Jewish Responses to the Holocaust

This article focuses on the precariousness of everyday life of half-Jews during the Nazi-regime in Vienna. Marriages between Jews and non-Jews as well as the presence of their half-Jewish children represented an antagonism that was a permanent threat to the integrity of the Nazi regime. According to the Nuremberg Laws, half-Jews were either defined as Mischlinge of the first degree or as Geltungsjuden, depending on their denomination. Even though they were in most cases exempt from deportation, the plans to include them in the Final solution were never fully given up. Particularly during the last years of the war – after the majority of the Austrian Jewish population had been deported – the protection of half-Jews became more precarious and even trivial infractions against Nazi laws could lead to imprisonment and deportation.

הצורך לתעד ולספר את קורות השואה מצא לו אפיקים שונים, המהווים בסיס לחקר התקופה ולשימור זיכרונה. שני המאמרים שלהלן עוסקים בסוג ייחודי של כתיבת זיכרונות מתקופת השואה, שטרם נחקר. מדובר ברבנים (או למדנים) ניצולי שואה, אשר העלו את זיכרונותיהם והגותם על השואה לא כיצירה בפני עצמה, אלא כמבוא לספר קודש שכתבו (חידושי תורה, ספרי הלכה, דרוש, מחשבה ופרשנות). המבוא כתוב בזיקה אל הספר, אך גם עומד בפני עצמו.
המאמר סוקר גם את מסד הנתונים שהפיקה המכללה ירושלים העוסק במבואות כטקסטים לחקר השואה.

A chronology of all measures introduced by the National Socialist municipal administration and other perpetrator agencies against the Berlin Jews. The day by day chronicle, based on many hitherto unknown sources, provides the reader with a detailed and graphic picture of how the exclusion of the Jews from all spheres of public life unfolded over time and who was responsible for it. The introduction discusses the overlooked importance of local institutions for the radicalization of the persecution in the capital of the Third Reich, yet also touches upon the reactions and resistance of the Jews.

A selection of 37  poems in Yiddish, collected in 6 chapters, edited by Dorit Rubinstein:
העניעלע (Henie)
די ברוינע מגפֿה  (The Brown Plague)
פֿון יענע טעג (About Those Days)
דרײַ געשרייען (Three Screams)
קינות (Lamentations)
די גלאָקן פֿון פּערפּיניאַן (The Bells of Perpignan)

This article displays how Elie Wiesel portrays the role of the bystander in his fictional work “The Town Beyond the Wall” and connects this perspective of literature with psychological and ethical implications.

Due to publishing rights, I am not allowed to upload the full article. The article was published in:
Nesfield, Victoria, and Philip Smith. The Struggle for Understanding: Elie Wiesel´s Literary Works. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2019.

"If the international Finance-Jewry inside and outside of Europe should succeed in plunging the peoples of the earth once again into a world war, the result will be ...the annihilation of the Jewish race in Europe." Hitler's speech to the Reichstag, January 30, 1939. "Europe" as defined by Hitler himself, was "the European nations and their overseas possessions," inclusive of "French Algeria" and its French departments," the French protectorates of Morocco and Tunisia" - also called "France" (see maps 1, 2, 3), and Italian Libya/Italy N. Africa (Libya)."
France: Metropolitan France and its overseas territories/possessions (territoires d’outre-mer); officially the French Republic (French: République française) is a sovereign country in Western Europe that includes several overseas regions and territories. Metropolitan France and Overseas France together form what is officially called the French Republic.

Metropolitan France (French: France métropolitaine or la Métropole – as used by General de Gaulle in 1941) is the part of France located in continental Europe. It is also referred to as "continental France, "mainland France" (as used by Renée Poznanski, expert on the Shoah in France), or as the French mainland.

La France d'outre-mer, or l'Outre-mer (Overseas France) is the collective name for French territories outside 'mainland France.' Because of its proximity to mainland France, French North Africa was considered "le prolongement de la France" and "an extension of Europe."

