Kalila wa Dimna

Se analizan cuatro representaciones de mutaciones en el Calila e Dimna y se las coteja con tres versiones del Kalila wa-Dimna árabe y dos fuentes sánscritas, el Panchatantra y el Mahābhārata. Este cotejo tiene un doble objetivo: por un lado, respecto de la relación entre el Calila castellano y el Kalila árabe, se pretende confirmar la cercanía entre ambas ramas de la historia; por otro lado, la consulta de las distintas versiones de una misma historia echa luz sobre aspectos complejos o problemáticos de la narración, como son las representaciones de las transformaciones o conversiones, que tienen múltiples formas de abordaje dentro del texto. Este análisis está enmarcado por el concepto de traducción cultural. Palabras clave: Calila e Dimna; Kalila wa Dimna; mutaciones; literatura ejemplar; traducción cultural.

Los estudios sobre las representaciones femeninas en la literatura medieval suelen basarse en dos estereotipos: las mujeres que cumplen con el rol modélico y aquellas que encarnan diversos vicios, dando cuenta de la corriente misógina de la época. La presente investigación, centrada en el ámbito hispanohebreo, busca analizar las suplantaciones ideadas y realizadas por mujeres en dos textos narrativos del siglo XIII, discutiendo cómo se configuran los personajes femeninos, si acaso estos engaños refuerzan mecanismos misóginos y la forma en que se construyen otros estereotipos en torno a las mujeres, específicamente, el de las mujeres feas, velludas y bestiales

This paper explores Muṣṭafá Khāliqdād ʿAbbāsī’s 1590s Persian retranslation of the Panchatantra, commissioned by the Mughal emperor Akbar. Examining this text vis-à-vis other translations by Khāliqdād,
other court-commissioned Sanskrit-Persian translations from Akbar’s time, and the long Kalīla wa Dimna tradition in the Persianate world, this paper argues that retranslations, particularly unsuccessful ones, are where literary traditions and translation norms are most clearly negotiated and contested. Studying retranslations, as shown here, is a useful methodology for revealing tensions between different contemporaneous perspectives on what it takes to fully Persianize a text.

What follows is an unabridged, fairly literal English translation of the preface that Abū l-Ma‘ālī Naṣr Allāh Munshī added to his adaptation of Kalīla and Dimna, written ca. 540/1146. Naṣr Allāh was a secretary (munshī) at the Ghaznavid court, serving the sultan Bahrāmshāh (r. 511–52/1117–57), and he made the fateful decision to write a Persian translation of Kalīla and Dimna from a copy of the Arabic version attributed to Ibn al-Muqaffa‘ (d. ca. 139/756–57), which a friend had given to him. The result is a text nearly as idiosyncratic as it is historically significant.

is a collection of exciting moral stories written in a unique style, both in terms of narration and its technique of maintaining suspense.2 The stories in Kalila wa-Dimna are based on an imaginary dialogue between animals, and each story holds another internal story, which holds another, and so on.3 The book dates back roughly to the third or fourth century bce, and it was originally written in Sanskrit. In the eighth century, a Persian version was translated into Arabic by ʿAbd Allāh ibn al-Muqaffaʿ (died ca. 756 or 759 ce). The original Persian copy has been lost though. Kalila wa-Dimna eventually became exceptionally popular throughout the world, which resulted in various copies and many translations, of which Hebrew, French, and Greek were among the oldest, produced around the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The manuscript under the classmark bnf Arabe 3465, which is currently held in Paris, in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Département des manuscrits, is considered one of the oldest extant Arabic copies of this famous book. It dates to the early thirteenth century (1220ce). The Cairo Genizahwhich should be considered a plentiful source for the study of Arabic litera

The ijaza is the certificate of reading or hearing which is
sometimes written on manuscripts, usually near the colophon or
on the title page. It confers upon the recipient the right to transmit
a text, or to teach, or to issue legal opinions. It also bears witness
to attendance at a reading session. The ijazat al-tadris, the licence
to teach, and the ijazat al-sama', the certificate of attendance at a
reading session and hence the licence to transmit the text read,
should not be confused. Our attention here will be focused on the
ijazat al-sama', the protocols of reading sessions which were
often added to a text, as these in particular provide us with ample
information on the human element in the transmission of texts.

The article uses the example of the Islamic holdings of the Columbia University Libraries to explore how at the end of the nineteenth century the emergence of Near East Studies departments at North American universities was accompanied by the establishment of collections of manuscripts in Arabic script. I argue that the analysis of these largely ignored American collections illustrates the interdependence between book collecting, book production, and the book trade between the 1890s and the 1960s, providing new insights into the manuscript-to-print transition. The rare holdings of Columbia University show a marked preference for the acquisition of dated manuscript copies of identified texts, while books printed in Muslim societies beween 1800 and 1914 are underrepresented in the collection.

