International Affairs

The massacre of almost 50 Maidan protesters on February 20, 2014 was a turning point in Ukrainian politics and a tipping point in the conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. This mass killing of the protesters and the mass shooting of the police that preceded it led to the overthrow of the pro-Russian government of Viktor Yanukovych and gave a start to a civil war in Donbas in Eastern Ukraine, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. A conclusion promoted by the post-Yanukovych governments and the media in Ukraine that the massacre was perpetrated by government snipers and special police units on a Yanukovych order has been nearly universally accepted by the Western governments, the media, and many scholars. The Ukrainian government investigation identified members of the special company of Berkut as responsible for killings of the absolute majority of the protesters, but did not release any evidence in support, with the exception of videos of the massacre.
              The question is which side organized the “snipers’ massacre.” This paper is the first academic study of this crucial case of the mass killing. It uses a theory of rational choice and a Weberian theory of instrumental rationality to examine actions of major actors both from the Yanukovych government, specifically various police and security forces, and the Maidan opposition, specifically its far right and oligarchic elements, during the massacre.
          The paper analyzes a large amount of evidence from different publicly available sources concerning this massacre and killings of specifics protesters. Qualitative content analysis includes the following data: about 1,500 videos and recordings of live internet and TV broadcasts from mass media and social media in different countries(some 150 gigabytes), news reports and social media posts by more than 100 journalists covering the massacre from Kyiv, some 5,000 photos, and nearly 30 gigabytes of publicly available radio intercepts of snipers and commanders from the special Alfa unit of the Security Service of Ukraine and Internal Troops, and Maidan massacre trial recordings. This study also employs field research on site of the massacre, eyewitness reports by both Maidan protesters and government special units commanders, statements by both former and current government officials, estimates of approximate ballistic trajectories, bullets and weapons used, and types of wounds among both protesters and the police. This study establishes a precise timeline for various events of the massacre, the locations of both the shooters and the government snipers, and the specific timeline and locations of nearly 50 protesters’ deaths. It also briefly analyzes other major cases of violence during and after the “Euromaidan.” This study includes two video appendixes.
            This academic investigation concludes that the massacre was a false flag operation, which was rationally planned and carried out with a goal of the overthrow of the government and seizure of power. It found various evidence of the involvement of an alliance of the far right organizations, specifically the Right Sector and Svoboda, and oligarchic parties, such as Fatherland. Concealed shooters and spotters were located in at least 20 Maidan-controlled buildings or areas. The various evidence that the protesters were killed from these locations include some 70 testimonies, primarily by Maidan protesters, several videos of “snipers” targeting protesters from these buildings, comparisons of positions of the specific protesters at the time of their killing and their entry wounds, and bullet impact signs. The study uncovered various videos and photos of armed Maidan “snipers” and spotters in many of these buildings. The paper presents implications of these findings for understanding the nature of the change of the government in Ukraine, the civil war in Donbas, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine.

American efforts to promote democracy in the Middle East under the Bush administration have floundered.  This article explains why.  First, American policymakers have proven unwilling to sponsor electoral openings that might favor the ascendance of potentially hostile Islamist groups. Second, they have refused to attach negative conditionality to reform demands made to strategic autocratic allies-that is, punishing noncompliance by withdrawing economic aid, military assistance,
and other forms of support. Both obstacles reflect the reality that America's overarching strategic goals, in particular the preservation of Israel's security
and regional hydrocarbon reserves, require a vision of regional stability that unpredictable regime shifts would endanger. Hence today's paradox of why the democratizing intentions of a unilateral superpower -- one with unmatched political and military power -- have been effectively stymied by its smaller, weaker, and poorer authoritarian allies.

