International conflicts

This study examines the role of political factors in attitudes toward World War II in contemporary Ukraine. The question under examination is which factors determine public views of the principal warring sides and their leaders in Ukraine. This paper uses a representative national survey specifically designed for this research project and conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology in 2012. It analyzes the roles of regionalism, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, age, and sex in attitudes toward the Red Army, Soviet partisans, the German Army (Wehrmacht), and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) during the war, as well as toward the wartime leaders of the Soviet Union, Nazi Germany, and the UPA. The analysis of the survey data shows that regional values, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, and age have significant effects on views of the Soviet Army and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army during the war and attitudes toward the wartime activities of Joseph Stalin and Roman Shukhevych. Public perceptions of the German Army and Adolf Hitler in Ukraine do not vary much across regions, political parties, and ethnic, language, age, and sex groups.

Gambling and War: Risk, Reward, and Chance in International Conflict brings readers a war college course taught at a Las Vegas casino. To succeed in poker, it is not enough to simply anticipate the actions of other players and try to outsmart them. A successful player must also understand and appreciate the role of randomness. Additionally, players must confront the reality that all human beings are prone to errors in judgment, which cause them to make suboptimal choices under many circumstances. Taken together, these challenges make poker a fascinating and highly unpredictable game, much like the dynamics of international conflict. Any comprehensive analysis of why wars occur and how they are fought must consider a variety of factors including strategy, human error, and dumb luck.

Gambling and War applies lessons learned from poker, blackjack, roulette, and other games of chance to the study of international conflict. Drawing on scholarly insights from a variety of fields, including probability, statistics, political science, psychology, and economics, the book offers thoughts on how we can better manage and prevent international conflict, the costliest game of all.

Water rights as a fundamental human rights arises from the human right to life. Such a formulation shows the special meaning of water as a resource for every person. Human right to life derives from the right to a healthy environment, health, food, education, work and working conditions, and other socioeconomic rights that are important for every person and for which the state has an obligation to care. The right to water as a basic human right directly affects the exercise of these rights. This study analyzes water conflicts that have had a direct impact on the human right to life and the right to water as a fundamental human right, and to other enumerated rights. Conflicts are characteristic for every basin in our country. Poor management of water resources is another aspect that analyzes this paper. The analysis explains why the right to water should be implemented as a basic human right. It will also be illustrated why water conflicts have occurred and what indicates their distribution on the territory of the state.

Аннотация В статье рассмотрены основные методы и механизмы действий по урегулированию конфликтов в разрезе таких научных направлений, как: урегулирование, разрешение, трансформация, институционализация конфликтов. Особое внимание автор статьи уделяет проблеме международного вмешательства в конфликт и анализирует актуальные аспекты современного посредничества, международной миротворческой деятельности, применения санкций. Автор статьи приходит к выводу о том, что действенным процесс урегулирования можно считать тогда, когда заключаемые сторонами соглашения подкреплены системой гарантий и контролем третьей стороны, а разрешение конфликта наступает как результат исполнения соглашения и его самодостаточности. Ключевые слова: этнополитические конфликты, урегулирование конфликта, разрешение конфликта, трансформация конфликта, институционализация конфликта, международное взаимодействие, миротворческая деятельность, третья сторона в урегулировании конфликтов, международные санкции, переговорный процесс, квазипереговоры, соглашение о разрешении конфликта, Приднестровье.

The  Ukrainian  crisis  presents  a  history  that  goes  back  up  to  the  independence  process  of that  country  in  1991.  The  conflict  escalation  affects  mainly  Ukraine  and  Russia,  with  some lesser  potential  impact  on  the  European  Union,  with  the  Ukrainian  population  as  the  main losers of the  crisis, whatever  their ethnic  origin  are.

The First Congo War happened between 1996 and 1997.  From a realism perspective, Rwandan refugees started the First Congo War in order to preserve their respective ethnicities.  Hutu refugees came to the Congo after the Rwandan genocide, and Tutsis eventually led an uprising which started the War.  Rwandan and Ugandan armies backing a man named Kabila invaded the Congo in response to Rwandans being forced out.  Realists would argue this happened because both Hutus and Tutsis had an interest in self-preservation, as did Rwandans and Ugandan.  Constructivists would argue this was created through Belgian colonialism which created the initial cultural divide between Hutus and Tutsis, and through various other historical constructs which created the need for refuge or uprising and created the conflict between the groups.
The Second Congo War, or the Great War of Africa, officially took place between 1998 and 2003, although there is still an aftermath of violence.  Kabila gained power, but changed his allegiance from Rwanda and Uganda to former Hutu armies and allowed them to regroup.  Rwanda and Uganda invaded the Congo again in 1998, starting the Second Congo War.  Various states in surrounding countries backed each side for the next five years.  Realists would argue that this war resulted from the Hutus' need for preservation and Kabila’s interest in the nation of the Congo, as well as the anarchic system of countries involved.  Realists might also see this as a result of the need for Rwanda and Ugandan survival, with other countries involved for the assurance of having the Congo as an ally.  Constructivists could argue that this conflict was based on those social constructs already established by the First Congo War and the history between the countries involved.  Constructivists could also see this war being caused by interpreting the actions of Kabila as threatening or making Rwanda or Uganda enemies.