La Freie Universität (Berlín) y la Escuela de Traductores de Toledo organizan un congreso internacional centrado en el Libro de Calila y Dimna y en el proyecto de investigación desarrollado en la universidad berlinesa con subvención del European Research Council (ERC).
El evento cuenta con el patrocinio del Ayuntamiento deToledo y la Library of Arabic Literature.


Kalīla wa-Dimna and Its Translations – a Research Adventure: Results and Further Perspectives
Organizadores: Isabel Toral e Ignacio Sánchez

10 de mayo de 2024 10.00-19.00h
Escuela de Traductores de Toledo, Pl. St. Isabel 5, Toledo


Programme

10.30 - 10.45 Welcome: Ignacio Sánchez and Isabel Toral

MORNING SESSION 1
Chair: Luis Miguel Pérez Cañada

10.45 - 11.15 AnonymClassic – a Trajectory Beatrice – Beatrice Gruendler e Isabel Toral
Discussant: Maribel Fierro

11.15 - 11.45 Continua and Rare Chapters in the Kalīla wa-Dimna tradition - Crossroads – Khouloud Khalfallah
Discussant: Beatrice Gruendler

11.45 - 12.00 Coffee break


MORNING SESSION 2
Chair: Rachel Peled

12.00 - 12.30 On the Trope of Translation: Syriac and Persian Versions - Hidden Cargo – Theodore S. Beers and Jan J. van Ginkel
Discussant: Marigel Gallego

12.30 - 13.00 Kalīla wa-Dimna and the 'Theft Paradigm': On Stealing and Appropriating Knowledge – Ignacio Sánchez
Discussant: Delfina Serrano

13.00 - 13.30 Digital Philology and the Kalīla wa-Dimna Platform - The Journey Goes On – Marwa M. Ahmed
Discussant: M. Xenia Kudela

13.30 - 15.00 Lunch break


AFTERNOON SESSION 1
Chair: Ruben Schenzle

15.00 - 16. 30 Students Doing Research:  Ready for Take-Off – Hala Abdalhadi, Doğa Akpinar, Oualid El Khattabi, Isla Karademir, Alice Woolston
Coordination: Ruben Schenzle

16.30 - 16.44 Academic Coordination - A Travelogue –Agnes Kloocke

16.45 - 17.15 Coffee break


AFTERNOON SESSION 2
Chair: Ignacio Sánchez

17.15 - 18. 15 Round Table: Where Does the Journey Go To?  About Mouvance, Text Edition, and Translation
Participants: Beatrice Gruendler, James E. Montgomery, Isabel Toral, Jan J. van Ginkel, Theodore S. Beers

Die meisten Fabelstudien, die komparatistisch ausgerichtet waren, gingen von einer genetischen Prämisse aus. Es sollten Vorbilder oder Rezipienten für die in Europa vor allem mit dem Namen von Äsop verknüpfte Tradition gefunden werden, die eine Herkunft der Stoffe aus orientalischen oder indischen Traditionen angenommen hat, wo es solche Fabelsammlungen in der Form von Fürstenspiegeln, also moralischen Belehrungen von Fürsten über richtiges Verhalten, gab. Die häufigsten Bezugspunkte waren in dieser Hinsicht natürlich das Panchatantra (Sanskrit, n., पञ्चतन्त्र, pañcatantra, wörtl.: "fünf Gewebe" eine altindische Dichtung in den heutigen Fassungen zwischen dem späten 3. und 6. Jahrhundert n. Chr. 1 Zahlreiche Motive auch anderer Fabeltraditionen sind in diesen Geschichten vorgeprägt, denen eine umfangreiche Rezeption beschieden war. 2 Berühmtester Reflex davon die arabische Version Kalīla wa Dimna (arabisch ‫ودمنة)‬ ‫(كليلة‬ ‫كليلة‬ ‫,ودمنة‬ ‚Kalila und Dimna', von Ibn al-Muqaffa (720-ca. 759), die eine Bearbeitung des Panchatantra mittels einer verlorenen mittelpersischen Fassung darstellt. Der Name stammt von den beiden Hauptprotagonisten, zwei Schakal-Ratgebern, die sich über die Machenschaften des einen von ihnen, des eigennützigen und schlauen Dimna, unterhalten. Literarische Beeinflussung wurde hier natürlich als einseitige Übernahme oder Transformation von Motiven gesehen.

Parrhesia is a concept that is frequently encountered in the work of Michel Foucault. Starting from tragedy, Foucault deals with the various uses of this concept and the practice of parrhesia throughout the Archaic Age. Parrhesia is one of the most basic self-practices in which the subject establishes a certain relationship with himself and other people. The aim of this study is to discuss the etymological origin of the concept of parrhesia and its use in the modern world and Ancient Greece, and to discuss the parrhesia role of art. For this purpose, the concept of parrhesia, which is considered as a verbal practice of human self-construction process by Foucault, and the thoughts of parrhesia, which are brought up in the criticism of power through art disciplines, will be taken into consideration.