From its establishment, the European Union presented potential members with the possibility of economic development through its single market economy that many countries have found attractive, encouraging their accession. Beyond the economic aspect, the European Union could bring together countries that share a similar set of democratic values in order to provide its members with enhanced security. Since the beginning of the European Union, Turkey has expressed a keen interest in this integration process and has eventually began the membership application. However, Turkey has encountered many impediments throughout the progression of their application, resulting in a stand still. Although they have signed numerous agreements with the European Union, have undergone several positive development and full-membership has often been alluded to, Turkey remains an outsider to European unity. The topic of Turkey membership is likely to continue as a contentious topic on the agenda of the European Union, as Turkey has failed to fully undertake the necessary reformations to their institutions and actions that would render them as a legitimate European Union member-state. Though accession negotiations have been initiated, this paper will argue that Turkey’s aggressive foreign policy and actions towards Greece, its evolution into an authoritarian government, the resulting human rights violations and the implications for the Middle East if accepted will prevent its accession into the European Union.

The formation of paramilitary groups can have both positive and negative effects. There is no reason for an automatic alarm if one emerges—but there is always a reason for caution. This article looks into reasons behind the formation and growth of paramilitary organizations in CEE region - on individual level, current affairs level same as long-term sociocultural level.

El concepto de "Guerra Cultural" nace producto de una serie de trabajos escritos por Samuel Huntington que buscaban comprender como las reconfiguraciones del orden mundial luego de la finalización de la Guerra Fría, afectarían a las relaciones internacionales. El primer acercamiento de Huntington a la posteriormente bautizada "Teoría del Choque de Civilizaciones 1 " remonta al trabajo titulado "The Clash of Civilizations" publicado en la revista "Foreign affairs" en 1993. En este primer trabajo Huntington desarrolla la hipótesis de que con la reconfiguración del orden mundial luego de la caída de la Unión Soviética en 1991, serán las grandes civilizaciones quienes participarán de los conflictos internacionales, motivados ya no por cuestiones ideológicas sino culturales. El artículo de Huntington despertó gran interés dentro de la academia generando tanto adherentes como detractores. Fue así que en el año 1996 el autor publicó la versión ampliada de su teoría en el libro titulado "El choque de civilizaciones y la reconfiguración del nuevo orden mundial". El presente trabajo consiste en una descripción de las ideas principales sobre las que Huntington sustenta su teoría, y los debates académicos que se suscitaron sobre ella. Analizaremos los argumentos en favor y en contra de la "Teoría del Choque de Civilizaciones" y su utilidad a la hora de predecir los escenarios de conflicto globales, y finalmente, brindaremos nuestro punto de vista, tanto respecto a la teoría propuesta por Huntington como a las críticas a de las que fue blanco.

This writing appears as Appendix I in my book, Transitions in Consciousness from an African American Perspective: Original Essays in Psycho-Historical Context.  The book was published in 2004.  Appendix I is a comprehensive Timeline of African American Life, focused on Five Historical Time Frames For African American Life, with Consciousness Transition Themes and Examples of Historical Events.  The five time frames are: 1517-1863 (6 Themes)--The Beginning of Slavery in the New World Up to The Onset of a Civil War and The Emancipation of Slaves; 1863-1896 (4 Themes)--Resistance to the End of the Civil War and the Force of the Reconstruction Era Up to Early Popularized African American Cultural Influences; 1896-1929 (5 Themes)--Creative Tension of Two Ideologies for Black Progress: Vocational Education vs. College-Trained Leadership Up to The Second Black Nationalist Movement; 1929-1954 (4 Themes)—The Condoning of a Segregated American Lifestyle and the Treatment of African Americans As “Objects” By the U. S. Government Up To Challenges To U. S. Segregated Cultural Life Through Music, Art, Publications, Inventions, Sports, and Civic Symbols; 1954-2002 (Themes)—The Struggle of the Civil Rights Movement, Sit-In Movement, and Freedom Rides to Promote the Ideas of Freedom, Desegregation, and Full Equality for African Americans Up to The Struggle to Shift Race-Related Consciousness and to Urge Cultural Transformations By Infusing African American Cultural Influences and a Search for the Meaning of Race and Ethnicity Into The Mainstream Via The Mediums of Music, Dance, Film, Television, Publications, Sports, and Civic Symbols.  Even though the Time Line ends at 2002, the Themes are very instructive for understanding what is happening in today’s reality (2017) regarding race relations in the United States.  The Themes mirror how the mind, body, and spirit has been dealt with in the United States over time in regard to the phenomenon of race.

