International Security and Strategic affairs

El objetivo principal del proyecto es el desarrollo de una página web que contenga recursos didácticos y actividades de aprendizaje centradas en los análisis de caso que permitan la comprensión profunda de los temas de seguridad en el marco de los Estudios Internacionales. Debido a las limitaciones de la literatura disponible en español, los documentos didácticos recogen elaboraciones teóricas de la literatura más actual especialmente anglosajona. Así, los contenidos no tienen por objetivo proponer un trabajo original sino más bien permitir el acceso a los estudiantes de pregrado de carreras vinculadas con los Estudios Internacionales 1 .

Project 2025, the 900-page post-presidential-election playbook organised by the Heritage Foundation, a conservative Washington-based think tank, is mainly focused on controversial domestic-policy proposals. Substantial material on foreign and security policy amounting to a grand strategy has garnered less attention. In fact, these ideas represent an emerging strategic consensus. Many of Project 2025’s proposals, with notable exceptions such as ‘fair’ trade, resemble what the much-maligned ‘Blob’ advocates, and share characteristics with the populist agenda of some leading Democratic politicians. Regardless of who is the president, the United States could well pursue both military primacy and a populist economic agenda – to its likely frustration.

This paper provides an in-depth analysis of China’s evolving military space program, emphasizing its strategic implications on global security and the shifting balance of power in space. As China advances its military capabilities beyond Earth, the country’s space infrastructure has become central to its broader geopolitical ambitions.

The analysis begins by examining the historical evolution of China’s space program, tracing it back to Cold War-era projects like Project 640, which aimed to establish missile defense and anti-satellite capabilities. The paper then explores China’s current space architecture, including dual-use satellites, such as the Beidou Navigation Satellite System, and reconnaissance platforms like the Yaogan satellites. These systems are not solely for civilian use but play a critical role in enhancing China’s military prowess, supporting activities like precision targeting, global surveillance, and missile defense.

China’s expanding global footprint is also scrutinized. From the South China Sea to Africa and Latin America, China’s space program is intertwined with its global military presence, allowing it to project power and monitor critical geopolitical areas. Central to this expansion are China’s overseas satellite ground stations, which provide telemetry, tracking, and control (TT&C) for its growing fleet of military satellites, ensuring uninterrupted global operations.

Moreover, the paper delves into China’s development of anti-satellite (ASAT) capabilities, highlighting the existential threat posed to the space assets of other nations, particularly the United States. China’s increasing militarization of space, through kinetic and non-kinetic ASAT technologies, raises concerns about the sustainability of space as a domain for peaceful exploration and economic activity.

China’s military space program represents a significant challenge to the current global military power balance. By integrating its space infrastructure into broader military strategies, China is positioning itself as a dominant force in this critical domain. The paper calls for increased vigilance and investment in space defense by other global powers to counter China’s growing influence in space.

This study provides valuable insights for policymakers, defense strategists, and scholars interested in the intersection of space technology and global security, offering a comprehensive view of China’s ambitions to dominate the final frontier.

Lastly, we delve into the potential incorporation of “The Convergence Doctrine” and its effect on achieving total and undeniable supremacy for the United States in the 21st century and beyond, creating a gap that no adversary can fill.

Europe’s contrasting diplomatic approaches to Syria’s new leadership and the Taliban in Afghanistan highlights the pragmatism driving its foreign policy. While Europe refuses to recognize the Taliban due to their regressive policies and human rights abuses, it has extended cautious engagement toward Syria’s new governing authority, led by Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham, despite its controversial pasts. Geopolitically, Assad’s ousting weakens Russian and Iranian influence, aligning with European strategic interests. A critical dimension of Europe’s policy is the role of the Kurds, whose pluralistic governance in Rojava and sacrifices in the fight against ISIS have solidified their reputation as reliable Western allies. Additionally, Europe’s interest in reducing Islamist influence, stabilizing the region, and addressing the Syrian refugee crisis further shapes its strategy. Europe’s experiences in Kabul inform its cautious yet pragmatic diplomacy in Syria.