BioOne Complete (complete.BioOne.org) is a full-text database of 200 subscribed and open-access titles in the biological, ecological, and environmental sciences published by nonprofit societies, associations, museums, institutions, and presses.

El año 1982 supuso un punto de inflexión en los estudios sobre Kafka, puesto que, como se sabe, empezó a publicarse una nueva edición de sus obras, fruto de la revisión a que fueron sometidos sus textos originales, a los que hasta entonces accedíamos a través del tamiz de Max Brod. Expurgados ya de elementos «extraños», y accesibles para los lectores en lengua alemana, era obligada la labor de verterlos a la española lo antes posible. Es fácil comprender que, aunque gran parte de las editoriales con fondos literarios tienen en su catálogo obras de Kafka, pocas se apresten a la labor necesaria de revisar las traducciones a partir de la nueva edición definitiva de la editorial Fischer. La primera que lo ha hecho ha sido Cátedra, publicando en 1998, y dentro de la colección Letras Universales, El castillo, en edición de Luis Acosta-labor ciertamente pionera, aunque otros pretendan arrogarse ese mérito-, ya reseñada en su momento. Ahora aparece en la misma editorial y colección la primera novela del autor praguense, que él tituló, según se indica en sus diarios, El desaparecido, denominación alterada por Max Brod por la de América, de ahí que esta edición española, aun introduciendo la denominación original, mantenga entre corchetes la alterada, con la que era conocida la obra hasta ahora, para no desconcertar al lector no avisado. Casi podemos hablar de una nueva novela si la comparamos con las ediciones consideradas canónicas durante casi tres lustros. Una prueba de esa paradójica novedad, puede verse claramente expuesta en la excelente y prolija introducción (117 páginas), donde, bajo el epígrafe Esta edición, nos ofrece el profesor Acosta un cuadro de correspondencias entre la edición de Brod y la actual, que pueden resumirse en las siguientes palabras: No tiene por ello que extrañar al lector encontrarse con una organización de la obra distinta a la que ha estado habituado hasta el 334 brought to you by CORE View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk provided by Portal de Revistas Científicas Complutenses

This paper aims to scrutinize the identity layers in artworks of the Qajar era. Identity in art has different layers and each layer depends on different aspects. the Qajar Era is one of the culturally productive periods in Iran. It also had widespread relations with the West in different matters. Thus several identity layers in the culture and artworks can be seen in this period. The research tries to answer this question: what are the identity layers and their priorities found in the Lithographed Manuscripts with religious themes in the Qajar Era? The analysis of 10 manuscripts with various dates shows that there are four identity layers: archaism, Persian-Islamic, Western-style and Islamic-Shi? tendency in artworks of the Qajar Era and each type of artwork, some layers have more importance.

This article examines the reception of Jalaluddin Rumi's Mathnawi in post-Ottoman Bosnia and Herzegovina through the hitherto published translations of that work in the Bosnian language. The authors inspect the Bosnian translations of the Mathnawi according to contemporary translation studies, the retranslation and relay translation studies in particular. Following the survey and analysis, the authors conclude that the translation of the Mathnawi into the Bosnian language cannot be regarded as a linear historical progression because the process itself reveals a complex and multilayered relationship of the local culture towards the Mathnawi. The principal incentive for the translation of Rumi's masterpiece has been an age-old Ottoman tradition of interpreting the Mathnawi, dating back to the 16th century. This is observable in the translators' approach to the text, their insistence upon the contents at the expense of its poetic features, as well as their repeated invocation of the tradition of oral interpretation of verses, and frequent reliance upon the earlier Turkish translations of the Mathnawi and its commentaries composed in the Ottoman times.

This article analyzes the woodcuts that illustrate the Thesoro de la Passion by Andrés de Li. This book was printed in 1494 in Zaragoza in the printing house of Pablo Hurus. It is an extensive devotional work made up of one hundred and twenty folios that chronologically cover the most significant episodes of the public life and passion of Christ. The prints are conceived as complements to the text and their distribution is related to the demands of the text. Although some of the woodcuts are reminiscent of Martin Schongauer's Passion intaglio prints and Delbecq-Schreiber's Passion engravings, the references must have come, directly or indirectly, from different sources: from miniated manuscripts, from traditional imagery and, of course, from Central European engravings, which at this time constituted an important trade in the book trade.

La obra De amore 1 , escrita por el filósofo Andrés el Capellán en el siglo XII, es a la vez un manual práctico como un tratado científico sobre el amor. Fue elaborada en un momento histórico donde confluyen concepciones del amor provenientes de diversos ámbitos: la lírica trovadoresca provenzal, la cultura árabe, la tradición clerical cristiana y el código caballeresco. El presente trabajo pretende explicar cómo utilizó el Capellán la obra de Ovidio, la cual es presentada como fuente principal tanto por su estructura externa como por su contenido interno.

