Indian iconography

Muruga or Skanda or Karthikeya or Subramaniya, who is known in various names, is said be a war god and the youngest son of Lord Shiva in the Hindu pantheon. Though, we find numerous historical references & poetic notations of him in the Sangam literatures, the first iconographical evidence in the Dravidian art, come from our World Heritage site “Mahabalipuram”. Murugan sculpture has undergone wide changes over the past thousands of years in Dravidian Art. The earliest known Murugan at Mahabalipuram is seen with different iconographical attributes, which is known as “Brahmasasta”. This article would bring out some interesting discovery and occurrences of this earliest form of Murugan sculptures in and around Chennai and also its special iconographical aspects.

Every important South Indian temple contains within its walls a sacred tree (sthalavr.ks.a). The tree constitutes one element in a conventional set, which also includes water in some form (a river, a temple tank, the sea) and an image or symbol of the deity, usually fashioned from stone. Analogous to, and sometimes equated with, the image (and the god) is the mountain found near some shrines, t Together these elements create a microcosm -an 'ideal landscape' of water, rock and tree;enclosed by the temple walls. The walls serve both to isolate the idealized cosmos from the surrounding realm of disorder and to contain within strict limits the potentially dangerous power which is felt to inhere in the sacred site. Tile concept of imposing limits upon powerful forces is basic to the temple cult; for the micro. costa, to be complete, must contain representatives of the primeval chaos out of which the known universe has emerged. Both tree and water belong in part to Chaos. In the classical puran.ic cosmogonies, creation takes place against the background of the pralaya, the cosmic flood: Visn.u rests upon the great serpent Adis'es.a, who floats upon the waters into which the universe has dissolved. The lotus which rises from Visnu's navel and upon which sits Brahmfi, the demiurge of creation, becomes the earth rising up from the waters. 3 In some myths land can emerge only after a form of sacrifice: thus from the fat (medas) of Madhu and Kait.abha, slain by Visn. u, the earth (merlin f) solidifies in the midst of the waters. 4 In Tamil templemyths, the entire process of creation takes place at the shrine, which inevitably sees itself as the center or navel of the universe, the one point of land which is never conquered by the flood: it is at this site that Brahm~ s or Siva 6 burns away the floodwaters and produces the world, while the waters of the primeval deluge are retained within the shrine in the reduced form of the temple tank or lake -a symbol of chaos subdued. 7 And just as below the lotus-world of Brahma there remain the Serpent and the dark water, so the shrine is connected to the nether world, Patglaan area of death and disorder, but also oftfidden sources of fertility and power. Almost invariably, the waters of the temple-tank or river are thought to well up from this subterranean region. 8

Starting with an attempted explanation of the profusion of deities in the Vajrayana pantheon, this paper looks minutely at the iconographies of a select Pala era Tara-s across various media with Panofsky's three-level iconographic analysis model.

One of the persistent themes in the art history of India is sensuous female image. The innumerable images of goddesses or feminine semi-divine beings that have ample, curvaceous, beautiful and naked body of young women are often interpreted as the symbol of abundance, prosperity and fertility. They are a sign of the auspicious.  On the other hand, there is other group of images in which feminine divinities are depicted having voluptuous and naked (or semi-nude) body with wholly exposed breast and even genital organ. Even though their sexuality is highly emphasized, it does not have any positive connotation. They are neither a sign of fertility nor auspiciousness.  In the present paper I focus on some of the fierce goddesses of the group of ten Mahāvidyā and argue that their concept and iconographical features associated with nudity and sexuality were constructed through the continuous interaction between sedentary and non-sedentary societies and the process of social marginalization.

Parnashabari was an important female deity in Mahayana Buddhism, and she is still famous among the present Buddhist dominant countries. The worshipping of Parnashabari is believed to give her worshiper effective protection from outbreaks of epidemics. The origin of her identity is deeply rooted in the Shabaras, or wild aboriginal tribe of ancient India. From the Iconographic perspective, she holds some extraordinary significance. Parsnashabari is pot-bellied, she is one of the few goddesses who does not have the so-called female beauty by Indian standard. There is a total of 12 fine examples of Parnashabari that have been found from Bihar and Bengal separately, which are belonged to two distinct styles and sadhana. Analyzing the iconographic data of these images, we have got some specific information about contemporary religious and social as well as aesthetic point of view.