El presente trabajo tiene por objetivo efectuar un análisis crítico con respecto al funcionamiento del sistema de inteligencia en Ecuador, tomando en cuenta el contexto de conflicto armado interno que experimenta el país, como resultado del Decreto Ejecutivo 111, mismo documento donde se declara con el calificativo de terroristas a grupos que anteriormente poseían una consideración de delincuencia organizada. Bajo dicho panorama, se plantean tres esquemas o dimensiones analíticas que ayuden a la comprensión del mencionado panorama, bajo una visión de inteligencia estratégica: una perspectiva institucional, un punto de vista sobre las
consecuencias del fenómeno mismo de la guerra, y finalmente las potenciales apreciaciones internacionales, especialmente considerando las amenazas y debilidades que se presentan en dichos niveles o dimensiones analíticas. Se concluye que la declaratoria de conflicto armado interno y sus aspectos anexos, no corresponde a la realidad propia del país andino, lo que a su vez otorga espacio para errores analíticos y decisiones con resultados inciertos.

In recent months, Bangladesh has undergone a remarkable shift in the political arena with the formation of an interim government led by Professor Muhammad Yunus. This has sent tremors throughout the region, bringing forth questions about the direction in which Bangladesh’s foreign policy might move—especially with its long-standing political and economic ties with China. Being the world’s second-largest economy and a key player in the Asia-Pacific region, China has been upholding a close and multilayered relationship with Bangladesh, based on a shared vision of economic development and regional stability. However, the recent political developments in Bangladesh have provoked the stakeholders to newly think of the trajectory of the bilateral rapport.

Despite the recent political changes in Bangladesh, both Bangladesh and China are committed to keep going on a positive track in the foreign policy arena to ensure the economic and development growth of Bangladesh and to maintain geo-strategic soundness in the South Asian region

As a need of an hour which travelled to years, decades and centuries in between nation to nations; kept them in continuous changing mode. But this doesn't mean the basic structure of the foreign policy be scarifies. They were being safeguarded through extent of existence. India being experienced in Diplomatic immunity performed pro to both Bipolar and Unipolar system across the world as a Nehruvian realistic approach in his era and under the image of cultural power, soft power pace to a multialignment approach to foreign policy dimensions were mainframe to the different political parties as being in the government machinery. These policies related with external affairs bring many forms of development and progressive tendencies to the new scientific and the neo liberal economic changes as a performer in the third world nations.

As a need of an hour which travelled to years, decades and centuries in between nation to nations; kept them in continuous changing mode. But this doesn't mean the basic structure of the foreign policy be scarifies. They were being safeguarded through extent of existence. India being experienced in Diplomatic immunity performed pro to both Bipolar and Unipolar system across the world as a Nehruvian realistic approach in his era and under the image of cultural power, soft power pace to a multialignment approach to foreign policy dimensions were mainframe to the different political parties as being in the government machinery. These policies related with external affairs bring many forms of development and progressive tendencies to the new scientific and the neo liberal economic changes as a performer in the third world nations.

This paper explores the theological, historical,
and contemporary perspectives on pluralism, emphasising its
significance in fostering interfaith harmony and societal cohesion.
Drawing from key Qur’anic verses on pluralism, prophetic practices,
and scholarly interpretations in the early age of Islam, it highlights
Islam’s recognition of diversity in race, ethnicity, and religion as
a test of character and an opportunity for mutual understanding.

This paper analyzes the evolving role of Russian peacekeepers in Karabakh following the November 10, 2020, peace declaration, which ended the 44-day war between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Russia's deployment of 1,960 peacekeepers was initially intended to ensure stability, protect the Armenian population, and support ongoing negotiations on Karabakh's future. However, Azerbaijan's military operation in 2024, which led to the dissolution of the de-facto government and the exodus of nearly 100,000 Armenians, reshaped the security landscape and sparked debates on the future of the Russian contingent. The paper explores potential scenarios, including repatriation of Karabakh Armenians under Russian protection, relocation of peacekeepers to the Armenia-Azerbaijan border, or their full withdrawal. The analysis highlights Azerbaijan's efforts to reduce Russian influence, Armenia's objections to troop redeployment, and the Kremlin's interest in maintaining a presence in the region. The findings underscore the shifting regional power dynamics and the uncertainty surrounding the future role of Russian peacekeepers in the South Caucasus.

(de la Introducción)
En las páginas (del libro) se reúnen los aportes de dieciséis académicos que abordan distintos aspectos de la agenda de Seguridad y Defensa, y su estado de situación al momento del Bicentenario de Argentina y Chile (2010), acontecimiento que operó como hito referencial en cada una de las elaboraciones.
Las colaboraciones difieren entre sí en cuestiones de estructura, metodología y sustento bibliográfico; en líneas generales, esa diversidad ha sido respetada, pues refleja el estilo de los autores. En materia temática el contenido de la obra es particularmente heterogéneo y por esa razón fue ordenada internamente en cuatro secciones. Las primeras tres se rigen por criterios espaciales y, en sentido deductivo, abordan los planos global, hemisférico y bilateral; la cuarta y última, por el contrario, se concentra en la cuestión específica de las relaciones entre política y poder militar. Cerrando estas cuatro secciones, un profesor permanente del (Centro de Estudios Hemiféricos de la Defensa, CHDS), presenta un conjunto de conclusiones y reflexiones finales.