In accordance with the von Ribbentrop-Molotov pact, Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union occupied Poland in September 1939. Germany took control of the western sector and the Soviet Union the eastern sector. Families considered their options and made critical choices about
staying in place or crossing the border. As entry points became more heavily guarded, movement became more difficult. At Soviet request, the Nazis opened the border for fifteen minutes on November 15, 1939. Using Yizkor (memorial) books from the author’s ancestral villages of Ostrów Mazowiecka on the Nazi side and Zaręby Kościelne on the Soviet side, this article examines the effect of the early occupation on the people living in these villages and their migrations within the
larger historical context. It pays particular attention to the no-man’s land the Germans called the Judenpass, the Jewish land strip, that both safeguarded and threatened refugees and separated these
two villages.

Warsaw was once home to the largest and most diverse Jewish community in the world. It was a center of rich varieties of Orthodox Judaism, Jewish Socialism, Diaspora Nationalism, Zionism, and Polonization. This volume is the first to reflect on the entire history of the Warsaw Jewish community, from its inception in the late 18th century to its emergence as a Jewish metropolis within a few generations, to its destruction during the German occupation and tentative re-emergence in the postwar period. The highly original contributions collected here investigate Warsaw Jewry’s religious and cultural life, press and publications, political life, and relations with the surrounding Polish society. This monumental volume is dedicated to Professor Antony Polonsky, chief historian of the new Warsaw Museum for the History of Polish Jews, on the occasion of his 75th birthday.

בתוך המכלול של יומני נוער מעת השואה, עוסק מאמר זה בדמותו של משה פלינקר, נער בן 16 מהולנד, שיומנו נתגלה עם תום המלחמה ויצא לאור לראשונה בהוצאת יד ושם בשנת תשי"ח (1958). הקטעים שנחשפו הם מהתאריכים 24.11.1942  - 7.9.1943.  משה, בן למשפחה דתית בת תשע נפשות, כתב את יומנו כשהוא ספון רוב הזמן  בחדרו בבריסל, לשם נמלט עם בני משפחתו באמצע המלחמה.
קיימות מקבילות מסוימות בין יומנו לבין יומנה של אנה פרנק, בעיקר בכשרונם לעסוק בתאור האירועים מחוצה להם ובאינטרוספקציה גם יחד. אולם יומנו של משה הוא שונה וייחודי ביותר. משה רואה ביומן אמצעי לעסוק ב"חשבון הנפש", לחדד את מודעותו העצמית ולבדוק את מידת צמיחתו והתפתחותו באמצעות כתיבתו.
הנושאים העיקריים שהעסיקו אותו הם: משמעותם של האירועים המתרחשים בעולם, הערכים העומדים במרכז חייו וכתוצאה מאלה -  חלומותיו ותכניותיו לעתיד.
משה היה מודע למתרחש בעולם, וניתח את האירועים בעין מפוכחת. עם זאת, האמין בגאולה העשויה לבוא כל רגע בדרך נסית. במרכז היומן עומדים שלושת ערכיו המוצקים, ועימם הוא מנהל דיאלוג בלתי פוסק: אלוקיו, עמו וארצו ישראל. האמפטיה לעמו כה גדולה, עד שהוא מבטא משאלה להצטרף לאחיו הסובלים במזרח אירופה. ארץ ישראל היא משאת נפשו, והיא מוקד הגאולה האישית והלאומית. אמונתו של משה באלוקיו, בעמו ובארצו חופפת על חייו. וקולה בוקע מדפי היומן בתפילות ובשירה.
בנקודות אלו בולט ההבדל בין יומנו  לבין יומנה של אנה פרנק. אנה מעוגנת מערכים אוניברסליים, וכתיבתה ממוקדת בעיקר ב"אני" שלה, משה מעוגן באמונה, וגם  האוניברסליות שלו שאובה מן היהדות, ומתבטאת בנשיאה בסבל הזולת כחלק מן הערבות היהודית, בחיפוש שרשי הרע כדי לעקרם מן העולם, ובשאיפה ל"תיקון עולם". נקודת המוצא של אנה הוא ה"אני", ואילו ה"אני" של משה הוא חלק מן ה"אנחנו", היהודי שבו.  אנה מאמינה בבני אדם ושואפת לחזור למציאות חייה הקודמת. משה מוצא רק בשיבת עמו לארץ ישראל את העתיד ואת הגאולה. 
יומנו של משה הינו עדות מרשימה  להתמודדותו של הפרט בדיכוי אישיותו, ולשמירה על  צלם האדם היהודי, בעולם בו נשחקו ערכים ואשיות מוסר עד דק. ואולם, זוהי גם קינה על אובדן דור שלם של צעירים מחוננים, שהעדרם מהווה עבור עם ישראל "בכיה לדורות".