ntensas mudanças da realidade humana, o meio e as manifestações da natureza continuam perenes. Assim, em um cenário em que percebemos que o avanço acelerado da tecnologia ocasiona e intensifica fenômenos como a globalização, a mundialização, a regionalização e o encurtamento das distâncias de tempo e espaço, como podemos avaliar a instabilidade que esses processos causam em todo o mundo? Para refletir sobre isso, vamos discutir as contribuições da Geopolítica no estudo das relações de controle político do espaço.

The question of legality of the Durand Line is not much of an interest for the international political and academic community. Most of the Global Powers readily buy Pakistan’s legal argument and agree that the Durand Line is a sacrosanct international boundary separating Afghanistan and Pakistan and that it has existed as it is for more than a century now.They also assert that Afghanistan had no legal rights to repudiate any agreement pertaining to their border unilaterally. However, there is a new line of scholarly investigation on the legality of the Durand Line as an international border and it questions the nature of the agreement and treaties pertaining to the Line. This paper intends to pursue the investigation further and challenge the legality of the Durand Line. For the purpose, all the original treaties and agreements signed between the Amirs of Afghanistan and the Government of India, and since 1919 between the two Governments have been studied in the paper.

War is a strategic activity of attacking using
weapons and new technologies for resolving
internal and/or international disputes or conflicts
between two or more nations; between ethnic,
social, and religious (organized) groups; etc., to
cope with environmental threats and take advantage
of important opportunities, generating at the
same time a reduction of the freedom of other
societies/groups and causing deaths, injured people,
and/or social, economic, cultural, and/or ethnic
damages.

The Yugoslav wars are considered to be the most cruel wars in Europe after the World War II. They started with the proclamation of independence of Slovenia and Croatia in 1991 and completely ended after Kosovo got its independence in 2008. Croats were the second ethnic group in the Yugoslavia after Serbs constituting almost 20 percent of the whole population. This paper studies the development of the negotiation process during the Croatian War of Independence in 1991-1995, its scope, importance and role in the final resolution of the conflict. Although the negotiation part was not intensive and broad in comparison with military efforts and actions during the conflict, it reflects the main trend how Croatia managed to finish the war and win it preserving its initial borders. The final part contains the main issues and conclusions of the Croatian War of Independence and its negotiation process, as well as its impact on the world political conflict settlement.

This paper analyzes changes in regional electoral behavior and attitudes towards separatism and foreign policy orientation in Ukraine after the “Orange Revolution” and the “Euromaidan,” which turned into a violent internal conflict and one of the biggest international conflicts involving Western countries and Russia. The research question is whether the regional divisions concerning domestic politics, separatism and foreign orientation have changed significantly in Ukraine since the “Orange Revolution” in 2004 and the “Euromaidan” in 2014. This paper employs comparative and statistical analyses of voting results of the 2012, 2007, 2006, and 2002 parliamentary elections, and the 2014, 2010, and 2004 presidential elections, to examine effects of historical legacies, ethnicity, language, age, and economic factors on regional support for pro-nationalist/pro-Western and pro-Russian/pro-communist political parties and presidential candidates. The study also analyses support for separatism in Crimea and Donbas after the “Orange Revolution” and the “Euromaidan.” It uses a brief survey, conducted for this study by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) in April and May 2014, to examine determinants of pro-separatist attitudes. The paper also employs Razumkov Center and KIIS surveys to analyze changes in 2002-2014 in regional preferences for joining the European Union (EU), NATO, and a union with Russia. The analysis shows that Ukraine after the “Orange Revolution” remained divided along regional lines in terms of support for political parties and presidential candidates and attitudes towards joining the EU, NATO, and a Russia-led union. After the “Euromaidan,” such divisions in foreign policy orientation and, to a lesser extent, support for presidential candidates and political parties remained. A significant rise in separatist sentiments helped to fuel separatist takeovers of power in Crimea and Donbas and Russian military intervention in these regions.