Desde el siglo XV, el uso del espacio marítimo en materia exploración,
dominio y extracción de recursos naturales ha sido un factor central en el
desarrollo económico de las naciones y en la distribución de poder en el
sistema internacional. En Argentina, esto fue señalado claramente por el
almirante Segundo Storni, quien teniendo en cuenta la condición marítima
argentina y la lejanía del país respecto de las grandes metrópolis europeas, en sus reconocidas conferencias sobre “Los Intereses Argentinos en el Mar” de 1916, afirmaba que el desarrollo nacional y la inserción internacional del país estaban intrínsecamente ligados a sus capacidades navales y su presencia en el mar. Actualmente, estos postulados continúan manteniendo vigencia para Argentina en un contexto donde la “economía azul” está presente en las agendas multilaterales, donde las dinámicas geopolíticas están signadas por una creciente competencia entre las grandes potencias por el dominio de los mares y donde la Cuestión Malvinas continúa siendo una problemática central para la política exterior.

El presente análisis aborda la dinámica geopolítica desde la geopolítica clásica, crítica y el enfoque feminista, en un contexto del sistema global que es cambiante y va evolucionando; el análisis geopolítico permite ver el mundo abstracto y el mundo de la realidad; para ello también se recurre a algunas teorías de las relaciones internacionales, que coadyuvan en la comprensión, e interpretación de la realidad internacional.

Actualmente los conflictos en “Eurasia”,  “Medio Oriente” y tensiones geopolíticas regionales generan incertidumbres en la humanidad por sus implicancias del conflicto para la geopolítica como para las relaciones internacionales; esta última emplea la perspectiva realista y en contraposición; el pacifismo y sus corrientes derivadas como el liberalismo entre otros, para entender los conflictos en el sistema global.

Deputy Prime Minister for Economic Affairs in the Taliban administration announced that construction of the Wakhan Corridor, a strategic route connecting Afghanistan to China, remains underway. Baradar highlighted that the new road through Wakhan in Badakhshan Province is expected to establish a direct trade link between Afghanistan and China, thereby greatly enhancing bilateral trade opportunities. Taliban officials have underscored the geopolitical significance of the corridor, as it is positioned at a pivotal intersection of regional interests, potentially influencing broader dynamics in Central and South Asia.

The outbreak of war in Ukraine and Western
support for the Ukrainian state have brought up
the role of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO) in international politics, a subject debated
in the press and media, in universities, in states,
and in international organizations. In hasty
assessments, the argument that emerges is that
the war, particularly the Russian administration
of Vladimir Putin, has given NATO a new reason
of life, since it no longer had any reason to
exist in the face of the defeat and dissolution of
the USSR. Our aim in this article is therefore to
demonstrate that NATO has always had a reason
to exist in order to fulfill the function assigned
to it by the Western powers: to eliminate
politically and militarily obstacles to the
expansion of Western capitalism. Because it is an
international political and military organization
linked to the capitalist powers led by the United
States, with its smaller European partners, it is
an organization whose dynamic is expansionist.
So, our object is NATO in its founding treaty,
institutional organization, strategic concepts,
summit meetings, geopolitical expansion,
partnerships, and military operations.
Keywords: NATO. Capitalism. Expansion.