One of Art Spiegelman’s motivations for using animal forms for the characters in the two volumes of Maus was to depict the dehumanization of the Jews during the Holocaust and as well the inhuman behavior of the Nazis and people of other nations. There is another side to this dehumanization in Maus that we will explore, namely what Deleuze and Guattari (D&G) call “becoming animal,” which is a mode of social and personal transformation undergone for the sake of survival and vitality and obtained through adaptation and mutation. D&G use Spinoza’s account of bodily composition and affective alteration to explain how threatening influences can push people and their groups into a temporary state of anonymity. While under this mode of indeterminacy, new arrangements and compositions may freely form and dissipate, which allows them to effectively survive, evade, and subvert the intruding powers. D&G further elaborate these notions of “becoming-animal” and the formation of anonymous “packs” by utilizing their concept of the “machinic assemblage,” whose parts reconfigure in order to disrupt or “minorize” the machinery of the larger system. This minorization operates as well on the level of language, where the minor group works within the major language system to undermine their oppressor’s regime of signs and values. Maus for example adopts the visually metaphoric language that presented the Jewish people in rodent form, as seen for instance in the Nazi propaganda documentary The Eternal Jew (Fritz Hippler, Der Ewige Jude, 1940), which depicts the Jews as rats infesting the entire world. But by shifting to mice and by drawing the Nazis as cats, Spiegelman evades the fixed meanings of the major visual language and introduces very different connotations and interpretations. Yet, one criticism of Spiegelman’s use of animal forms is that it sanitizes the horrors of the Holocaust and falsifies them by rendering them cute and harmless. I reply by including Maus under what D&G call a “minor genre,” in this case a particular kind of minor documentary. Filmed documentaries are rarely objective and unbiased, as we have seen already with the propaganda film The Eternal Jew’s distortions and misrepresentations. And Claude Lanzmann’s film Shoah (1985), instead of presenting any archival footage of the Holocaust, merely interviews survivors, witnesses and former Nazi SS officers to “document” the subjective realities internal to the events. Maus as well is based on the recorded interviews of a Holocaust survivor, but instead of providing objective depictions of the visual horrors in his experiences, it instead documents the existential experience of losing cultural and personal identity. And the horrors of this particular element of the events are more effectively and faithfully documented using animal forms.

‫ותיקים‬ ‫לאזרחים‬ ‫המשרד‬ ‫בתמיכת‬ ‫לאור‬ ‫יוצא‬ 4 ‫ואקטואליה‬ ‫חדשות‬ ‫הבדולח:‬ ‫ליל‬ 15 ‫הבדולח‬ ‫לילי‬ ‫לציון‬ ‫שנה‬ 75 ‫מפנה‬ ‫כנקודת‬ ‫הבדולח"‬ ‫"ליל‬ ‫פוגרום‬ 16 ‫גרמניה‬ ‫יהודי‬ ‫בתולדות‬ 18 ‫שם‬ ‫היתה‬ ‫קורצמן‬ ‫חנה‬ 19 ‫בגרמניה‬ ‫אנטישמיות‬ ‫והישראלי:‬ ‫היהודי‬ ‫והתיאטרון‬ ‫שואה‬ 20 ‫בשואה‬ ‫היהודי‬ ‫התיאטרון‬ ‫של‬ ‫המקוון‬ ‫הארכיון‬ 21 ‫הכל‬ ‫יהודי-למרות‬ ‫תיאטרון‬ 25 ‫ה"יודו-נאצי"‬ ‫ועד‬ ‫לטבח"‬ ‫מ"כאצן‬ ‫הישראלי:‬ ‫בקולנוע‬ ‫השואה‬ 29 ‫העקורים‬ ‫ממחנה‬ ‫טובים‬ ‫זכרונות‬ 30 ‫הסרט‬ -‫המגף‬ ‫בקצה‬ ‫מגדל‬ 33 ‫"הבריחה"‬ ‫בנתיבי‬ ‫צעירים‬ ‫שמונה‬ 35 ‫הישראלי‬ ‫בקולנוע‬ ‫השואה‬ ‫ניצולי‬ ‫ייצוג‬ 40 ‫זכויות‬ ‫ר‬ ‫כ‬ ‫ז‬ ‫מ‬ ‫בישראל‬ ‫השואה‬ ‫ניצולי‬ ‫של‬ ‫הארגונים‬ ‫מרכז‬ ‫בהוצאת‬ ‫"יהדות‬ ‫רון‬ ‫יוחנו‬ ‫של‬ ‫במאמרו‬ ,38 ‫מס'