Iran is an ancient nation known as Persia, which has a long and glorious history. Unlike many other empires, Persia (Iran) managed to keep stability, to prevent losing territory and to remain its independence. The modern history of Iran started from nationalist movements against the Shah (a person, who is in power) in 1905, and continued with the adoption of the new limited constitution in 1906. In 1921, Reza Khan took control and made himself Shah in 1925 and installed new Pahlavi dynasty. Under his leadership, Iran became to be a modern country and secularized its policy. Iran is adopted as the country’s official name in 1935. Ayatollah Khomeini was the spiritual leader during 1970’s and consequently, Khomeini took power by the result of the Islamic revolution and started to lead the country after returning from years in exile in France.
This paper is analyzing different periods of Iran Islamic Republic regarding its foreign policy, diplomatic missions, conflicts, treaties, and geopolitical position based on different sources.

This collection of essays examines the subject of power politics in Africa, paying special attention to the interests of African regional powers, as well as their capabilities and strategies in the international arena. It provides a theoretical bridge between concerns for militarised national interest, perpetual distrust and insecurity, struggles for power and hegemony in power politics, and the spirit of pan-African solidarity, brotherhood, consensus, cooperation and integration. It is on these bases that this volume offers rich empirical insight into leading regional powers in Africa with special attention given to Nigeria and South Africa. It serves to contribute African perspectives to the field of International Relations, particularly regarding power politics, which is important in terms of Africanising the narratives of a subject matter that is largely considered as Eurocentric in African and other non-Western societies.

The 13th edition of Linea Sur, the international affairs journal of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ecuador, focuses on the G-77 and China in the World System and explores new horizons from the Global South. My role in this publication was that of editor in chief.

Resumen:
El presente trabajo plantea una modalidad alternativa para efectuar comercio internacional, llamada intercambio compensado, entre países que dependen absolutamente del precio internacional de los commodities para generar divisas y que en el contexto actual se ven limitados en la generación de dichas divisas fundamentalmente por la cotización internacional de las mismas.  Analizaremos la base teórica del proceso de comercio internacional, sus métodos y mecanismos para finalmente concentrarnos en casos prácticos de la comercialización de productos entre Ecuador y Argentina.

Summary:
This paper proposes an alternative method for making international trade, called counter trade between countries that depend entirely on the international price of commodities to generate foreign currency and in the current context are limited in generating these currencies mainly due to international prices from the same. Analyze the theoretical basis of the process of international trade, methods and mechanisms to finally focus on case studies of marketing products from Ecuador and Argentina.

2016 marks the 60 th anniversary of Sino-Arab relations, and specifically the establishment of the first Arab and African diplomatic relations between Egypt and China in 1956 (Scott, 2016). Since such cooperation emerged, the nature of ties between the two nations were mostly based on a win-win cooperation and multiple trade, political and economic mutual benefits. During the late 1990s, strategic cooperation relations were emphasized among their prioritized aspects, and since then there has been observable expansion and continuous development in various fields, e.

ntroduction W ater is one of the most important resources needed for the development of a country or region. Every aspect of development, from the growing of foodstuffs to the production of industrial goods and hydroelectricity, depends on the reliable availability of sufficient supplies of clean fresh water. Nevertheless, another equally important consideration is the availability of so-called second-order planning; the institutional and social structures needed for the mobilisation and proper management of water resources. These are represented at the national level by state laws, which regulate the different aspects of surface and sub-surface water resources. At the regional and global levels matters are more complicated, as different state and non-state actors are involved. At this level of politics, intergovernmental organisations (IGOs) normally devise and implement regulatory mechanisms or regimes. Within Southern Africa, one such IGO is the Southern African Development Community (SADC), which has drawn up two protocols on shared watercourses.

Seldom have just over 40 pages of text (plus just under 40 pages of notes) kicked up such a storm. Attacked for everything from being "sloppy scholarship" to anti-Semitic, this article is clearly neither. It is an argument advanced by two scholars, both of the realist school of ...