If a blame narrative gains traction in Ukraine, it could deepen internal divisions and jeopardise the nation's democratic future. Russia stands to benefit from such disinformation, amplifying a "stab-in-the-back" myth to shift responsibility for the war onto the West. The war in Ukraine has now entered its eleventh year since Russia's illegal occupation and annexation of Crimea in 2014, followed by Russian proxies waging a war against Kyiv in the Donbas until Russia's large-scale invasion of February 2022. The war isn't likely to end soon, and Russia is preparing for a long war. The arrival of North Korean soldiers on the frontline highlights the deepening military ties between Russia and North Korea and potentially China as Russia's current strategic de facto economic, political, and military enabler. Almost daily, troubling reports emerge from the front: from Russian increased aerial bombardments of civilian hubs in Ukraine, execution of Ukrainian POWs, and Russian advances on Ukrainian territory, albeit slowly. In the West, a mix of "war fatigue" and strategic indecision seems to have taken hold. Peace through victory seems to be unlikely due to the asymmetry of military capabilities, manpower, and industrial war capabilities: Western and global (lethal and non-lethal) support stands at US$278 billion. The US, European Union, and Germany have committed most aid to Ukraine-with Australia's lethal aid of AUD$1.3 billion remaining at the bottom of the donor list. This week's announcement by our government to send 49 soon-to-be-replaced Abrams M1A1 tanks to Ukraine has to be welcomed and yet, this help comes probably too late. With no clear prospect of a rejuvenated and decisive Western drive to equip Ukraine for victory, nor decisiveness regarding the provision and/or use of longrange weapon systems, the long-term prospects for Ukraine look bleak. Even the continuation of support at current levels would not be enough to force Russia to withdraw its forces. In addition, the current war in the Middle East, with its effect on the wider region, has taken both resources and focus away from the war in Ukraine. Before this background of weakening Western support, ending the war through negotiations, with Ukraine making territorial concessions, has become a prospect which, unpopular as it is, is not off the cards. Volodymyr Zelensky's "Victory Plan," unrolled last week before Ukraine's parliament does include NATO membership, "the lifting by allies of bans on longrange strikes with Western-supplied weapons deep into Russia and a refusal to trade Ukraine's territories and sovereignty." President Zelensky's points regarding Western support seems to be unrealistic given that the position of the West is either heterogenous, to put it mildly, or cautious. NATO made it clear in its statement of this year's July NATO Summit that it will continue with its support of Ukraine but that an invitation to join NATO remains only a future option without any actual roadmap. It is reasonable to adopt a realistic and objective view of the war's progression. The current situation has given rise to a partial defeatist attitude among some of Ukraine's allies that is directly detrimental to Ukraine and the political West, regardless of the war's outcome. Fundamentally, this stems from a (false) narrative that shifts the blame for the war and its duration away from Russia. This narrative takes two main forms: one view holds that the West is escalating and/or prolonging the conflict by supporting Ukraine, while the opposite asserts that the West is complicit in the war's development by not providing sufficient aid to Ukraine. The latter often focuses on the quantity and quality of the lethal support as well as the limitations imposed on the use of weapon systems on Russian territory. Beyond the factual inaccuracies of both perspectives, they lay the foundation for a harmful future narrative.

This excerpt from The Meccan Dawn highlights Chapter 2, titled "Did Muhammad Exist? The Truth About a Lie," in which Shaykh Faheem delivers a detailed refutation of the baseless claims made by revisionist author Robert Spencer. In recent years, Spencer and a handful of other revisionist historians have attempted to cast doubt on the very existence of the Prophet Muhammad (ﷺ), the founder of Islam. These claims, though widely discredited by scholars, have gained traction among certain audiences, creating confusion and misunderstanding about the historical and spiritual legacy of Islam's greatest figure.
Shaykh Faheem’s response in this chapter is not just a rebuttal, but a methodical dismantling of the flawed logic and selective use of sources that Spencer employs. Drawing on well-established historical, archaeological, and Islamic sources, Shaykh Faheem demonstrates that the existence of the Prophet Muhammad (ﷺ) is as undeniable as any other major historical figure. By providing evidence from both Muslim and non-Muslim sources that chronicle the life of the Prophet (ﷺ), this chapter exposes the absurdity of revisionist rhetoric that seeks to undermine centuries of recorded history.
Through careful analysis and robust evidence, "Did Muhammad Exist?" serves as a powerful reminder of the importance of defending the truth against distortions, especially in a modern age where misinformation can spread quickly. Shaykh Faheem's scholarly yet accessible approach ensures that readers are well-equipped to understand and refute such misleading claims, reaffirming the truth of Islam's foundational figure.