The focus of this paper is the large mural of Bhairava on the northern wall of the Jayavågï¸varï Temple in Deupå ¶an, Kathmandu. A recently discovered artist's sketch shows that the colourful painting, far from being a modern creation, is the product of a tradition of renewal dating back to at least 1755/56 CE. The paper also analyses the representation of the Eight Charnel Grounds in the painting, which features a directional guardian, a Mahåsiddha with a female attendant, a Mother Goddess, a bh÷ta tending a funeral pyre, a caitya, a ¸ivali¼ga, a tree and a characteristic animal. Such a detailed representation is rare in ˜aiva works of art and was possibly modelled on Buddhist iconographic practice.

In the tradition of India, various weapons play a crucial role in the continuous battle between gods and demons, as well as between humans. The more powerful the weapon, the more certain the victory; thus, any sword used in a battle should be as strong and effective as possible, or even should be magic. Any warrior, the man of the kṣatriya class, can be provided with a weapon of this kind and hence properly supported and victorious in a fight. Gods and humans may use many swords: maces, wheels, thunderbolts, bows and arrows, axes, spears, etc. They may also use words – mantras – against an adversary, as demonstrated in the numerous texts of the Hindu realm. Besides, in order to obtain a magic weapon or make a sword charmed, some practices or ceremonies using mantras as magic formulae may be performed. It is important for every warrior to be skilful in the use of his weapon in battle and in making a weapon magic. The gods themselves may support a hero by bestowing a weapon upon him or a hero may exert himself as well to win magic arms, for example by fighting a duel with a deity. In the world of myths and heroic deeds the methods are unlimited. The holder of such a weapon, whether god, demon or human, naturally employs magic, very often by using special mantras, so the primal nature of the objects changes, consequently transforming the nature of their users. Some examples of such weapons and their applications are presented in this study, based mostly on the texts of Indian epics. Here many myths narrating exploits of gods and heroes describe various swords that also often become significant attributes or symbols. The most popular and recognisable celestial weapons are thus depicted in diverse texts of the Hindu tradition, and also illustrated in art and characterised in the iconographic secondary sources, which shall be examined as well in this analysis.

The paper describes and explains the practice of Rathotsava in India – taking a mobile icon of the deity in a procession around the temple on special occasions. The ratha festival has very old origins in India, dating back to over three thousand years. Many ancient texts on temple rituals as well as works on temple architecture describe the ratha festival. During this festival the ratha with the deity in it, is pulled along the streets of the town by a large number of devotees who consider it an act of merit to pull the ratha.
The chariot used in the ceremonial procession is as important as the temple itself and has deep symbolic significance. It represents the dynamic order of the cosmic phenomena – both in its temporal and structural nature.The paper explains the symbolism of temples and temple rathas in the Indian tradition with many illustrations.

In the reliefs of Gandhāra, Vajrapāṇi, the enigmatic Buddha’s companion, displays a vajra of original form, departing from the customary thunderbolt stylizations of the Near-Eastern, classical and Indian worlds. It takes the form of two truncated pyramids on quadrangular, hexagonal, octagonal or polygonal base, joined at the smaller ends. Basically, it suggests the shape of an hourglass. We think that examining the significance and values expressed by this “hourglass vajra” may offer a key for interpretation intrinsic to the Vajrapāṇi figure itself.
In this study we will make a searching investigation of the topic, attempting to clarify in the light of the Vedic, Brahmanical and Buddhist texts and on the basis of comparison of the figurative and literary evidence the origins and functions of this vajra typology, a symbol typical of Gandharan iconography but not, as we shall see, exclusively Gandhāran.

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The figure of Bhatuka Bhairava has been founded in Surat Thani, Southern of Thailand, now is in National Museum Bangkok. Subhadradis Diskul, M.C. claim that Chola art style plays the key role in this image. However, no one proves his assumption. My attempt in this article is to show what is the element of Chola art appears in this figure.