Abstract: We propose to study the sermon of Sayyedah Zainab (as) which she delivered in the court of Yazid (L). The central issues of the sermon are as follows:
i). Sayyedah Zainab (as) discussed cardinal principles to established Daw’ah of Maruf and exposed the ugly face of Umayyads to the world by informing the crimes of Yazid (L), his family and supporters, and thus, completed the responsibility of Bara’at from Munkar.
ii). She reminded the superior status of Ahl al-Bait (as) as declared in Qur’an.
iii). This sermon reflects a defining moment in the history of Islam.
iv). Sayyedah Zainab (as) perfectly exposed the hollow “victory” of Yazid (L), and established the supremacy of true Islam of Mohammad(S) over the distorted Umayyad version of Islam which was being presented by the Umayyad Kings. 
Islam is alive today thanks to the sacrifices undertaken by the family of the Rasulullah(S) – Al Khamsat’il Ath’ar (as) and Al-Imam Abu Talib (as). The daughter of Fatimah al Zahra (as) ended her sermon by offering Shukr (thanks) to Allah. Let us take a lesson from this sermon and never be afraid to take action against Zulm (oppression).

In the wake of burgeoning international activities and collaborative venues in S&T, rich industrial countries have taken to science diplomacy to strengthen their innovative capacities or to foster cross-border civil relations. Apart from some theoretical considerations and empirical case studies, however, we still know little about its different objectives or the strategies, administrative procedures and resources deployed at this fuzzy intersection of S&T policy and foreign affairs. Presenting findings of a comparative study of six countries' science diplomacy, this article puts forward some simple heuristics to account for different programmatic styles and organizational patterns in this emerging field.

This paper analyzes changes in regional electoral behavior and attitudes towards separatism and foreign policy orientation in Ukraine after the “Orange Revolution” and the “Euromaidan,” which turned into a violent internal conflict and one of the biggest international conflicts involving Western countries and Russia. The research question is whether the regional divisions concerning domestic politics, separatism and foreign orientation have changed significantly in Ukraine since the “Orange Revolution” in 2004 and the “Euromaidan” in 2014. This paper employs comparative and statistical analyses of voting results of the 2012, 2007, 2006, and 2002 parliamentary elections, and the 2014, 2010, and 2004 presidential elections, to examine effects of historical legacies, ethnicity, language, age, and economic factors on regional support for pro-nationalist/pro-Western and pro-Russian/pro-communist political parties and presidential candidates. The study also analyses support for separatism in Crimea and Donbas after the “Orange Revolution” and the “Euromaidan.” It uses a brief survey, conducted for this study by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) in April and May 2014, to examine determinants of pro-separatist attitudes. The paper also employs Razumkov Center and KIIS surveys to analyze changes in 2002-2014 in regional preferences for joining the European Union (EU), NATO, and a union with Russia. The analysis shows that Ukraine after the “Orange Revolution” remained divided along regional lines in terms of support for political parties and presidential candidates and attitudes towards joining the EU, NATO, and a Russia-led union. After the “Euromaidan,” such divisions in foreign policy orientation and, to a lesser extent, support for presidential candidates and political parties remained. A significant rise in separatist sentiments helped to fuel separatist takeovers of power in Crimea and Donbas and Russian military intervention in these regions.

When presented with the question of whether humanitarian intervention can be justified when there is a possibility for its misuse, the answer is both: yes and no. This essay will address both view points, and in doing so, argue that the concept can be presented as either good or bad depending on the agenda of the state in dialogue. United States can invade Iraq as a liberator, but Russia invading Crimea is an "act of aggression", when in reality, both were done in the name of 'humanitarian intervention'.