Un dilema sobre el dominio de las tecnologías plantea una cuestión candente en torno a la soberanía y el futuro de los países periféricos. La autorización de la OTAN a Ucrania para utilizar misiles de medio y largo alcance en territorio ruso y el ataque terrorista indiscriminado del Estado de Israel contra el Líbano mediante la explosión de busca-personas y walkie-talkies tienen algo en común: el dominio o no de la tecnología que conciben para el diseño de productos tecnológicos. Por tanto, reflexionaremos brevemente sobre la tecnología y luego volveremos a la pregunta anunciada.
A modo de conclusión
En este momento histórico, cuando todo parece conducir a una confrontación global entre dos diseños técnicos de gobernanza global, la neutralidad activa en relación a esta guerra depende de la autonomía tecnológica frente a las cosmo-tecnologías hegemónicas en confrontación. La cuestión que se plantea para nuestra región sudamericana impide el optimismo: se trata de predecir si los grupos que luchan por la soberanía nacional tendrán la fuerza política para buscar y desarrollar tecnologías autóctonas o si sucumbirán materialmente ante los militares, funcionalmente dependientes del esquema estratégico del hegemón, para operar por procuración de este sobre un eventual teatro secundario de la Tercera Guerra Mundial.

Approximate unlearning is an emerging field in machine learning that addresses the challenge of efficiently removing specific data points from models without the need for full retraining. In the financial sector, where models are built on sensitive customer data and market information, the ability to unlearn data is crucial for meeting privacy regulations like GDPR and ensuring model adaptability in real-time environments. This paper explores the categorization of approximate unlearning into two main approaches: data-driven approximation and model-driven approximation. Data-driven approximation focuses on selectively retraining parts of the dataset to simulate the removal of data, while model-driven approximation adjusts the model's internal parameters to nullify the influence of unwanted data points. Both methods offer computational and memoryefficient ways to balance the need for privacy compliance with the performance demands of financial models. The paper discusses practical applications in algorithmic trading, fraud detection, and risk assessment, and highlights the challenges associated with each approach. Through case studies and literature references, we demonstrate how approximate unlearning can be applied to maintain system efficiency, data privacy, and regulatory compliance in the financial domain. This research provides a roadmap for future developments in approximate unlearning, particularly in the context of real-time financial systems and federated learning environments.

The article offers an assessment of Iran’s role in India’s foreign policy calculations vis-à-vis the Sino-Pak
axis. The changing geopolitical and geostrategic dynamics in the post-Cold War era have brought about
new possibilities and opportunities in the Eurasian space. Given the geographical conditions and reemergence of geopolitical competition, regional connectivity through ports has taken a pivotal position in
bilateral and multilateral engagements. Therefore, the port geopolitics has become a popular expression in
regional connectivity. The changing geopolitical and geostrategic dynamics in the post-Cold War era have
brought about new possibilities and opportunities in the Eurasian space. The article will offer an assessment
of Iran’s role in India’s foreign policy calculations vis-à-vis Sino-Pak axis. India has many geopolitical,
geostrategic and geo-economic interests in the Eurasian region. However, the potential has not been realized
yet due to the lack of geographical connectivity. In the backdrop of the emerging Sino-Pak axis, their moves
and countermoves have been limiting India’s multilateral interests including the connectivity across the
Eurasian region. In these matrices, Iran’s Chabahar Port due to its strategic location has become a crucial
enabler for India. Against this background, the article would attempt to give insight upon the existential
regional dynamics regarding the Sino-Pak axis to block India’s connectivity with the Eurasian region and
how Iran’s Chabahar Port can be a helping factor in India’s counterbalancing strategy for Sino-Pak axis.

The role of the Nigerian police in the United Nations peace keeping support operations across Africa have been widely acknowledged in the literature of peace and security studies. This descriptive research design was adopted while secondary data such as textbooks, reports, newspapers, magazine articles and internet sources etc. Qualitative content analysis was used in the analysis of the data collected. This study critically analyses the Nigerian Police Force involvement in the United Nations Peace Keeping Support Operation in Africa. This study identified two dominant perspectives. The first perspective has it that the Nigerian Police Force involvement in the United Nations Peace Keeping Support Operation in Africa is impactful while another perspective has it that the Nigerian Police Force involvement in the United Nations Peace Keeping Support Operation in Africa has not been impactful. However, this study is situated within the mix-feeling perspective that seeks to strike a balance between both perspectives. On the whole, this study advocated for a review of existing framework of the Nigerian Police Force involvement in the United Nations Peace Keeping Support Operation in Africa in a bid to make it better.

In an era marked by remarkable technological advancements, Artificial Intelligence (AI) has emerged as a powerful force in the realm of International Relations. AI's adaptability, which includes automating the processes of foreign policy-making and improving predictive analytics, is swiftly reshaping the ways in which countries participate in international affairs. The impact of AI is notably observed in activities like data analysis, policy assessment, conflict resolution, cybersecurity, language translation, and disaster response, all of which streamline diplomatic activities and enhance communication. This article discusses how AI technology will shape the field of International Relations.