A considerable number of first-generation Holocaust researchers were Polish Jews: Philip Friedman, Isaiah Trunk, Józef Kermisz, Nachman Blumental, Rachel Auerbach, Michał Borwicz, Joseph Wulf, Szymon Datner, Artur Eisenbach, Tatjana Berenstein and Bernard Mark, to name just a few. Most of them left Poland in the late 1940s and early 1950s and resettled in the United States, France, Israel or West Berlin. Others continued their work in Poland. They all made important contributions to the documentation and research of the German mass murder of European Jews and many to the legal processing of this too. What connects them is the institution at they began their work, known then as Churbn-forshung1: the Central Jewish Historical Commission (CJHC) in Poland, from which the Jewish Historical Institute (JHI) was formed in October 1947. The chapter describes the origin of and the scientific
work and documentation carried out by the Commission and Institute, as well as its contribution to the prosecution and punishment of Nazi perpetrators against the background of the political situation in communist post-war Poland, particularly the Jewish community there.

The famous writer Grigoriy Kanovich in his article entitled "The Second Escape," wrote that after the first escape from imminent death, which was the escape from the IX Fort, Alex Faitelson, with his book "Unconquered" dedicated to the struggle of the Jews of Lithuania against the Nazi occupiers, made a second escape.
“There is no doubt that Faitelson has built a memorial to the bravest of the brave, the Maccabees of the twentieth century. He did all he could to ensure that not one of them will be forgotten and nothing will be forgotten ...
Figuratively speaking, having written his most important book, written out of his own sufferings, he completed the second escape of his life - an escape from that hell known as the repression of memory.
And together with him, this escape was carried out by all those who appear in the pages of the book - those still alive, and those who passed away on to the next world, those who were at one with him in thought and deed, opponents and enemies, all those whom he describes in detail or only in passing (in words kind or unkind) in his unique and full work, deserving laurels."

Front page, table of contents and introductory article to an edited volume of a conference at Yad Vashem in December 2010.  Includes an introductory article by the editor: 'Beyond "Righteous Among the Nations" and "Altruism": On Rescuers and Rescue Activities During the Shoah

English translation of the testimony given by Maurits van Thijn (1922–2011) and Catharina van Thijn-Blitz (1924–2018) in Dutch and published as Chapter 2 in: Steffie van den Oord, "Liefde in oorlogstijd" (Love in wartime). Amsterdam/Antwerpen: Uitgeverij Contact, first edition 2004 (349 pages), pp. 43–65. Translated and annotated by Pim Griffioen. (Please note that parts of this English translation were not edited by a native speaker.)

ABSTRACT:
In this testimony Maurits and Catharina (Rina) van Thijn describe their experiences during the years of the German occupation of the Netherlands and the persecution of the Jews. They got engaged shortly after the beginning of the systematic deportations of the Jews from the Netherlands in 1942. Through luck they got an opportunity to go into hiding. However, after a number of months they were betrayed and sent to the Westerbork transit camp. There they married (September 20, 1943) and one day later they were deported to Auschwitz. He had to work hard and suffered from maltreatments and hunger. She was incarcerated in 'Block 10', the notorious experiments' block. Partly thanks to each other they endured the hardships. They describe the evacuation of Auschwitz in January 1945, and their experiences up to the liberation in May 1945. Finally they tell about the direct aftermath of the persecution during the first years after the war until their emigration (Aliya) to Israel in 1949. As a consequence of the criminal experiments Rina was subjected to in Auschwitz, she could not have children. Maurits and Rina van Thijn were married for more than 67 years and they lived and both worked in Israel for 50 years.