Resumen: el estudio presente trata de dilucidar si la política exterior de Rusia responde a un modelo de neorrealismo ofensivo o defensivo. Con tal objeto se ha establecido un marco teórico comparativo entre ambas escuelas de las Relaciones Internacionales, incluyendo parámetros cualitativos diferenciadores. Así mismo, el análisis de datos se desarrolla de acuerdo con una metodología basada en un estudio de caso focalizado en la historia reciente de Rusia y en la guerra de Ucrania, y en tres variables: ideología, geopolítica y cultura. La actitud competitiva en el espacio exsoviético y la ruptura del statu quo y el uso de la fuerza en Ucrania mostrarían una tendencia ofensiva

Abstract: the present research tries to determine if Russia's foreign policy responds to a model of offensive or defensive realism. To this end, a theoretical framework has been established between the two schools of International Relations, including qualitative and parameters to differentiate. Likewise, the data analysis is developed according to a methodology based on a case study focused on the recent history of Russia and the war in Ukraine, and on three variables: ideology, geopolitics and culture. The competitive attitude in the ex-Soviet space and the rupture of the status quo and the use of the force in the Ukraine would show an offensive tendency.

Se trata de un análisis del conflicto de Corea desde sus orígenes hasta la actualidad. Elaborado por un especialista en derecho internacional y por un militar aborda la doble dimensión. Se trata de un análisis integral no solo desde la perspectiva jurídica o de las relaciones internacionales sino también geopolítica, histórica y militar

open in browser PRO version Are you a developer? Try out the HTML to PDF API Pro-Russian separatists stand guard at the site of the Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 crash, near the village of Hrabove in Ukraine's Donetsk region. (Maxim Zmeyev/Reuters)

The contemporary international law provided the states' obligation to solve their disputes exclusively on peaceful bases. The peaceful settlement of the states' disputes became therefore one of the fundamental principles of the contemporary international law. This regulation is most probably an old practice among the inter-state relations, as old as the policy of resorting to force and war when states' disputes are being settled.

The object of study in game theory is the game, which is a formal model of an interactive situation. The formal definition lays out the players, their preferences, their information, the strategic actions available to them, and how these influences the outcome. Since all players are assumed to be rational, they make choices which result in the outcome they prefer most, given what their opponents do. During their interaction, players update their beliefs based on the observed actions of other players. These updated beliefs can be an important reason for changes in foreign policy behavior. The paper therefore examines the game theory of U.S-Russia prior to the U.S 2016 Presidential election. As stated in changing Course, when Governments choose to redirect foreign Policy, surely there are influential factors reshaping its foreign policy (Charles F. Hermann, 1990). The paper holds that there is a mix of internal causes and exogenous factors determining the course of Russian foreign policy and the Russian-U.S engagement.
Keyword: Game Theory, U.S, Russia, Election, Foreign Policy, NATO

Ukraine previously experienced significant regional political divisions, including separatism in Crimea and Donbas. However, in contrast to post-communist countries such as Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova, and former Yugoslavia, prior to 2014 Ukraine was able to avoid a war and a break-up. This study examines the role of separatists, the Yanukovych government, the Maidan opposition and the Maidan government, far right organizations, Russia, the US, and the EU in this conflict. It uses a specially commissioned survey by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) in 2014 to analyse public support for separatism in Donbas, compared to other regions of Ukraine, and the major factors which affect such support. It concludes that all these actors contributed in various ways to the conflict in Donbas, which involved both a civil war and a direct Russian military intervention since August 2014. The study links this conflict to the " Euromaidan, " specifically, the government overthrow by means of the Maidan massacre, and the secession and Russia's annexation of Crimea. The KIIS survey shows that support for separatism is much stronger in Donbas compared to other regions, with the exception of Crimea, and that the break-up of Ukraine is unlikely to extend to its other parts.

It is remarkable that states can coexist without a central government or legislature and that, generally speaking, they accept a body of law providing the legal criteria for conduct in the international arena. This law comes from custom and from treaties. As is the case in Britain, where law, which has developed over time, is based on custom, in the international sphere the customary rules of international society are the basis on which states operate. In addition, there is a growing number of treaties regulating all kinds of subjects. This codification process is a rather recent development, which began after World War II. While customary law is binding for all the states, treaties are only binding for the signatories.

Is this really law? The central characteristic of law –the binding—is fulfilled by international law. This has to be distinguished from the observance and enforcement of international law. States accept that international law binds them; they do not argue about this fact and if they dispute a certain law, they argue only about the interpretation of its content. States occasionally do not observe international law when it is not in their interest, although they know that they are legally obliged to obey it. Only when rules are accepted can they be broken.