The paper explores the changes that have occurred in the foreign, security, and defense policies and capabilities of Croatia and Serbia, as the two most important states for the Western Balkans stability in the context of the ten-year ukrainian crisis and changing international relations and order toward the more conflictual one. These changes were significantly expressed at the beginning of the ukrainian crisis in 2014, with Crimea joining the russian Federation, strengthened in 2022 with the russian military intervention, and still ongoing with the greater polarization between the eu and NATo on the one side, russia on the other, and with the significant role of rising powers like China and India on the third. The authors claim that the ukrainian crisis reflected the global trends on the regional level thus bringing more polarization, prospect for conflictual relations, and militarisation instead of immersion of the whole region into the Western structures on the geopolitical grounds. The analysis of the policies and comparison of the cases of Croatia and Serbia are conducted according to three variables: 1. narratives on the Crimean crisis in 2014 and russian intervention in ukraine in 2022, 2. measures taken regarding russia and ukraine, 3. changes of their capabilities. The authors conclude that with the ongoing conflict in ukraine, the potential for new crises in the Balkans rises. Countries' narratives, especially that of Croatia which constantly victimizes itself, create new mistrust and distance between the two countries and peoples, Croatian eu membership which is constantly highlighted against the Serbian lack of harmonization with the eu foreign and security policy further distances Serbia from the eu, and improvements in defense capabilities, conducted on the various grounds and with opposing actors triggers the arms race, thus complicating the mutual relations of the Western

The question of how South Africa regulates its multiple Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs) and how effective that regulation is has recently come into question with the discovery of illegal military training camps in Mpumalanga. Bolstering the efficiency of inter-agency cooperation to ensure such activities stay within the law has become a new and urgent requirement.

El artículo "La Armada en Bosnia. Veinticinco años de operaciones" de Samuel Morales ofrece un análisis exhaustivo de la participación de la Armada Española en las operaciones internacionales en Bosnia durante el conflicto de los Balcanes. Morales examina la evolución de la misión, desde su inicio en los años 90 hasta su impacto y relevancia en la actualidad. A lo largo de veinticinco años, la Armada no solo ha desempeñado un papel crucial en la estabilización y mantenimiento de la paz en la región, sino que también ha adquirido valiosa experiencia operativa y estratégica. El estudio profundiza en las operaciones navales específicas, los desafíos enfrentados, y los logros alcanzados, ofreciendo una visión integral de cómo estas intervenciones han moldeado la política exterior y militar española en el contexto de crisis internacionales.

En latinoamérica, hay un orden criminal sumamente violento. Los Estados comparten su soberanía con organizaciones criminales que gobiernan a la población. Además, emulan la política exterior de los países y dominan la gestión pública. Comprender este fenómeno es el principio de una estrategia para combatirlo.

The article reflects on NATO's journey since its inception in 1949, highlighting its role in maintaining global security and stability. It also addresses contemporary challenges such as geopolitical tensions with Russia and China, cybersecurity threats, and the importance of technological advancements in defense.
Discover how NATO continues to adapt and evolve to meet the demands of the modern world and reaffirm its commitment to collective defense and international cooperation.
"However, despite the NATO allies pledging continuous military aid to Ukraine, the 2024 forum lacks a clear roadmap to end Russia’s aggression either through diplomatic pursuit or direct involvement in the war. It becomes imperative to interrogate NATO on how long Ukraine would depend on allies to defend itself against Putin’s war in Ukraine. One of the concerns of the 2024 Washington Summit is the lack of a comprehensive blueprint to promote sustainable peace beyond military aid provisioning. Moreover, another fundamental distress regarding the future of NATO lies in the changing political leadership among its key allies. For instance, if America’s commitment declines, changes, or withdraws from the alliance (although it requires a 2/3 majority of the Senate or an act of Congress) resulting from the changing policy of a new political administration, such action will have a dire consequential impact on the organisation. "

This paper aims to provide a comprehensive overview of the main issues related to geopolitical changes in the Arctic region, along with an overview of the scientific literature regarding these issues. After a historical analysis, the research focuses on the evolution of Arctic security, examining alleged militarization and the impact of climate change. Next, the major powers involved and their interests and strategies in the region are explored. Finally, we focus on economic enterprises and multilateralism in the area, both of which are affected by recent events and climate change.