While the revival of the Torah world among Jewish men after the Holocaust has been studied, the reconstruction of Orthodox Jewish women's society has been given short shrift. This study focuses on Bais Yaakov teachers and their reverence towards their teacher, Sarah Schenirer (1883-1935). Particularly after the Holocaust, Schenirer's legacy became a central concept in rebuilding a social, religious, and educational framework for Ultraorthodox Jewish women. In many ways, the memory of Sarah Schenirer, taken by Ultraorthodox society as representing the entire Jewish world of interwar Europe, served to some extent as a substitute for Holocaust memory.

De Ratones y Héroes, debe ser leído para contemplar con la debida distancia la som­bra narrativa de Maus sobre la producción imaginaria contemporánea. En el hilo secre­to que anuda los campos de concentración con el campamento de refugiados de Sabra y Chatila de Vals con Bashir, el campo se con­vierte en un umbral invisible del documental y la ficción contemporáneos, incluso en sus versiones más frívolas: desde las alambradas de Gorazde y Palestina, en la franja de Gaza, de Joe Sacco o de las películas de Rithy Panh y Joshua Oppenheimer hasta la velada me­táfora que anida en la prisión de la serie The Walking Dead, en la isla de la serie televisiva Perdidos o en la Zona Fantasma en la que son confinados los héroes Marvel de Civil War constituyen retornos incómodos de ese nin­guna parte en el que el individuo puede ser excluido, asesinado y profanado.
Estas palabras de Iván Pintor están extraídas de su prólogo en “De Ratones y Héroes” y describen perfectamente lo que se puede encontrar en este libro. Un recorrido por la memoria, no sólo de los supervivientes del Holocausto y de sus descendientes, sino también de todos aquellos elementos que configuran el imaginario de una obra tan fascinante como Maus. De Ratones y Héroes es el texto elegido por Ediciones Marmotilla para su salida al mercado, no sólo por su calidad, sino porque su autora, Raquel Crisóstomo, hace un recorrido por todas las influencias que conducen a la elaboración de una historia como Maus, desde un punto de vista absolutamente interdisciplinar relacionando el trabajo de Spiegelman no sólo con la memoria del Holocausto, sino con todas aquellos elementos que llevan a la configuración de esa obra maestra, desde los clásicos del cómic, hasta la propaganda bélica y el cine de animación. Una publicación, en definitiva, imprescindible para profundizar en el imaginario de Maus.

This work is a philosophical and historical exploration of religious transformation among Jewish survivors of the Holocaust. The research includes a substantial amount of unique survivor testimonial material from the USC Shoah Foundation Visual History Archive. These recorded interviews provide a variety of anecdotes from eyewitnesses, which require a certain caution when utilizing as source material. Although some Jewish survivors obtained a newfound spiritual strength through their experiences, this particular investigation focuses on those who were at one point connected with their religious traditions and have since abandoned their belief in God completely. For contextual coherence, the testimonial material is organized alongside the historical events of World War II, specifically the rise of Hitler, the escalation of the Nazi occupation in Europe, and the mass extermination of the Jews that followed.
This exploration highlights the dramatic modifications and additions to Jewish spiritual thought, especially in regards to the notion of theodicy. This work discusses various positions of Holocaust theology, and how survivor testimonial information can serve as an outlet for interpretation in the effort to answer the difficult questions surrounding the concept of faith in light of the Shoah. Analyzing the personal experiences and convictions of Holocaust survivors allows for a deeper understanding of their religious metamorphosis. Prior to the Holocaust, Jewishness was defined much more precisely than how it is today. This work argues that Jewish atheism, however contradictory as it may seem, assuredly deserves to stand among any other recognized philosophy. First-hand experiences with utter inhumanity have led many Jews to reject the validity of God’s covenant. This work demonstrates how the horrors of genocide have provided a transformational vessel towards the abandonment of faith.