ABSTRACT
The violence witnessed in Kenya in the aftermath of the 2007 disputed presidential elections shook
Kenyans into the realization that Kenya had remained a highly polarized nation since independence.
Brother turned against brother resulting in the loss of more than 1,300 lives and the displacement of more than
300,000 people. International agencies stepped in with the AU taking the lead in a bid to seek a
cessation to the violence. An agreement was finally sealed on February 28, 2008 through the KNDRC
process mediated by former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan. The agreement led to inter alia the
cessation of violence and formation of a coalition government. However, the mediation efforts could
have only done so much. There were long-term issues that needed specialized agencies to fully resolve.
With this understanding the KNDRC agreed on a number of commissions to be formed to handle these
issues.
The Commission of Inquiry into the Post-Election Violence (Waki Commission), the National Cohesion
and Integration Commission – the only permanent commission – and finally the TJRC were among
commissions formed to handle the long-term issues of the conflict. The Waki Commission in its report
recommended the formation of a Special Tribunal for Kenya to try the people suspected to bore criminal
responsibility for the PEV. However, the Special Tribunal of Kenya never saw the light of day.
Consequently, the ICC stepped in and took up the cases after the then ICC Prosecutor Moreno Ocampo
received the names of people suspected to bear criminal responsibility for the PEV from Kofi Annan.
The TJRC was finally established in 2009 to among others promote justice, healing and reconciliation in
Kenya. It was formed at a time when the ICC was in the process of confirming charges against six
Kenyans in relation to the 2007 / 2008 PEV. At the time many Kenyans viewed the TJRC as a ploy by
those in government to shield the merchants of impunity from criminal prosecution.
The TJRC problems were further compounded by the credibility crisis that faced its’ chairperson –
Ambassador Bethuel Kiplagat. The issues surrounding the chairperson threatened to tear the commission
apart and derail the truth seeking process. The crisis led to the resignation of the then vice-chairperson –
Ms. Betty Murungi. This left the TJRC with only seven commissioners when the chairperson finally
stepped aside. Throughout its’ work the commission was further plagued by financial challenges as well
as lack of political will in the truth seeking process.
The TJRC worked for four years and finally handed in its’ report in May 2013. The commissioners
noted that reconciliation is not an event but a process. Consequently, the TJRC interpreted its mandate
as being to initiate the process of reconciliation. The TJRC held a number of public hearings and
reconciliation forums to aid in the initiation of reconciliation between and among the different Kenyan
ethnic groups. The research concludes that despite the many challenges experienced by the TJRC, it did
actually lay the foundation for reconciliation. It is imperative that the government endeavours to
implement the commission’s recommendations if reconciliation is to be fully realized in the country. It
is equally important that the rule of law is observed so that the citizens can rest assured that justice and
fairness will prevail.

This article explains how Indonesia's role in safeguarding security in the context of ASEAN regional security during the conflict between Cambodia and Vietnam that feared to create instability in Southeast Asia Region. As a new organization formed in 1967, ASEAN aims to integrate ASEAN member communities and safeguard the Southeast Asian region from various security threats. The Cambodia-Vietnam conflict is seen by ASEAN as one of the conflicts that is dangerous and can threaten regional security. This conflict was triggered by Vietnam that attacked and occupied Cambodian territory. The differences of opinion between ASEAN members in dealing with conflict made Indonesia try to lead the case. The purpose of this article is to explain how Indonesia took part resolving the Cambodia-Vietnam conflict. The Constructivism and the theory of identity will be used to analyze the factors that influence Indonesia's role in solving this case. This article uses a literature study by collecting primary data and secondary data related to the topic.

Artikel ini menjelaskan bagaimana peran Indonesia menjaga keamanan dalam konteks keamanan regional ASEAN saat terjadi konflik antara Kamboja dan Vietnam yang dikhawatirkan akan meluas dan menciptakan situasi instabilitas di Asia Tenggara. Sebagai organisasi baru yang terbentuk pada tahun 1967, ASEAN bertujuan untuk mengintegrasikan masyarakat anggota ASEAN dan menjaga kawasan Asia Tenggara dari berbagai ancaman keamanan. Konflik Kamboja-Vietnam dipandang oleh ASEAN sebagai salah satu konflik yang berbahaya dan dapat mengancam keamanan regional. Konflik ini dipicu oleh Vietnam yang menyerang dan mengokupasi Kamboja. Perbedaan pendapat antara anggota ASEAN dalam menangani konflik membuat Indonesia berusaha untuk memimpin menyelesaikan kasus ini. Tujuan dari artikel ini adalah untuk menjelaskan bagaimana Indonesia menyelesaikan konflik Kamboja-Vietnam di kawasan Asia Tenggara. Teori Konstruktivis dan konsep identitas akan digunakan untuk menganalisis faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi peran Indonesia dalam menyelesaikan kasus ini. Artikel ini menggunakan studi pustaka dengan mengumpulkan data primer dan data sekunder terkait penjelasan awal mula konflik terjadi dan situasi regional maupun internasional yang pada akhirnya menyebabkan Indonesia mengambil peluang untuk memimpin menyelesaikan kasus ini.