Este artículo se enfocará en un tema que ha sido en general pasado por alto por los estudiosos del Sendebar castellano, que es el de la representación literaria de los contextos urbanos, en especial en su vinculación con los crímenes, delitos, y todo lo que es considerado negativo en la cosmovisión de la literatura ejemplar. En el presente trabajo se abordará el tema desde dos perspectivas complementarias; por un lado, se analizará la forma en que estas representaciones urbanas se articulan con el discurso ejemplar en el que se inserta la colección, y fundamentalmente con los discursos relacionados con los peligros que acechan a la vida humana en comunidad; y, simultáneamente, se tendrá en cuenta la relevancia que tiene el origen oriental del texto y las estrategias de adaptación y asimilación que atraviesan para adaptarse al contexto castellano bajomedieval. Dado que Sendebar se tradujo en la época de emergencia de la prosa ficcional castellana, estas tempranas representacionesde la vida urbana cobran especial relevancia para comprender la forma en que la literatura incipiente representa la cotidianeidad de ciertos ambientes y espacios.

Resumen El presente trabajo estudia varios ejemplos del tipo AT 763, prestando especial atención a las versiones latinas. Se analiza el papel de los personajes, así como la repercusión que para la evolución de la historia ha tenido el cambio desde las formas tradicionales del relato a la ficción moderna. Palabras clave: Exempla medievales. Chaucer. Cuento del vendedor de indulgencias. Novella. Morlini. Cuentos populares. AT 763 (Los buscadores del tesoro que se asesinan unos a otros).

This article provides the first translation into a European language of a barely-studied Chinese version (i.e., Yijing’s version) of a story found in Kalīla wa-Dimna known as “The King and His Dreams.” The article then compares the story with three versions from the Arabic textual tradition. Moreover, discussing the structure and content of this story, yet another unstudied Chinese version (i.e., Kinkara’s version) of the story is introduced. Both Chinese texts belong to the Chinese Buddhist canon (Taishō Tripiṭaka). Our study shows that of the two Chinese texts, Kinkara’s version bears less similarity to the three Arabic versions in terms of structure and content. Yijing’s text and the three Arabic versions are very close, but display in a number of scenes discrepancies in the general plot as well as in details, thereby creating different morals for the story in the two traditions. While the Arabic versions can be regarded as belonging to political advice literature, Yijing’s version remains a story with a religious moral. The variances between Yijing’s text and the three Arabic texts could partly be ascribed to possible adjustment of the original Sanskrit text of the story by the compiler-author of the Middle Persian Kalīla wa-Dimna in order to make the story adaptable to the agenda and the context of his book. Yijing’s text shows distinct similarities to the Tibetan version of the story.

In this article, we carry out an introductory study of a little-known text titled Siyar al-mulūk, written in the late seventh/thirteenth century by an author named ‘Umar b. Dāwūd al-Fārisī, and dedicated to an Ayyubid amīr of Hama. There is only one known extant copy of this work, which belongs to the collection of the Topkapı Palace Library and dates to 727/1327. ‘Umar b. Dāwūd presents what he has written, confusingly, as an “arabicization” (ta‘rīb) of the classic book of fables, Kalīla and Dimna—one of the most famous versions of which was already in Arabic. In fact, the Siyar al-mulūk is a translation; but it is derived from the sixth/twelfth century Persian rendition of Kalīla and Dimna by Naṣr Allāh Munshī. Analyzing how this text relates to its sources is made somewhat more difficult by ‘Umar b. Dāwūd’s decision not to name any of them. Once the connection to the work of Naṣr Allāh is recognized, however, the Siyar al-mulūk emerges as a case study in both the evolution of Kalīla and Dimna as a global textual tradition and the transmission of Persian literature and scholarship to the Arab lands in the Mongol-Ayyubid-Mamluk period.