Аннотация: в статье рассматриваются внешнеполитические аспекты деятельности Государственной Думы Федерального Собрания Российской Федерации I созыва. Охарактеризована специфика основных результатов депутатских голосований данного периода, связанных с международно-политическими реалиями, в контексте их соотношения с концептуальными основами и реализацией внешней политики России. Выявлены особенности состава и характера деятельности нижней палаты российского парламента данного периода. Проанализирована концептуализация внешней политики Российской Федерации. Дана оценка инициативам и решениям Государственной Думы Российской Федерации I созыва в области внешней политики и международных отношений. Показано, что таковые были обусловлены спецификой её персонального состава, где отсутствовали жёсткая фракционная дисциплина и явное преимущество какой-либо политической силы, что определяло необходимость ситуативного взаимодействия. Нормальная работа нижней палаты парламента стала возможной во многом вследствие усилий её Председателя, занявшего центристские позиции. Обосновано, что Госдума, осуществляя деятельность в условиях сложнейших социально-экономических проблем и колоссального ослабления международно-политических позиций России, продемонстрировала значительную активность в инициативах международно-политической направленности, которые охватывали широкий спектр актуальных вопросов с акцентом на ситуации в государствах постсоветского пространства. Эти решения были относительно сбалансированными, что объяснялось примерно равным распределением ресурсов между т. н. «левыми», «правыми», «центристами» и «национал-патриотами», а также наличием вопросов «общего блока», позиции по которым совпадали или не вызывали явных противоречий. Международно-политические инициативы Государственной Думы I созыва отличались большей реалистичностью и акцентированием защиты национальных интересов от содержания концептуальных документов и проводимого государством внешнеполитического курса. Это происходило на фоне и одновременно с начавшимся процессом переосмысления внешнеполитических подходов Российской Федерации, оказав на него значительное влияние.
Ключевые слова: Государственная Дума Российской Федерации I созыва, внешняя политика, международные отношения, депутаты, голосования

Abstract: The article considers the foreign policy aspects of the activities of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the First convocation. The specifics of the main results of parliamentary votes of this period, which were related to international-political realities, in the context of their relationship with the conceptual foundations and implementation of Russian foreign policy, have been characterized. Features of the composition and nature of the activities of the lower house of the Russian parliament of this period have been identified. The conceptualization of the Russian Federation’s foreign policy has been analyzed. The initiatives and decisions of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the First convocation in the field of foreign policy and international relations have been assessed. It is shown that these were due to the specifics of its personal composition, where there was no strict factional discipline and a clear advantage of any political force, which determined the need for situational interaction. The normal work of the lower house of parliament became possible largely due to the efforts of its Chairman, who took a centrist position. It is substantiated that the State Duma, operating in conditions of complex socio-economic problems and the colossal weakening of Russia’s international political positions, demonstrated significant activity in international political initiatives that covered a wide range of topical issues with an emphasis on the situation in the states of the post-Soviet space. These decisions were relatively balanced, which was explained by the approximately equal distribution of resources between the so-called “left”, “right”, “centrists” and “national patriots”, as well as the presence of “common bloc” issues, positions on which coincided or did not cause obvious contradictions. The international political initiatives of the State Duma of the First convocation were distinguished by greater realism and emphasis on the protection of national interests than the content of conceptual documents and the foreign policy course pursued by the state. This happened against the background and simultaneously with the beginning of the process of rethinking the foreign policy approaches of the Russian Federation, which had a significant influence on it.
Keywords: State Duma of the Russian Federation of the First convocation, foreign policy, international relations, deputies, voting

The paper explores the changes that have occurred in the foreign, security, and defense policies and capabilities of Croatia and Serbia, as the two most important states for the Western Balkans stability in the context of the ten-year ukrainian crisis and changing international relations and order toward the more conflictual one. These changes were significantly expressed at the beginning of the ukrainian crisis in 2014, with Crimea joining the russian Federation, strengthened in 2022 with the russian military intervention, and still ongoing with the greater polarization between the eu and NATo on the one side, russia on the other, and with the significant role of rising powers like China and India on the third. The authors claim that the ukrainian crisis reflected the global trends on the regional level thus bringing more polarization, prospect for conflictual relations, and militarisation instead of immersion of the whole region into the Western structures on the geopolitical grounds. The analysis of the policies and comparison of the cases of Croatia and Serbia are conducted according to three variables: 1. narratives on the Crimean crisis in 2014 and russian intervention in ukraine in 2022, 2. measures taken regarding russia and ukraine, 3. changes of their capabilities. The authors conclude that with the ongoing conflict in ukraine, the potential for new crises in the Balkans rises. Countries' narratives, especially that of Croatia which constantly victimizes itself, create new mistrust and distance between the two countries and peoples, Croatian eu membership which is constantly highlighted against the Serbian lack of harmonization with the eu foreign and security policy further distances Serbia from the eu, and improvements in defense capabilities, conducted on the various grounds and with opposing actors triggers the arms race, thus complicating the mutual relations of the Western 455