This chapter examines the political system, attitudes towards democracy, and their determinants in Ukraine before, during and after the “Euromaidan.” The research question is as follows: What type of political system has emerged in Ukraine since the “Euromaidan?” The related research question is to what extent political values in Ukraine are supportive of democracy. This study is based on theories of democratic, semi-democratic, and authoritarian political systems, democratization, and political culture. This chapter compares political systems in Ukraine before, during and after the “Euromaidan.” It uses data from different waves of the International Foundation for Electoral Systems surveys, the Pew Global Attitudes surveys, and the World Values Surveys to examine attitudes towards democracy in Ukraine before and after the “Euromaidan” and to compare democratic preferences in Ukraine with those in Poland and Russia. This study also implements multiple regression analysis of the determinants of attitudes towards democracy. It discusses implications of its findings for the prospects for liberal democracy in Ukraine and for the international conflict over Ukraine.

The January 2020 issue of Strategic Assessment: A Multidisciplinary Journal on National Security, which was launched by the Institute for National Security Studies in 1998, is the first to appear in its new, expanded format.

Beginning with this issue, the publication, which includes essays that have undergone a process of double blind academic peer review, will continue to be published in both Hebrew and English and address the wider audience of readers and researchers in Israel and abroad. In addition to expanded academic essays, which will appear in the Research Forum, the new format will feature other content sections. Policy papers will appear in the Policy Analysis section; reviews of professional literature touching on the various disciplines of national security will appear in the Academic Survey; and in-depth interviews with experts and senior thinkers in a variety of national security topics will appear in the Professional Forum. The publication also includes a Book Review section.

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The United States has made some questionable allies in terms of foreign policy but the current proxy war in Yemen puts these allegiances into question. This paper examines the current state of the war in Yemen and analysis the United States involvement.

In this contemporary era of rapid technology developments, the way of communications conducted and information traveled are getting faster and easier. Especially since we have invented one of the most significant and influential thing in our contemporary society: the internet. We can’t deny that the existence of Internet has forever changed our social life in every civilizations in general. The Internet offered us efficacy and efficiency to communicate with anyone, or even with furthest people from one nations to another, paving a way for a faster globalization process of the world. Of course the availability of Internet is not yet distributed evenly to every each part of the world, but the numbers of internet users has been growing rapidly for the past few years. Just between 2000 and 2014, the annual internet users globally has been increased from 360,985,492 to 3,035,749,340 . In short, the internet users has increased for approximately 2.5 million people in the last 14 years, and this number will keep increasing from year to year. These facts has proven that the Internet is indeed a quite representative and influential platform for society in general.
The Internet users (often referred to as “netizens” or Internet citizens) mainly interact with each other intensively for personal communication purposes through various social media in the internet such as Facebook, Twitter, etc. However, recently the usage of these social media has been going through some interesting developments. The social media has been utilized as a platform diplomacy, Internet hacktivism, political campaigns, religion dissemination, even government propagandas. These different interests have frequently triggered conflicts between the diverse civilizations of social media users. Sometimes these conflicts are even affecting nations all around the world. At the culmination of these social media conflicts, we can probably see the clash of social media civilizations. This paper will give a further critical analysis of Huntington’s thesis, and explaining the alternative interpretation about clash of civilizations in the future will occur in social media, identified based on the capability and capacity of the international actors between civilizations to utilize the social media in general.

Мир «своих» и «чужих». По праву кровного родства: родовые структуры и брачные стратегии в прошлом и настоящем народов Евразии / The world of ‘Self’ and ‘Others’. By Right of Consanguinity: Clan structures and matrimonial strategies in past and present of Eurasian peoples

В этом выпуске мы предлагаем авторам и читателям рассмотреть проблему взаимоотношений между «своими» и «чужими» в рамках такого исследовательского направления как kinship studies.
Здесь, как ни в какой другой дисциплине, можно обнаружить нагляднейший и в то же время нетривиальный материал, который дает нам возможность изучать механизмы социального группирования и отчуждения / исключения. Различные системы родства и соответствующие им терминологии и иерархии могут показать внимательному наблюдателю как сходства, так и различия в стратегии и тактике интеграции / дифференциации сообществ, а метафоричность языка этих систем позволяет нам вернуться, возможно, на более высоком уровне обобщения, и к масштабу макро-анализа.