Sebagai penstudi Hubungan Internasional (HI) yang erat kaitannya dengan interaksi antar negara bangsa ataupun entitas lain yang sifatnya beyond the territory of the state, tentu kita sudah familiar dengan istilah Kebijakan Luar Negeri (selanjutnya disingkat KLN). Wicaksana (2014) mengatakan bahwa relasi antara ilmu HI dengan KLN adalah tak terbantahkan. Lalu apakah yang dimaksud dengan KLN? Pada review ini, penulis akan mencoba memaparkan mengenai apakah yang dimaksud dengan KLN dan konsep-konsep dasar yang melingkupinya. Kendati sebenarnya tidak ada konsensus mengenai definisi dari KLN (Dugis, 2014), KLN oleh Breuning (2007) didefinisikan sebagai keseluruhan kebijakan suatu negara terhadap entitas diluar batas wilayahnya. Kebijakan Luar Negeri (KLN) seringkali dimaknai sebagai hal yang rumit/ kompleks (puzzling). Selain rumit, KLN seringkali dianggap sebagai titik krusial yang menyebabkan terjadinya peristiwa besar dan monumental seperti perang dan krisis – walaupun tidak semua KLN ber-efek demikian– (Breuning, 2007). Pernyataan Breuning (2007), ini dibenarkan oleh Wicaksana (2007), bahwa studi mengenai KLN adalah hal yang kompleks. Selain itu, KLN suatu negara bangsa –apalagi jika negara tersebut adalah negara bangsa yang besar– akan mampu menghadirkan peristiwa yang monumental dan mempengaruhi tatanan dunia. Kerumitan dan signifikansi suatu KLN tercermin pada peristiwa Invasi Irak yang saat itu dipimpin oleh Saddam Hussain ke Kuwait pada tahun 1990an. Dalam kasus ini, Amerika Serikat dibawah komando George H. W. Bush memutuskan turut campur dalam membantu Kuwait mendepak Irak, sebuah tindakan yang diluar perhitungan Saddam Hussain. Saddam berfikiran bahwa Invasi 'kecil' nya ke negara tetangga tidak akan menarik perhatian si super power Amerika Serikat yang sedang dalam uforia kehancuran Soviet dan krisis ekonomi setelahnya. Selain itu, keyakinan Saddam bahwa Amerika tidak akan turut campur diperkuat oleh pernyataan duta besar Amerika untuk Irak pada masa itu, April Glaspie (t.t) bahwa, " we have no opinion on the Arab, Arab conflicts like your border disagreement with Kuwait. " Namun pada kenyataannya Amerika justru bertindak sebaliknya. Amerika merasa tidak bisa membiarkan Invasi Irak ke Kuwait. Keterlibatan Amerika sebagai Hegemon tunggal dunia membuat Irak terperangkap dalam konflik berkepanjangan dan tidak bisa dimenangkan, yang pada akhirnya banyak memberikan kerugian ekonomi (Breuning, 2007). Contoh kasus yang dipaparkan diatas merupakan contoh yang memperlihatkan betapa rumitnya KLN. Marijke Breuning menuliskan dalam artikelnya, Foreign Policy Analysis: A Comparative Introduction (2007), bahwa berdasarkan analisis para penstudi KLN dan tinjauan ulang para sejarawan, keputusan yang diambil Saddam Hussain adalah hal yang rumit. Hal ini dikarenakan pada saat membuat keputusan, pengambil keputusan (Saddam) tidak benar-benar tahu posisi Irak dan medan yang sedang dihadapi. Bahkan beberapa menganggap keputusan Saddam tersebut irasional dan merupakan tindakan orang tidak waras atau bodoh. Namun, memberikan justifikasi siapa yang irasional dan siapa yang tidak, atau siapa yang bodoh dan siapa yang cerdas, bukanlah fokus dari studi KLN yang tujuan utamanya adalah memberikan pemahaman seutuhnya terhadap suatu KLN (Breuning, 2007). Labih jauh, Breuning menjelaskan bahwa ketika hendak memahami kebijakan luar negeri, proses analisis harus didasarkan pada asumsi bahwa kebijakan luar negeri tersebut dibuat oleh manusia rasional, yang dengan cara rasional berusaha memberikan keputusan terbaik bagi negaranya. Setelah itu barulah bisa dimulai tahap selanjutnya, yaitu: menganalisis hal-hal yang motivasi pemimpin sehingga memutuskan membuat suatu kebijakan tertentu; menganalisis pemahaman pemimpin terhadap situasi yang terjadi; dan faktor-faktor apa yang membuat kebijakan tersebut terkotakkan menjadi kebijakan yang gagal (Breuning, 2007).