In this paper we point out the significant impact that historical trauma narratives may have on the current international security environment, especially in our area. To this end, we will analyze the impact of historical trauma narratives spread by the elites and governments of Hungary, Russia and Turkiye, which are meant to justify and fuel policies, attitudes and strategies that have a potential negative impact on regional security. This exact same type of narrative has fuelled the justification for Russia's invasion of Ukraine, and are also fuelling aggressive and revisionist foreign policies from Ankara and Budapest, creating a climate of tension and security risks in our region. While there are definitely various real historical traumas and suffering that need to be properly addressed and reconciled with throughout the world, there are also cynical weaponizations of these traumas, manipulated by politicians and academics alike, for personal, political, and geopolitical benefits. Keywords: historical trauma; narratives; manipulation; Russia; Hungary; Turkiye.

Great power competition is the watermark of the current global scenario. In this regard, the maritime and naval dimension have a particular relevance on the struggle for regional and global hegemony. This book has the potential to engage with multiple audiences, since develops an analytic approach to understand naval great power competition in the maritime spaces of the Global South. It is set within a neoclassical realism approach, while engaging literature from international relations, international security, and studies on the Indo-Pacific and the South Atlantic security dynamics. The book offers a unique conceptual framework to understand how great powers select their maritime strategies, presents a series of regional and global maritime strategies by the United States, China, Russia and India, while assess their impact in the Southern Oceans, focusing in the Indo-Pacific realm and the South Atlantic.

The South Pacific region is a vast expanse of oceanic territory, comprising numerous island nations and territories that hold significant geopolitical and economic importance. As maritime relations in the South Pacific become increasingly relevant in global politics, the role of the United States takes center stage. This article explores the maritime dynamics in the South Pacific and analyzes the role America plays in shaping regional security, economic cooperation, and diplomatic relations.

Studies provided regular commentary for the Australian and overseas media. On 17 April Melanesian and Australian scholars in the School led a well-attended seminar to discuss the events and their implications. Most of the papers presented here derive from that seminar, and from earlier media commentary. They are not intended as a full examination of the events of March-June 1997-several such examinations are forthcoming-but rather as a series of contemporary reflections, partly updated. Standish, Regan, May, Dinnen and Nelson are longtime observers of Papua New Guinea politics who have all spent considerable periods of residence in Papua New Guinea. Mandie-Filer is a Papua New Guinean scholar, currently at the Australian National University, who was in Papua New Guinea in March. Saovana-Spriggs is also a Papua New Guinean, who followed events in March-June from her present home in Canberra. Kabutaulaka is a Solomon Islands scholar who, like Saovana-Spriggs, has taken a particular interest in the political forces unleashed by the Bougainville conflict. The brief reflections presented here are preceded by a detailed chronology of the Sandline Affair and followed by appendices comprising selected documents and texts central to the events covered in this volume. vii The Editors wish to express their appreciation to the Department of Political and Social Change, the National Centre for Development Studies and the State, Society and Governance in Melanesia Project of the Australian National University for their financial assistance with the production of this collection. Special thanks are due to Allison Ley, Beverley Fraser, Claire Smith and Bill Standish for their fine editorial work. Sean Dorney and Mary-Louise O'Callaghan have also contributed as visitors to the Department. We are also grateful to Tikka Wilson and Dayaneetha De Silva for their pagemaking efforts and to Maree Tait, editor of the Pacific Policy Paper series. The editors would also like to thank Mary-Louise O'Callaghan and The Australian for permission to reproduce her two articles. viii

Japan and Australia, as middle powers in the Indo-Pacific, have a shared interest in using minilateralism to boost regional cooperation, strengthen regional economic order and prevent coercive economic practices, particularly from major powers such as China. While these countries have traditionally relied on bilateral partnerships and multilateral institutions, minilateral approaches have a unique advantage due to their agility and adaptability and are being used increasingly to protect against geoeconomic coercion.