The principal works that have emerged from our stimulating project on ‘Early Tantra’ are critical editions and translations of previously unpublished primary material, which have begun to appear in this new series. This volume complements those publications by gathering together some of the fruits, direct and indirect, of the wide-ranging discussions that took place during the project’s workshops.  By way of introduction, the volume opens with an attempt by the editors to draw together our findings about the “shared ritual syntax” of some of the earliest known works of the tantric traditions, with a particular emphasis on the Buddhist Mañjuśriyamūlakalpa and the Śaiva Niśvāsatattvasaṃhitā. Seven further contributions, by Dominic Goodall, Peter Bisschop, Judit Törzsök, Diwakar Acharya, Anna A. Ślączka, Libbie Mills and Péter-Dániel Szántó, throw light on a wide range of topics : the Śaiva tattvas and their evolution, yoginī-temples, alphabet-deities, an early treatise of snake-related magic, iconographic prescriptions in early pratiṣṭhātantras, the implications of the use of the bhūtasaṅkhyā system, and a fragment of a Buddhist tantric sādhana.

Indic art is vastly different in terms of aesthetics as well as in the way it projects reality, when compared to the Western canon of art. The Indian view of aesthetic often combines the material aspects with the spiritual aspects of life (Coomaraswamy, 2015). Consequently, secular sculptures, which range from a procession to erotic imagery, are often found in the relief carvings of stupas and temples. While studying the relief sculptures archaeologically, it is evident that the Indian artists, throughout the ages, exploited what can be termed as the "common pool of motifs." These motifs, that first appeared in Buddhism, were, then, later applied to the Jain and the Hindu art and subsequently acquired their own religious and social connotations (Harle, 1994). One such motif is that of the Darpana dharini figurine, or the woman holding a mirror. Although more common to the temples of South India, the figurine is not absent from the three major Indic religions of Ancient India and can be traced back to the Gandhara School of Art. The purpose of this paper is to study the lady with the mirror, to attempt to trace its prototype and highlight the myths associated with it not just in the Indic context but also in the parallel cultures, from where the figure might possibly have penetrated into Indian art. For the purpose of this, the study employs an extensive comparison with the Hellenistic parallels of the figure, housed in some of the major museums of the world and presents a quantitative database listing some of the significant samples that were studied closely. It, then, attempts to address the debate of identification and significance of this figure, which seems compounded by the multiple labels the figure seems to acquire in different museums, where it has been housed and tries to evaluate whether the figure is a yakshi, an apsara or a surasundari.