In this issue of “Tartaria Magna” we offer our authors and readers to consider a problem of interrelations between “insiders” and “outsiders” within kinship studies research trend. Here, as in no other scholarly discipline, one may come across most illustrative and, at the same time, unconventional research material giving us a chance to study mechanisms of social grouping and estrangement/exclusion. Various system of kinship and their relevant terminologies and hierarchies may expose to an attentive eye both similarities and differences in the strategy and tactics of community integration/differentiation. The metaphorical character of these systems allows us to return, perhaps, at a higher level of generalization, to macro-analysis.

The conflict between the two Koreas is deeply rooted in the results of the WWII, namely, 1945, when postcolonial Korea was divided into North (Soviet occupation zone) and South (U.S. occupation zone). As an aftermath of global bipolar standoff and Korean war (1950-1953) followed by Korean Armistice Agreement, a demilitarised zone was established along the 38th parallel, between the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and Republic of Korea. The latter signed Mutual Defence Treaty with the U.S. in 1953. South Korea's rapid economic development was enabled by its modernisation and industrialisation. North Korea, on the other hand, has been relying on the aid from the Soviet Union and its allies, having created what is referred to as totalitarian society, ideologically based on the ideas of Juche.
North Korea, actively developing its nuclear and missile programmes since 1980s, unilaterally withdrew from the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons in 2003. In 2006, the DPRK conducted its first nuclear weapons test. In 2012, it was declared a nuclear-armed nation in its constitution.
Currently, the state of affairs on the Korean Peninsula can be described as a regional conflict with potential implications for the whole globe. The existence of external actors trying to make the most of the situation represents one more aggravating factor.
The crisis has reached one of its peaks in 2016, with two nuclear tests conducted by North Korea, one of them being allegedly thermonuclear.

By applying the theoretical arguments on the studies of cross-Strait relations, I suggest that deepening both security and economic similarity boosts the political will to implement peace agreements for the China-Taiwan dyad. Obstacles in the establishment of a comprehensive cross-Strait dialogue include the increasing Taiwanese identity, and China’s unwillingness towards democratization. However, two critical principles, notably security and economic issues, provide useful solutions for opening up dialogue.

Today, political scientists working with international organizations seek to resolve internal conflicts in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Cyprus, and Kashmir. To solve such crises, political scientists have mostly tried to apply domestic comparative politics approaches. These techniques emphasize agreements among internal actors and have not been successful in most cases. In the case of the Transdniestrian conflict in the Republic of Moldova, mediators have found it difficult to achieve internal agreement because external factors also have played a significant role during the conflict. Therefore, even if an internal agreement is achieved, it will remain fragile due to the vulnerable geographic location of the Republic of Moldova and to the limited state capacity to counter influential external actors. For the purpose of solving the Transdniestrian conflict in the long run, this thesis analyzes the possibilities of creating regional complex interdependence around the Republic of Moldova, which would strengthen an internal agreement to resolve the conflict. Regional complex interdependence inter-connects the countries interested in the region around the Republic of Moldova: Romania, the Russian Federation, and Ukraine. This solution presumes external and internal interconnections based on the complex interdependence theory of neo-liberalism. The main potential drawback is that any asymmetrical dependencies in the initial stage of cooperation will imbalance the proposed complex interdependence causing unilateral dependence (most likely on Russia) leading other actors to take countermeasures.
In fact, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe as a neutral party has been being a legal umbrella for mediation since all parties consider it an appropriate organization for the negotiations. Nevertheless, creating such an arrangement requires an initial role of the United States of America and the European Union to balance Russian influence until the region becomes interdependent. At that moment, the continuation of the Transdniestrian conflict will become irrelevant because the pre-conditions for conflict will be eliminated.