Kalīla wa-Dimna is at the same time one of the most popular premodern books and a pioneering work of Arabic literature in several ways: first, it has two layers of meaning, one overt and one hidden which has to be decoded by the reader; second, it displays a sophisticated framing structure with replaceable modular elements, which makes it easily adaptable to new cultural contexts; third, it is one of the earliest Arabic books and reflects on how books are to be read and how their content is to be applied in real life. Finally, it is one of the most frequently illustrated books of Arabic literature and speaks about the function of illustration in one of its prefaces. 2 Above all it is a cosmopolitan work. From its Sanskrit origins, it traveled to Europe and Asia, via an intermediate Arabic phase, and it became the most widely spread European medieval text. The archaeologist James Henry Breasted, founder of the Chicago Oriental Institute, once described it as, "an ancient text which, next to the Bible, has become the most widely distributed and translated book in the entire history of literature," and he made it one of the pilot projects of his Institute, created in 1919 with the support of John D. Rockefeller as "a laboratory for the study of the rise and development of civilization." 3 But this remained a prelude to an unfinished edition. The Arabic version of Kalīla wa-Dimna is the direct or indirect source of all later translations, the point of departure of its global dissemination, and all research on its subsequent textual history must engage with it. However, the quest to untangle the torturous textual history of this version is as complex as the book itself. The extant witnesses of the Arabic version or, more correctly, versions, vary to such a degree that any expectation of reconstructing an "original" is unrealistic, and indeed no critical edition has been accomplished to this day. Inversely, the work's textual history offers a prime example of mutable and fluctuating written transmission, which is remarkable for a book that once belonged to the adab corpus of classical Arabic literature and was counted as a model of eloquent 1. This publication has been made possible via the Kalīla and Dimna-AnonymClassic research project at Freie Universität Berlin, funded by an Advanced Grant of the European Research Council (ERC) within the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No. 742 635 (www.geschkult.fuberlin.de/en/e/kalila-wa-dimna/index.html). I thank the members of the team for their comments on an earlier draft of this paper. Preparatory research has been supported by an E-Learning/E-Research of the Center for Digital Systems (CeDiS) of Freie Universität Berlin. Both have used the LERA digital edition tool, developed in the SaDA-Project at Martin Luther University Halle-Wittenberg (sada.uzi.uni-halle.de) with support from the German Ministry for Education and Research (BMBF). 2. See Beatrice Gruendler, "Les versions de Kalīla wa-Dimna: une transmission et une circulation mouvantes," in

It is generally agreed that Ibn Muqaffa' wrote the chapter on Demna's trial in Kalila wa Dimna. However, based on a philological analysis of the last anecdote in the chapter, I argue that Ibn Muqaffa' did not write it, but rather translated it from Pahlavi. When the linguistic information in the last anecdote is compared to Ibn Muqaffa's report on Iranian languages in the late Sasanian period, it becomes clear that he had no idea what the linguistic condition of the Sasanian empire's eastern territories was. Furthermore, the other anecdotes in the chapter indicate that the writer was well-versed in the geography and culture of India and Khorasan, making Burzoya the more probable choice for the chapter's author, who, according to Istakhri, was from Marv. In a very optimistic way, Ibn Muqaffa’ only made a few changes to it.

This study aims to shed more light on the book "Kalīla wa Dimna" and its history, especially in the period before the translation of this book into Arabic in the Abbasid era. Thus, it follows the circumstances surrounding transferring this book from India to Sasanian Iran and then to Arabic culture, where it was translated and edited several times. In addition, this study seeks to reveal the missing link in the history of this book and discuss the possible reasons that led to the existence of many translations of this book during the Middle Ages, with an analysis and a study of a summary of this book dating back to the reign of Caliph Al-Ma'mun.

تهدف هذه الدراسة إلى إلقاء المزيد من الضوء على كتاب كليلة ودمنة وتاريخه، وخصوصًا في الفترة التي سبقت ترجمة هذا الكتاب إلى العربية في العصر العبّاسي. وسنتتبع من خلالها الظروف المحيطة بانتقال هذا الكتاب من الهند إلى إيران الساسانية ومن ثم إلى الثقافة العربية حيث جرى ترجمته ونظمه عدة مرّات. كما وتسعى هذه الدراسة إلى الكشف عن الحلقة المفقودة في تاريخ هذا الكتاب ومناقشة الأسباب المحتملة التي أدّت إلى وجود أكثر من ترجمة له في العصور الوسطى، مع دراسة وتحليل لمختصر من هذا الكتاب يرجع إلى عهد الخليفة المأمون.

Présentation of the ms. Turc 205 of the BULAC Library (Paris) containing some folios of an illustrated version of the Kalila wa Dimna in Ottoman Turkish, probably copied and illustrated ca. 1580 in the Imperial atelier. A part of the same ms. is kept in the BnF with the shelf-mark Supplément turc 1243.

This essay examines a few models of literary translation in the late Middle Ages, taking as its point of departure the comparative analysis of four different versions of the same gnomic excursus about poverty from a Kalilah wa-Dimnahfable: Ibn Muqaffa's Arabic text, its Alfonsine Castilian (romanceamiento,' the Hebrew translation by rabbi Joel and the Latin Directorium by Johannes of Capua.

Zusammenfassung Der Artikel bemüht sich, das Gelehrteninteresse nachzuvollziehen, das für die Übersetzung der arabischen Pañcatantra Version in das byzantinische Stephanites kai Ichnelates verantwortlich ist. Dafür soll ein kurzer Vergleich zwischen der byzantinischen und den arabischen Editionen unternommen werden, um deren große Unterschiede zu verdeutlichen und, wo möglich, zu erklären. Im Anschluss wird durch eine exemplarische Analyse der ersten beiden Bücher des griechischen Texts der Fokus auf seine didaktisch-narrativen Strukturen gelegt. Auf diese Weise wird deutlich, wie die narrative Komplexität des Textes ihm seine Fähigkeit verleiht, das Wissen und die Wertvorstellungen anderer Kulturen zu absorbieren.