Recommended Citation
Lassley, Jennifer (2015) "A Defective Covenant: Abandonment of Faith among Jewish Survivors of the Holocaust," International Social Science Review: Vol. 90: Iss. 2, Article 3.
Available at: http://digitalcommons.northgeorgia.edu/issr/vol90/iss2/3

À la suite d'Arendt et de Heidegger, le national-socialisme a été réinterprété comme un révélateur de la modernité technicienne au point que l'institution nazie des camps de concentration et d'extermination s'est vue érigée en paradigme de cette modernité. Cette vision postmoderne de l'histoire du XX e siècle mérite d'être interrogée 2. Il importe également d'élucider une question bien actuelle, qui met en jeu les références intellectuelles sur lesquelles appuyer un enseignement portant sur la Shoah. Comment se fait-il en effet que Heidegger, ce professeur et recteur national-socialiste interdit d'enseignement en 1945, a pu conquérir une audience planétaire telle que sa pensée, au lieu d'être reconnue comme un cas exemplaire, dans le champ philosophique, de la vision du monde ou Weltanschauung nationale-socialiste dont ses écrits font l'éloge 3 , est devenue au contraire une source d'inspiration pour penser le nazisme ? De quelle réception at -il bénéficié pour que, du penseur nazi qu'il est à l'évidence, il se soit vu conférer le statut de penseur du nazisme, ce qui est tout autre chose ? Bref, comment en est-on venu à soutenir, aujourd'hui encore, que la philosophie aurait besoin de l'auteur des Cahiers noirs pour « penser la Shoah » ? Que l'étude de l'extermination nazie suppose celle d'auteurs nationaux-socialistes aussi radicaux que Heidegger et qui ont explicitement légitimé cette extermination 4 , cela est justifié, mais 1 Emmanuel Faye est professeur de philosophie moderne et contemporaine à l'université de Rouen-Normandie. Il a publié notamment Heidegger, l'introduction du nazisme dans la philosophie (Paris, Albin Michel, 2005 ; Le Livre de Poche, 2007, traduit en six langues), le collectif international Heidegger, le sol, la communauté, la race (Paris, Beauchesne, 2014) et Arendt et Heidegger, extermination nazie et destruction de la pensée (Paris, Albin Michel, 2016). 2 Dans cet esprit, cet article prolonge et complète un essai récemment consacré à l'étude des relations intellectuelles entre Hannah Arendt et son ancien professeur (Faye, Arendt et Heidegger, op. cit.). À la suite d'un premier ouvrage destiné à montrer, à partir de deux séminaires inédits, que la vision du monde nationale-socialiste s'inscrivait dans les fondements mêmes de la pensée heideggérienne (Heidegger, l'introduction du nazisme dans la philosophie, op. cit.), Arendt et Heidegger s'interroge sur les conditions de la réception planétaire de Heidegger et fait le point sur les révélations apportées par la publication des premiers Cahiers noirs. 3 Martin Heidegger enseigne par exemple en 1933-1934 que « lorsque aujourd'hui le Führer parle sans cesse de la rééducation en direction de la vision du monde nationale-socialiste, cela ne signifie pas inculquer n'importe quel slogan mais produire une transformation totale, un projet mondial sur le fondement duquel il éduque le peuple tout entier ». (Gesamtausgabe vol. 36/37, Francfort, Klostermann, 2001, p. 225). 4 Heidegger a appelé ses étudiants à préparer sur le long terme et à se donner pour but l'« extermination totale » de l'ennemi intérieur incrusté dans la racine du peuple (Gesamtausgabe vol. 36/37, op. cit., p. 90-91) et en 1941, dans ses Cahiers noirs, il a fait l'éloge de la politique nazie contraignant l'ennemi à procéder à sa propre « auto-extermination » (Gesamtausgabe vol. 96, Francfort, Klostermann, 2014, p. 260).

This article deals with the process of rebuilding Jewish communities after the Shoah/Holocaust in Croatia. Examining history from the perspective of its Jewish protagonists and in a broader Jewish context the relationship between Jewish identity, politics and ideology, in the context of the Socialist State and the changes in the (self)definition of Croatian Jews, stratification within the community and the opting of most survivors to leave Yugoslavia will be investigated.