Redefinicja polskiej polityki zagranicznej po wyborach czerwcowych. Wybory z 4 czerwca 1989 roku określane mianem pierwszych wolnych lub prawie wolnych wyborów zapoczątkowały fundamentalne zmiany w najnowszej historii Polski. Odzyskawszy pełnię suwerenności Polska wkroczyła na drogę reform politycznych, ekonomicznych oraz społecznych, które co warte podkreślenia były zgodne z oczekiwaniami polskiego społeczeństwa. Transformacji uległa także polska polityka międzynarodowa, która odtąd odzwierciedlała rzeczywiste interesy państwa polskiego. Nowe okoliczności geopolityczne -rozpad ZSRR i bloku wschodniego, zjednoczenie dwóch państw niemieckich oraz powstanie ładu jednobiegunowego, w centrum którego znalazły się Stany Zjednoczone Ameryki -spowodowały konieczność redefinicji koncepcji polskiej polityki zagranicznej. Polska stanęła wówczas przed możliwością dokonania strategicznego wyboru dotyczącego jej miejsca i roli w pozimnowojennym świecie. Priorytetem polskiej polityki zagranicznej przełomu lat 80. i 90. ubiegłego wieku stało się znalezienie nowych gwarancji bezpieczeństwa oraz szans rozwoju gospodarczego. Realizacji celów podstawowych służyć miała koncepcja powrotu Polski do Europy, opierająca się na przekonaniu "o przynależności Polski do cywilizacji zachodniej" 1 . Rząd Tadeusza Mazowieckiego dostrzegał potrzebę, a właściwie konieczność współpracy z krajami demokracji skonsolidowanych, które miały umożliwić Polsce urzeczywistnienie dwóch celów strategicznych tj. członkowstwo w Sojuszu Północnoatlantyckim i Wspólnocie Europejskiej. Polska dyplomacja pod przewodnictwem wybitnego ministra spraw zagranicznych -Krzysztofa Skubiszewskiego wychodziła z założenia, że w procesie akcesji do Wspólnoty Europejskiej zasadniczą rolę winna odegrać Republika Federalna Niemiec. Stąd rząd Polski przystąpił do wdrożenia strategii pojednania narodu polskiego i niemieckiego, co miało stać się przyczynkiem do normalizacji stosunków dwustronnych i oparcia ich na zasadach przyjaznej, równoprawnej współpracy. Polska mimo obaw związanych z niejednoznacznymi deklaracjami strony niemieckiej odnośnie przebiegu 1 R. Zięba, Główne kierunki polityki zagranicznej Polski po zimnej wojnie, Wydawnictwa Akademickie i Profesjonalne, Warszawa 2010, s. 19.

El Magreb cuenta con importantes recursos de diversa naturaleza que se distribuyen de forma asimétrica y caprichosa a lo largo de su geografía terrestre y submarina: recursos energéticos, pero también recursos vivos. Por otra parte, estos Estados se han reconocido frente a sus costas derechos de soberanía y jurisdicción hasta los límites máximos permitidos por la norma internacional. Esta situación a dado lugar a innumerables conflictos de delimitación y potenciales puntos de desencuentro. En el presente trabajo estudiaremos, entre otras cuestiones, la definición de los espacios marinos y el acceso a sus recursos.

The article analyzes international conflict studies as a science and an educational discipline. The analysis of the subject field and professional terminology adopted in this area both in Russian
and in English is provided. Formation of international conflict studies as a distinct field of study in the United States and Western Europe is described. The results of analysis of 10 leading foreign
schools on international conflict studies are presented. The main factors that were taken into account in identifying the leading centers were the existence of a separate research (educational) analysis units of international conflicts, the world's leading scientific journals on conflict resolution, as well as databases for the analysis of international conflicts. The role of professional associations, education consortia and international organizations (UNESCO) in the study of international conflicts is described.
An analysis of the leading think tanks on defense and national security (as rated by Philadelphia think tank ranking) is also provided. Particular attention is given to interdisciplinary research methodology of international conflicts and the structure of educational programs at leading schools in the world in international relations. The author summarizes the recommendations of the Association of Professional Schools of International Affairs (APSIA) to create educational programs of this kind.

This article examines the conditions under which state leaders
chose to make territorial issues a point of contention using the
Nigeria–Cameroon Bakassi Peninsula conflict as an empirical
case. Drawing on the theoretical insights of neoclassical realism,
the article surveys evidence from the importance of
domestic political and economic conditions to the relevance
of cultural and historical factors as well as from territorial and
geopolitical issues to contend that the Nigeria–Cameroon conflict
emerged from three theoretical logics: the territorial logic
of aggression, the geostrategic logic of aggression, and the
diversionary logic of aggression. The qualitative evidence is
synthesized to enhance greater understanding of the domestic
and international linkages that connect petroleum with territory
and aggressive foreign policy.

