnicity in East Kalimantan, as well as the dynamic intersection of myth and history in the region.