This study focuses on the state dilemma in opting between the Scylla of isolation and the Charybdis of intervention; which means forcing an exchange between political sovereignty and economic prosperity. To resolve this painful dilemma, our thesis combines Platonic idealism and Aristotelian realism to form a foreign policy of moderation and toleration. The ideal state recognizes the need of external affairs, but also their danger. As a double edge sword, exopolitics must therefore be prudently conducted and strictly controlled. That is the message of Plato and Aristotle that we carry and argue here.
The final question is whether ancient wisdom has anything to offer on this critical subject. Can the ideas of Plato and Aristotle help modern states in their search for better foreign policies?  Do ancient concepts of politics and economics, nationalism and militarism, colonialism and imperialism, apply to the modern world? Our study should provide some pertinent answers to these perennial questions in the three following chapters dealing with: self-government and self-sufficiency; defense and alliance policies; as well as imperial and colonial affairs of their city-states and by extension our nation-states. This article is based on the author's book Exopolitics, published and available by NOVA SCIENCE, NY, 2001.

In recent years, many cases of Sharia law convictions and sentencing have dominated talks in the media and intellectual circles. A case in point is that in February 2013, a Maldivian Sharia-Common Law Court sentenced a fifteen year old girl to 100 lashes and house arrest for 8 months for engaging in premarital sex. Considering this case and more like it, the question on the mind of human rights scholars then is whether or not the judicial injunctions of the Islamic sharia law are compatible with the Human Rights Act. It is the opinion of many, especially human rights activists and groups that the Sharia law is an affront to the Human Right Act. They substantiate their claims using this kind of case and others in which the Sharia stipulations has gone against the rights of women. Some Islamic apologists on their own are of the view that the Sharia and Qur’anic injunctions do respect human rights and is compatible with the Human Rights Act.  The task of this paper is to discuss critically the Islamic concept of law and justice (the Sharia) and its relationship to the Universal Human Rights Act.

Seperti yang kita ketahui, Ilmu Hubungan Internasional telah mengalami berbagai perkembangan sejak awal kemunculannya. Pada awal dan saat ini pun yang menjadi fokus dalam  Ilmu Hubungan Internasional juga berubah. Ilmu Hubungan Internasional memfokuskan pada penyebab-penyebab terjadinya perang di dunia ini, karena memang ilmu hubungan internasional ini muncul setelah melihat fenomena peperangan terus-menerus terjadi. Selain itu, ilmu hubungan internasional ini juga membicarakan bagaimana cara mengakhiri perang tersebut. Namun pada saat ini, fokus dari ilmu hubungan internasional menjadi semakin kompleks.

High levels of crime and violence in Central America's northern triangle are a major preoccupation of politicians, policy-makers and citizens. Public authorities in El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala have largely sought repressive measures to increase public safety and to contain such violence, for which youth gangs (maras) are principally held responsible. This paper aims at uncovering more comprehensively the motivations and the intended effects behind the suppressive strategies of the respective governments. Viewing the gang phenomenon through the lens of securitization theory allows for a new understanding of the construction of the maras and furthermore reveals a blurred line between the political and the security sectors.

""During the "Orange Revolution" in Ukraine, the second largest country in Europe came close to a violent break-up similar to that in neighboring Moldova, which witnessed a violent secession of the Transdniestria region. Numerous elections, including the hotly contested 2004 presidential elections in Ukraine, and surveys of public opinion showed significant regional divisions in these post-Soviet countries. Western parts of Ukraine and Moldova, as well as the Muslim Crimean Tatars, were vocal supporters of independence, nationalist, and pro-Western parties and politicians. In contrast, Eastern regions, as well as the Orthodox Turkic-speaking Gagauz, consistently expressed pro-Russian and pro-Communist political orientations. Which factors ? historical legacies, religion, economy, ethnicity, or political leadership ? could explain these divisions? Why was Ukraine able to avoid a violent break-up, in contrast to Moldova?
This is the first book to offer a systematic and comparative analysis of the regional political divisions in post-Soviet Ukraine and Moldova. The study examines voting behavior and political attitudes in two groups of regions: those which were under Russian, Ottoman, and Soviet rule; and those which were under Austro-Hungarian, Polish, Romanian, and Czechoslovak rule until World War I or World War II. This book attributes the regional political divisions to the differences in historical experience. This study helps us to better understand regional cleavages and conflicts, not only in Ukraine and Moldova, but also in other cleft countries.""