‫ותיקים‬ ‫לאזרחים‬ ‫המשרד‬ ‫בתמיכת‬ ‫לאור‬ ‫יוצא‬ 4 ‫ואקטואליה‬ ‫חדשות‬ ‫הבדולח:‬ ‫ליל‬ 15 ‫הבדולח‬ ‫לילי‬ ‫לציון‬ ‫שנה‬ 75 ‫מפנה‬ ‫כנקודת‬ ‫הבדולח"‬ ‫"ליל‬ ‫פוגרום‬ 16 ‫גרמניה‬ ‫יהודי‬ ‫בתולדות‬ 18 ‫שם‬ ‫היתה‬ ‫קורצמן‬ ‫חנה‬ 19 ‫בגרמניה‬ ‫אנטישמיות‬ ‫והישראלי:‬ ‫היהודי‬ ‫והתיאטרון‬ ‫שואה‬ 20 ‫בשואה‬ ‫היהודי‬ ‫התיאטרון‬ ‫של‬ ‫המקוון‬ ‫הארכיון‬ 21 ‫הכל‬ ‫יהודי-למרות‬ ‫תיאטרון‬ 25 ‫ה"יודו-נאצי"‬ ‫ועד‬ ‫לטבח"‬ ‫מ"כאצן‬ ‫הישראלי:‬ ‫בקולנוע‬ ‫השואה‬ 29 ‫העקורים‬ ‫ממחנה‬ ‫טובים‬ ‫זכרונות‬ 30 ‫הסרט‬ -‫המגף‬ ‫בקצה‬ ‫מגדל‬ 33 ‫"הבריחה"‬ ‫בנתיבי‬ ‫צעירים‬ ‫שמונה‬ 35 ‫הישראלי‬ ‫בקולנוע‬ ‫השואה‬ ‫ניצולי‬ ‫ייצוג‬ 40 ‫זכויות‬ ‫ר‬ ‫כ‬ ‫ז‬ ‫מ‬ ‫בישראל‬ ‫השואה‬ ‫ניצולי‬ ‫של‬ ‫הארגונים‬ ‫מרכז‬ ‫בהוצאת‬ ‫"יהדות‬ ‫רון‬ ‫יוחנו‬ ‫של‬ ‫במאמרו‬ ,38 ‫מס'

Holocaust research has expanded enormously in recent decades and consists by now of a series of subdomains. Nevertheless, the central domain was and remains the domain of “the core period”: the years of the Nazi regime, 1933–1945, and of the regimes of Nazi Germany’s close allies and satellite countries. In this treatise, Prof. Dan Michman, Head of the Yad Vashem International Institute for Holocaust Research, surveys and examines the major developments and changes in research on the core period of the Holocaust since 1990 until today, and analyzes the various factors that paved the way toward and prompted them—politics, memory policies and interests, social psychological needs, generational changes, value transformations, and new scholarly methodologies—citing hundreds of references in many languages. The broad picture presented in this treatise leads to conclusions that erode several assumptions, which became entrenched in earlier stages of research and are still widely taught and are commonplace in popular discourse. Consequently, according to the author, there is a need to redefine our understanding of the anti-Jewish campaign unleashed by Nazism for which we use the terms “the Holocaust” or ”the Shoah” and fine-tune it. The treatise, which concludes with such a redefinition, is a “must” for those who are interested in the most updated picture of the state of historical research on the Holocaust.

Hard copy available at
https://store.yadvashem.org/en/search-research-lectures-and-papers-34-holocaust-historiography-between-1990-to-2021-in-contexts-new-insights-perceptions-understandings-and-avenuesan-overview-and-analysis
The full text can be found at acdemia.edu under HOLOCAUST HISTORIOGRAPHY BETWEEN 1990 TO 2021

U.F.R. Lettres et Sciences Humaines La communauté juive de Reims des années trente à la fin des années quarante Romain Dupré Mémoire de master d'histoire sous la direction de Catherine Nicault A Stéphanie Corcy, qui m'a montré la voie et à la mémoire d'Amélie Riendeau. On commençait à porter l'étoile jaune. J'ai un souvenir extraordinaire : je sortais dans la rue, c'était le premier jour. Et il y a un monsieur que je croyais vieux, un monsieur très digne, très distingué, avec la Légion d'honneur, qui s'est approché de moi. Il a enlevé son chapeau et il m'a dit : « Monsieur, je vous demande pardon pour la France. » Simon 1 .