Unlike most western artists about whose life and works we have comprehensive information, in most cases there is little information available about Iranian artists. On the one hand, this kind of information has not been recorded in biographical works, or the documents have been lost over time. On the other hand, in the traditional process of producing manuscripts, the illustrator, negārgar, was not regarded as an independent identity during the production process, and so in many cases there is no information about his name and identity. Instead, the final product is often simply known as “the work of the royal workshop”. In most cases, the Iranian master illustrators did not leave a signature or, if they did, they signed with a great humility, introduced themselves in their signatures as “the humblest servant”. In this process, it is clear that students and second-level illustrators were not allowed to introduce themselves individually and never had the right to acknowledge themselves without the permission of the master of the workshop. This phenomenon results in a big challenge for identifying the works of the Iranian artists.
Nevertheless, the style of specific artists, as perceivable from their works, often supplies a clue to identify anonymous works and attribute them to specific artists. In this article, by studying the works of one of the well-known illustrators of lithographed books of the Qajar period, Mirzā Hasan, I aim to identify him as one of the illustrators of the royal manuscript of the Thousand and One Nights.
Many researchers have studied the text of the Persian translation of the Thousand and One Nights and the illustrations of the royal manuscript. Even so, the available information about the manuscript is mainly restricted to the codicology. Although the names of some of the contributing artists in the project are known to us, these names have always been overshadowed by that of Abu'l-Hasan Ghaffāri, Sani’ al-Mulk, (1230-1282/1814-66) , naqqāshbāshi, master of court painters, of Nāsir al-Din Shāh’s court (r. 1254-1302/1848-1896) and the art director of this project.
Considering the fact that the exquisite manuscript of the Thousand and One Nights was prepared for the court and the king, Sani’ al-Mulk's colleagues in illustrating this important royal manuscript undoubtedly must have been selected from the eminent masters in other genres of illustrative arts. Since lithographed books, in terms of form and content, are the logical continuation of producing manuscripts and display a close thematic and structural relationship with the production of manuscripts, these artists have probably been chosen from the illustrators of lithographed books. My study is based on this assumption and, by comparing the illustrations of the manuscript with those in the lithographed books, seeks to identify one of the manuscript’s anonymous illustrators.
For this research, about 12,000 lithographed images  and over 3000 illustrations of the manuscript have been reviewed and compared.

En la Edad Media latina comienza a difundirse por Occidente la fábula oriental. Una cultura familiarizada con el fabulismo esópico, como era la europea, se presentaba como campo apropiado para recibir historias de animales parlantes que se conducían igual que los humanos. Por otra parte, servían como buena fuente de ejemplos a los predicadores de la doctrina cristiana. En su Antología del latín medieval 1 , A. Fontán y A. Moure Casas dicen: «En el siglo XIII empezaron a ser conocidas en la Europa de la cultura latina fábulas orientales que se sumaban al caudal de narraciones de origen esópico, cuya vitalidad no se había extinguido nunca del todo desde la Antigüedad. Se compusieron varios conjuntos de relatos, independientes entre sí en el proceso de elaboración, incluso aunque en algunos casos tuvieran la misma fuente». Autores latinos de esta literatura de traducción son Raimundus de Biterris o de Béziers (Líber Kalilae et Dimnae) y Juan de Capua (Directorium humanae vitae), versiones ambas del «Libro de Calila y Dimna» 2. La obra de Capua se fecha entre 1275 y 1285 y 1313 es el año en que Béziers concluyó su traducción. Como ya es sabido, también en castellano se realizó una versión del «Libro de Calila y Dimna» hacia la mitad del siglo XIII. La importancia de estos traductores y del género fabulístico en general radica en haber puesto en contacto, una vez más, dos culturas, la i Fontán, A. y Moure Casas, A., Antología del latín medieval, Madrid, Gredos, 1987, 419. 2 Entrecomillo «Libro de Calila y Dimna» para designar el conjunto de narraciones en general, sin referirme a ninguna versión en particular.