This chapter analyzes the annual, U.S.-led naval exercise Baltic Operations (BALTOPS) to help understand the strategic importance of multilateral naval exercises. We begin with an overview of the geopolitical context in the Baltic Sea region to help explain the present-day tensions between NATO and Russia and demonstrate why the Baltic is seen as a potential flashpoint for conflict. We then provide a historical review of BALTOPS  (from its inception in the 1970s to present) and close with a conceptual discussion of BALTOPS’ value for reassuring allies, building partnerships, and deterring adversaries.

Niemcy w I wojnie światowej poniosły klęskę. Nie tylko zostały oskarżone o wywołanie globalnego konfliktu, ale także, na mocy traktatu wersalskiego, o przepisach którego dyskutowano podczas konferencji paryskiej, doświadczyły ogromnych strat terytorialnych i finansowych oraz ograniczeń wojskowych. Odtąd zakazane było utrzymywanie ponad stutysięcznej piechoty oraz wszelkich sił pancernych i lotniczych.
Włodarze nowopowstałej Republiki Weimarskiej, nie mogąc się pogodzić z narzuconymi zakazami, doprowadzili do prężnej rozbudowy służb wywiadowczych. Choć Niemcy formalnie mogły posiadać tylko kontrwywiad, to jednak nie zlikwidowano oddziałów zajmujących się wywiadem ofensywnym oraz sabotażem i propagandą – zostały one głęboko zakonspirowane.
Jednak struktura niemieckiej sieci wywiadowczej, będąca spuścizną po tajnych służbach dowodzonych przez Wilhelma Stiebera oraz Waltera Nicolaia, była niespójna. Dlatego przeprowadzono porządną reorganizację, czego efektem było powstanie w styczniu 1921 r. Abwehry – jednolitej służby zajmującej się wywiadem oraz kontrwywiadem wojskowym.
Niemal od samego początku główny cel agentów Abwehry stanowiła II Rzeczpospolita. Jedną z najważniejszych przyczyn prowadzenia przez niemiecki wywiad działalności wymierzonej w Polskę była walka o wpływy na Górnym Śląsku oraz Pomorzu, które po Wielkiej Wojnie w znacznej części zostały przyznane odrodzonemu państwu polskiemu.
Przez cała lata dwudzieste relacje polsko-niemieckie były chłodne, wręcz nieprzyjacielskie. Ponadto Niemcy, oprócz rozwijania tajnych służb, próbowali odbudować swoją potęgę militarną. Pomocna okazała się współpraca z Rosją Radziecką, która została zapoczątkowana układem w Rapallo w 1922 roku.
Przełom w historii Niemiec i Polski, jak i całej Europy oraz świata, stanowiło przejęcie władzy w Niemczech przez nazistów – najpierw przez NSDAP, zdobywając większość mandatów w parlamencie, a następnie przez Adolfa Hitlera, który ogłosił się Wodzem Rzeszy (kanclerzem i prezydentem w jednej osobie).
Hitlerowska III Rzesza na samym początku swego istnienia wykazywała się łagodną i ugodową polityką zagraniczną. Dotyczyło to zwłaszcza Polski, z którą nazistowskie Niemcy doprowadziły do ocieplenia wzajemnych stosunków i próbowały nawiązać bliższą współpracę.
Pozorna pokojowość Hitlera nie szła w parze z działalnością jego tajnych agentów. Abwehra, dowodzona przez Conrada Patziga, a następnie Wilhelma Canarisa, rozrosła się, stając się najważniejszą służbą wywiadowczą Niemiec.
Na terytorium Polski szpiedzy Abwehry przeprowadzali wywiad płytki oraz głęboki, wnikliwie poszukując wszelkich informacji na temat słabych i silnych punktów przeciwnika. Położenie nacisku na ilość, nie jakość, przez Abwehrę stanowiło przejaw prowadzenia szpiegostwa totalnego.
Po dojściu Hitlera do władzy, powstało także kilka innych organizacji zajmujących się szpiegostwem. Były to SD, Gestapo oraz Kripo – podlegające Niemieckim Służbom Bezpieczeństwa (SS), dowodzonym przez Heinricha Himmlera. Ich główne zadanie stanowiły przede wszystkim wywiad polityczny oraz brutalne tłumienie wrogów w kraju. Jednakże służby podległe SS również miały sukcesy z zakresu wywiadu wojskowego i sabotażu, w tym także w Polsce.
W roku 1938 dokonano drugiej reorganizacji Abwehry, która wspólnie z SD przeprowadziła szereg akcji w obcych państwach, stwarzając możliwość nazistowskim politykom przejęcie władzy i wpływów na kolejne kraje. Los ten dotknął m.in. Czechosłowację i Rumunię. Następnym celem miała być Polska. Jednakże stanowcza polityka Józefa Becka oraz opór polskich żołnierzy przyczynił się do wybuchu kolejnej wojny światowej, próbując powstrzymać ekspansję Hitlera na wschód.