A short overview of historiography on the years 1933-1945 (surveying the period 1990-2018).
This article was posted with special permission of the publisher. For the entire volume see:
https://www.wiley.com/en-us/A+Companion+to+the+Holocaust-p-9781118970508

On the eve of the war, Łódź was the second largest urban center in the Second Republic of Poland with population of about 233,000 Jews, accounting for almost 35 percent of the city's residents. 1 Most of them lived in the northern part of Łódź as the result of a decree introduced by the governor in 1825, establishing a "Jewish quarter" that stretched from the southern frontage of the Old Town Square to the northern side of the streets Podrzeczna and Wolborska. Although the decree was eventually abolished, almost 40years later in 1862, the area became part of the Jewish district for good. 2 Until the end of the nineteenth century, its center slowly shifted south; according to the findings of Jacek Walicki, in the 1930s, Jewish life concentrated around Liberty Square (Plac Wolności) and the adjacent blocks between the streets Lipowa from the west, Zielona and Narutowicza from the south, Wierzbowa from the east and the Old Town (Stare Miasto) from the north. 3 Such arrangement of the Jewish Community is reflected in an account by a pre-war resident of Łódź: I'm going from the north down. The end of Zgierska Street -Polish.The tram to Zgierz -Polish-German. Then Bałuty, the streets: Zawiszy, Wolborska, Jakuba -all Jews. Only caretakers were Poles. We enter Nowomiejska Street and again, only Jews. From Liberty Square, Jews start slightly to mix with Polish society a little, they go from with one hundred percent to, say, ninety percent, and then even less, by Andrzeja Street, they make twenty per cent. The number of Poles is constantly growing and first Germans appear. [...] We reach Upper Market (Górny Rynek). Again, there are some Jews mixed in at the Upper Market. There are some Jews, Poles and a lot of Germans [...]. The boundaries between different parts of the city were fluid, as was the conventional division between the said area, inhabited by the predominantly assimilated population, 1

The problematic representation of Mizrahi Jews in Israeli films has been extensively researched over the past few decades. The subject was first thoroughly analyzed in Ella Shohat’s comprehensive 1989 study, Israeli Cinema: East/West and the Politics of Representation. In her book she uses a Marxist approach, claiming that Israeli films express the views of the Ashkenazi hegemony and help preserve its supremacy. Shohat discusses the modes through which an Orientalist dichotomy dominated Eretz-Israeli and Israeli cinema from the outset. In films that portrayed an encounter between Ashkenazi Jews and Mizrahi Jews, the former represented Western values—they were rational, enlightened, and compassionate—while Mizrahi Jews were mainly depicted as primitive, inferior, and violent. Over the years, scholars have pointed to other features in the cinematic representation of Ashkenazi-Mizrahi relations in Israeli Bourekas films, which were dominant from the mid-1960s to the late 1970s, but Shohat’s preliminary observations regarding an Orientalist dichotomy in the 1950s have become generally
accepted in Israeli film studies. This article revisits the perceived Orientalist dichotomy through an analysis of 1950s films that focus on encounters between Mizrahi Jews and Holocaust survivors (Ashkenazi Jews) and their integration into Israeli society. These films include Tent City [Ir Ha’ohalim] (Leopold Aryeh Lahola, 1951), Faithful City [Kirya Ne’emana] (Józef Lejtes, 1952), and Hill 24 Doesn’t Answer [Givaa 24 Eina Ona] (Thorold Dickinson, 1955). The article claims that in these films Mizrahi Jews are shown as integrating more quickly than Holocaust survivors. Conversely, Holocaust survivors are presented in the films—much like they were in many other cultural realms at that time—as a broken people who ultimately assimilated, albeit with much difficulty.

According to Berghahn's rules, the last pre-print version of this article is herewith uploaded.
This article is a programmatic one, tackling the following issues: how the terminology designating the persecution and murder of the Jews emerged, the question of identifying the core of historical events, the relationship with genocide studies, recent problematic developments in the understanding of the Holocaust and the disregard for using the perspective of Jewish history to understand the nature of the perpetration, and more; finally, a description of what should be included in "the Holocaust" and what is unique about it is proposed.