Vivimos, desde hace más de un siglo, la época de las grandes ciudades y, coincidentemente, el tiempo de las grandes guerras, una epoca caracterizada por la destrucción monumental. Ante este panorama, Urbicidio: filosofía de la ciudad herida despliega reflexiones filosóficas a través de interrogantes como ¿qué consecuencias trae consigo la destrucción de las ciudades?, ¿qué tipo de ciudades nos esperan?, ¿qué es un edificio y qué implica su destrucción? Las ciudades son víctimas de procesos de devastación armada y los autores de este libro se encargan de esclarecer que no son daños colaterales como la visión clásica de los conflictos pretendía sostener. Este libro es resultado de una investigación y escritura conjuntas de tres intelectuales agrupados por el Urbicide Project. Un libro evidentemente testimonial y denunciante frente a la hostilidad histórica que no cesa; pero, simultáneamente, un libro crítico que nos invita a pensar sobre qué se pierde frente a la experiencia violenta de la destrucción de nuestros espacios. Así, se trata también de un referente intelectual en constante diálogo con la arquitectura, la antropología, el urbanismo y las ciencias forenses, que da como resultado un estudio integral y crítico con enfoque filosófico forense.

Savaş insan doğasının gereksinimidir. Eğer savaş olmazsa ortada çok büyük bir savaş var demektir. Savaşı defetmek mümkün değildir; tek çare vardır o da en az kayıp ve hasarla felaketleri atlatmayı öğrenmektir. Savaşın kırılma noktasını bilmek savaştaki gizemli belirsizliği çözmektir. Bunun adı güçtür. Savaş başlıyor, mesele savaşı başlatan nedeni değil, savaşı bitirecek olan nedeni görebilmektir.

This writing looks at possible changings in the current international legal framework, which would justify a right of humanitarian intervention. The coming of the new Responsibility to Protect concept fuelled the spirit of the supporters of the doctrine of humanitarian intervention. However, under current international law Article 2(4) of the UN Charter prohibits any ‘threat or use of force’ against another state without the previous authorization of the Security Council or for self-defence – lawful exceptions under Chapter VII of the Charter. Despite the existence of this proviso, international law is dynamic and permits changes following certain developments in the practice of states. The emergence of a right of humanitarian intervention might originate from a different interpretation of Article 2(4) or from a new customary international norm. In order to examine the two alternatives, the analysis focuses on state practice and opinion juris demonstrating that the legal bases of both the possibilities are weak and inconsistent under the actual international legal framework. The only state that overtly supports the emergence of a right to use force against another state for humanitarian purposes is the UK. Its government officially asserted that a unilateral military intervention is lawful when three conditions are fulfilled. However, this position is backed up neither by a consistent state practice nor by other states’ official statements. In fact, in the last decades, the only two recourses to force against another state, justified on humanitarian ground, are the Russian interventions in Georgia and Ukraine and both of them were strongly criticized by the international community. The current unlawfulness of humanitarian intervention is also demonstrated by the reticence to use force in the Syrian conflict. It is a particular case because it is an internal conflict, but it has growingly concerned the international community due to the widespread violations of human rights and the use of chemical weapons. However, no precedent has been generated until now and states have opted to act under the UN umbrella, thus, respecting Article 2(4).

War is a strategic activity of attacking using weapons and new technologies for resolving internal and/or international disputes or conflicts between two or more nations; between ethnic, social, and religious (organized) groups; etc., to cope with environmental threats and take advantage of important opportunities, generating at the same time a reduction of the freedom of other societies/groups and causing deaths, injured people, and/or social, economic, cultural, and/or ethnic damages.

Resumo: La situación en la región, desde el punto de vista de la relaciones internacionales, siempre fue vista como muy delicada principalmente por los distintos aspectos que componen el conflicto israelo-palestino, pues resguarda como características intrínsecas, no apenas la disputa territorial, pero también el componente religioso y la lucha internacional contra el terrorismo. Durante el año 2008 varias ONGs internacionales denunciaron la situación del pueblo palestino ante el bloqueo realizado por Israel a la región situada en la Franja de Gaza. Según los Informes de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas desde 1990 Israel aplica la política de bloqueo a los territorios palestinos y por lo tanto cada vez más estos territorios dependen de asistencia humanitaria internacional. La situación es lamentable ante la imposibilidad de que la población palestina enfrenta para obtener los recursos mínimos para su sobrevivencia, de luchar por mejores condiciones de vida y de poder acceder a los recursos médicos, simplemente padeciendo, hambrienta, polvorienta e intolerante. La historia de la humanidad nos muestra que la población civil siempre es la mayor victima de las guerras y de los conflictos armados y fue con el propósito de proteger la persona humana, de los actos y horrores consecuentes de las guerras que se crearon los Convenios de Ginebra, así como los respectivos Protocolos I, II y III. Por lo tanto, cabe a Israel, no solo como Potencia ocupante, sino también como un Estado que respeta los principios que rigen el derecho internacional y las normas de derecho internacional humanitario, priorizar y cumplir con los mismos.