Ukraine has experienced significant regional divisions concerning such issues as support for leading presidential candidates and political parties, foreign orientation, and attitudes towards major historical events since it became independent in 1991. Separatism in various forms manifested itself in Crimea in the first half of the 1990s and in Donbas and neighboring regions during the “Orange Revolution” in 2004. However, Ukraine was able until 2014 to avoid a violent break-up, in contrast to such post-communist countries as Azerbaijan, Georgia, Moldova, and former Yugoslavia. In 2014, Crimea seceded with help of Russian military intervention, and it was annexed by Russia. Pro-Russian separatists with direct involvement of large groups of armed Russians with indirect Russian government support seized power in most of Donbas and engaged in a violent conflict with pro-government forces in the Donetsk and Luhansk Regions (Donbas). The research question is as to why Ukraine has suffered a violent separatist conflict in Donbas. This study analyses the role of different actors and factors in the violent conflict in Donbas. This paper uses a brief survey, which was commissioned by the author and conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology (KIIS) in the end of April and the beginning of May 2014, to analyze support for separatism in Donbas, compared to other regions of Ukraine, and major factors which affect such support. It compares the role of the Yanukovych and post-Yanukovych governments in Ukraine, the Russian and Western governments, political leaders of these countries, and Russian and Ukrainian paramilitary formations. This paper also compares the violent separatist conflict in the Donetsk and Luhansk Regions to other similar violent conflicts and to secessions of Transdniestria in Moldova, Abkhazia and South Ossetia in Georgia, Nagorno-Karabakh in Azerbaijan, Krajina in Croatia, Republika Srpska in Bosnia, and Kosovo in Serbia.

The main aim of this work is to explore and identify the factors associated with the flaunts in Huntingtonian Universalism which also invariably justifies Civilizational Colonialism and the New Great Game narrative concerning the Faultline sensitive areas of High Asia which includes Kashmir, Hazara, Nuristan, Laghman, Azad Kashmir, Jammu, Himachal Pradesh, Ladakh, Gilgit Baltistan, Chitral, Western Tibet, Western Xinjiang, Badakhshan, Gorno - Badakhshan,
Fergana, Osh, Turkistan region and many neighbouring areas surrounded by the five major mountainous systems of Tien Shan, Pamirs, Karakoram, Hindu Kush and Western Himalayas and the three main river systems of Amu Darya, Syr Darya and Indus. The theoretical foundations of the work lies in an alternative approach to the culture writ large universalism of Huntington based on the use of the constructivist model of Walzer’s reiterative universalism which relates to the study of the richer history of the area in contention. Previous research has not been done before in this context and keeping this in mind the study attempts at answering the question of upon as to whether a possible alternative to study the region could be through Pan-High Asianism based on Western Pahari, Greater Dardic, Trans-Himalayan, Badakhshan and Sogdiana Belts which could possibly lead to HAAIL (High Asian Approaches to International Law).