The fact establishing the union of human community is surely culture. Culture is a primary fact that effecting almost all stages of people's life from speaking to clothing, from eating habits to "correct" "wrong" perception as well. The most important way in order to hand down the culture which is irrevocable so that to the next generations is word. The atmosphere created by this way within culture media is "oral culture media". Human-being feeling anxious about handing down the possessed cultural values to the next generations have created oral cultural media, have made it permanent via the different forms of created product within atmosphere. The products generated/created in oral culture media have been penned via writing coming into daily life. Although the oral culture media being penned have lost its dynamic structure, they have incorporated the traces of all rewritten periods and communities because the act of being transferred have been still going on. This case has been frequently seen when the products being produced within different culture medias have been passed or adapted to different culture medias. Because a culture incorporated a product adds its own facts on it inevitably. Pança Tantra narrations generated/created in Indian oral culture media have walked roundabout the world, have added something itself from all other culture medias. It has been seen that Pança Tantra narrations got notable changes during the translations from Pahlavi script to Arabic especially by İbnü'l-Mukaffa. İbnü'l-Mukaffa added new chapters and new stories which were not found in original narrations during translation to his work, gained different dimensions to it, in fact Pança Tantra narrations were called with the name of Kelile and Dimne stories after this translation. The translation of Mukaffa had an important role in spreading of Kelile and Dimne stories in world languages. One of the other important translations of Kelile and Dimne stories is the work called Envâr-ı Süheylî translated into Persian by Hüseyin Vâiz-i Kâşifî via the work of İbnü'l-Mukaffa. This work differs pretty much from İbnü'l-Mukaffa's work regarding editing and numbers of stories. Kelile and Dimne stories had especially been translated via Eastern Turkish many times in Turkish Literature. There have been only two translations known in Anatolia. One of them is the translation of Kul Mes'ud and the other one is a work of Alaaddin Çelebi from Filibe named Hümâyûn-nâme resided the work of Hüseyin Vâiz-i Kâşifî named Hüseyin Vâiz-i Kâşifî. In this study, it has been tried to put forward the range of Pança Tantra narrations with its translation skills which is the product of Indian oral culture media after the perspective of outlined in general within "oral culture media" term.

Quisiera abrir esta comunicación con dos planteamientos ajenos, muy distanciados temporalmente entre sí, pero muy reveladores ambos, acerca de las percepciones del Libro de buen amor mediante las cuales hemos aprendido a leerlo. El primero se remonta hasta 1790, año en que ve la luz en la imprenta el cuarto y último tomo de la Colección de poesías castellanas anteriores al siglo XV, compilada por Tomás Antonio Sánchez, con el título de Poesías del Arcipreste de Hita; por ahora lo que nos interesa es la inclusión, en dicho volumen, de una "Censura de la Real Academia de la Historia" fechada en Madrid el 23 de junio de 1789 y firmada ni más ni menos que por Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos. En dicho escrito pide el por entonces Alcalde de Casa y Corte a Tomás Antonio Sánchez que no dé la obra a la imprenta censurada, sino en su versión íntegra; petición, por cierto, que fue ignorada por Sánchez quien, receloso ante lo que él debió de considerar obscenidad en el Arcipreste, creyó conveniente suprimir varios trozos. Visto hoy con perspectiva más que suficiente, las razones que esgrime Jovellanos para evitarle la censura de su propio editor a los versos del Arcipreste, nos permiten extraer algunas conclusiones que no tienen por qué ser baladíes. Al menos dos de las cuatro razones a las que recurre Jovellanos son dignas de tenerse en cuenta. En la segunda leemos que, de la misma manera que los clásicos y latinos tratan "las mismas materias de un modo harto más licencioso" (Sánchez 1790: XXXI), debe recomendarse por igual en las escuelas la lectura del Arcipreste, puesto que ésta "no sólo será provechosa al estudio de nuestra propia lengua, sino también al de nuestra historia civil, á la que tan particularmente pertenecen las costumbres, usos, estilos y ritos de los siglos pasados" (XXXI). En la cuarta razón, a su vez, le resta importancia al supuesto alcance de la obscenidad del Arcipreste, puesto que estima que "será poco leída esta obra de las gentes de letras, pues entre ellas, los que se llaman sabios desdeñan, por lo común, no sé si bien ó mal, semejante lectura; y de los puramente literatos, sólo sabrán apreciarla aquellos pocos favorecidos de Apolo" (XXXI-XXXII). El otro planteamiento que queremos traer aquí antes de continuar resulta, comparativamente, bastante más breve y muchísimo más reciente; concretamente data del 23 de abril de 2006, fecha libresca donde las haya, y día en el que en El País Semanal aparece una entrevista realizada por Juan Cruz a nuestro hoy justamente homenajeado Alan Deyermond en la que, preguntado éste último por la obra del Arcipreste, dice lo siguiente: "Es casi imposible estudiar bien el Libro de buen amor, es tan enigmático... Las palabras cambian de significado en una parte y en otra del libro... Es más difícil este libro que La Celestina o que Mio Cid" (Deyermond 2006: 15). Entre uno y otro testimonio hay mucho más que una enorme distancia temporal: hay palabras llenas de matices y cargadas de historia. Jovellanos se remonta a los griegos y

Das Forschungsfeld dieser Masterarbeit bewegt sich im Bereich der Studien zum Werk Kalīla wa-Dimna. Ziel dieser Arbeit ist es, die Verbreitungsgeschichte des einst auch in Europa populär gewesenen Fabelstoffes, welcher als Fürstenspiegel konzipiert ist, darzustellen und den Zeitpunkt und etwaige Gründe des Abbruchs der Popularität in Europa zu ermitteln. Die Verbreitung des Werks wird durch den Eingang in die Literatur des Mittelalters und, über La Fontaine Fables, in die Literatur der Aufklärung ersichtlich. Ein Vergleich zu den Rezeptionsgeschichten zu Tausendundeine Nacht und Aesops Fabeln liefert weitere Informationen zum Abbruch der Rezeptionsgeschichte. Gallands französische Übertragung Les Mille et une Nuits und die Eingliederung der nicht ursprünglich zum Textcorpus gehörigen Geschichten seinerseits prägten das Orientbild in Europa. Aesops Fabeln und ihre Rolle in der Erziehung der Menschen durch die Exempla-Literatur zeugen von der Funktion als didaktische Werke zur Erziehu...

Dass Kalīla wa-Dimna als Fürstenspiegel zu verstehen ist, geht allein aus den zum Werk verfassten Vorreden deutlich hervor. Die Hauptintention ist die Vermittlung von guten Ratschlägen zur Herrschafts-und Lebensführung durch den Einsatz von Erzählungen. Dieser Gegenstandsbereich der rechten Lebensführung wird mit dem Sanskritbegriff "nīti" bezeichnet. 3 Neben reinen Tierfabeln gibt es sowohl Geschichten, in denen nur Menschen als handelnde Figuren auftreten, wie auch Erzählungen, in denen eine Interaktion zwischen Mensch und Tier stattfindet. In ihren Forschungen zum Anvār-e Soheylī von Ḥoseyn Vāʿeẓ Kāšefī, einer Version des Kalīla wa-Dimna-Stoffs aus der Zeit der Timuridenherrschaft im Iran, unterscheidet van Ruymbeke vierundvierzig Geschichten, in denen ausschließlich Tiercharaktere, neununddreißig, in welchen nur Menschen vorkommen, sowie siebenundzwanzig Geschichten, in denen Tiere und Menschen gemeinsam auftreten 4. Van Ruymbeke macht darauf aufmerksam, dass es aufgrund dieser Verteilung falsch wäre, von einer reinen Sammlung von Tierfabeln zu sprechen: "[T]he book should not be called a 'collection' of fables, the majority of its stories are not 'fables' and its characters are not all 'animals.'" 5 Würde das Werk schlicht als Fabelsammlung bezeichnet werden, würde dies zu sehr von dem wahren Charakter und dem eigentlichen Bestreben des Werks, nämlich der Vermittlung von politischem Rat und Lebensratschlägen, ablenken. Die Tiere übernehmen eine spezielle Funktion in den Geschichten, sie stehen repräsentativ für Personen unterschiedlichen sozialen Ranges und treten als Könige, Wesire, Richter und gemeines Volk auf: 2 Trotz der im Laufe der Zeit angehäuften unterschiedlichen Titeln des literarischen Stoffes wird in dieser Arbeit, wenn die Rede sich im Allgemeinen auf keine spezielle Version bezieht, der Titel Kalīla wa-Dimna verwendet.

Este artículo analiza la naturaleza e identidad del falcón oriol, mencionado en obras castellanas medievales de primer orden (Calila e Dimna, Libro del caballero Zifar,Elena y María) como soberano de todas las aves. Esta es la denominación que, durante el siglo xiii, recibió el fénix en la Península Ibérica, una de las criaturas mitológicas más importantes de las culturas europeas y orientales. A lo largo de más de dos milenios, su aspecto ha variado notablemente: primero adquirió el aspecto de una garza, después su efigie se asimiló a la de las rapaces. El color dorado que posee su plumaje y otros testimonios de incuestionable valor (relación con el Simurg, representaciones escultóricas, etc.) permiten esclarecer su identidad que, hasta el momento, había sido ignorada por la crítica. Para ello, se analizará la etimología del nombre oriol, serán estudiadas las aves que tradicionalmente han sido utilizadas como símbolos del poder y se examinará el desarrollo del mito del fénix desde ...

El objetivo fundamental del artículo es llevar a cabo un estudio de la mujer en la Edad Media a través de dos parámetros de análisis: concepción medieval de la figura femenina -status de la mujer tanto en la vida familiar como eclesiástica- y la mujer dentro de la institución matrimonial –matrimonio como acto tanto sacramental como público-. Con los daros obtenidos llegamos a la literatura para comprobar si los textos literarios son o no reflejo de esa sociedad misógina previamente analizada. El texto que hemos elegido como modelo para nuestro estudio es Il Novellino.The main goal of this paper is to carry out a study of women in the Middle Ages according to two parameters of analysis: medieval consideration of the female character – the status of women both in family and ecclesiastical life – and women within marriage – in the religious and public sense-. With these data in mind, we will come to literature in order to prove whether literary texts are the reflection of the misogynis...