in un ventaglio dai molti spicchi» Galasso, Le nozze di Cadmio e Armonia Nel pantheon hindū Śiva e Pārvatī, originariamente uniti in un solo essere, sono la coppia divina per eccellenza. Identificati con Puruṣa (la consapevolezza, lo spirito) e Prakṛtī (la natura nel suo farsi dinamico e come risultato finale), le due divinità simbolizzano il principio maschile e quello femminile che, opposti ma cooperanti, stanno alla base di tutti i livelli della vita. Spesso sono rappresentate, assise o stanti, accompagnate o meno dai loro veicoli -il toro Nandi e il leone -e dai loro figli Skanda e gaṇeśa, circondate da un'aura di serenità affettuosa, di tranquillità perfetta che rimanda all'indispensabile armonia dei due principi. Diversamente, altre iconografie sottolineano il dinamismo, la dialettica, non priva di tensioni, propria della coppia nel suo ruolo cosmico e creativo, dove Pārvatī incarna l'energia vivificante (śakti) che mette in moto la potenza di Lui, il grande dio (Mahādeva). Quest'ultimo aspetto del rapporto Śiva-Pārvatī viene raffigurato in diversi luoghi di culto, dal Maharashtra all'Orissa tra il VI e l'XI secolo, attraverso l'immagine delle due divinità che, nella loro dimora sul monte Kailāsa, giocano a dadi. Nello Skanda Purāṇa (I.1. 34-35) si narra che un giorno Nārada -il saggio che aveva la facoltà di muoversi dal mondo degli uomini a quello degli dèi recando notizie di usi e costumi dall'una all'altra sfera -si recò sul Kailāsa e trovò Śiva ancora unito in uno stesso corpo con Pārvatī. Alla domanda del dio che gli chiedeva il motivo della sua visita, egli rispose che era andato lì per proporre il gioco dei dadi che, probabilmente, loro due avrebbero trovato più divertente che fare l'amore. Inizialmente Pārvatī protestò, per la verità piuttosto blandamente, ma poi prese i dadi. La partita ha così inizio e ben presto i due sono talmente immersi nel gioco che, pur di affermare la propria superiorità, iniziano a imbrogliare. Vince Śiva che, sicuro di sé, scommette il suo crescente, il serpente che porta come collana, gli orecchini; ma la fortuna gira e allora è la dea ad avere la meglio e a pretendere ciò che il dio ha scommesso, persino la sua pelle di tigre. Nārada e Bhṛṅgin intervengono dicendo a Pārvatī che non è assolutamente possibile che lei, una donna, possa vincere il Signore dell'universo, ma ottengono solo di farla infuriare ulteriormente. La corte del monte Kailāsa assiste imbarazzata, e preoccupata, all'inasprimento del contrasto tra le due divinità, alla ferma volontà di lei di esigere ciò che ha vinto, al tentativo di lui di negare l'evidenza e di intimorirla, seppur vanamente, con il suo terzo occhio. La lite finisce con una separazione: Śiva decide di recarsi in un luogo isolato per dedicarsi alla meditazione. Pārvatī si chiude, infelice, nelle sue stanze. In seguito, però, secondo questa versione del mito, assume l'aspetto di una bellissima donna della comunità Sabari per recarsi lì dove Śiva è immerso in meditazione. Le api che accompagnano la dea disturbano il dio che apre un occhio, la vede, 57 Il gioco a dadi di Śiva e Pārvatī: in grotte e templi la scultura racconta il mito Giovanna Iacono FONDAZIONE DROGHETTI stele nuovo_lay out 07/11/14 18:06 Pagina 57

As practice of design in the 21st century moves away from Object and Surface Design to Interaction and Experience Design, the rich visual tradition of Asia assumes a new relevance. The Asian Way of Design is a treasure-trove capable of revitalizing modern design and giving it a much-needed depth. From expressing the essence of an idea to creating multiple meanings simultaneously; from giving visible form to the most profound abstract concepts to creating successful mind-to-mind communication; from symbolic gestures and rituals to creation of imaginary worlds visualized in full detail – the methods and procedures of the Asian Way create experiences with great power, energy and refinement.
The principles are universal and timeless – equally applicable now to the contemporary creative needs of the digital and the information age, as they were ages ago. Considering what has been achieved by the Asian Way only with physical and manual tools, an entirely new dimension of human creativity awaits us, inviting to be explored, applying this approach with the power of digital tools.

The great sculpture of Śiva Gaṅgādhara in the seventh century CE cave-temple near the summit of the Rock-Fort Hill, in the South Indian city of Tiruchirapalli, is accompanied by a Sanskrit stone inscription of eight stanzas by the ruling monarch, Mahēndra-I, a great poet and playwright. This panel is the earliest extant great stone sculpture of Tamil Nāḍu. The poetry of this panel has several levels of meaning. A connection with ancient Egypt is also noted.

The Brahmanical god Brahmā is four-headed, two-or four-armed, and rarely one-headed and four-armed.' The earliest description of the god is given, perhaps, in the earliest iconographic text, Bṛihatsaṁhitā (c. sixth century).


See BS, ch. 57, v. 41: Brahmā kamandpankaj~isanasthas'cha, i.e., Brahmii holds a water-vessel (kamandalu) in his hand, is four-faced and is seated on a 10tus.~ The early BrahmZ images are invariably four-headed and two-armed. In the stone-reliefs the deity is shown, for reason obvious, three-headed, hence to describe the deity objectively as three-headed, will go against the religious traditi~n.~ The iconography of the oldest images remains close to descriptions found in the Agni-Purana, which could imply that icons as well as the text were conceived in the same surroundings (see Picron 1984: 93). Jitendra Nath Banerjea described Brahmii three-headed (relief-sculptures) rather objectively ignoring the Biistric prescriptions. He never clearly stated that the images are relief-sculptures. Banerjea describes (1956: 517-518), "The standing Brahma image of the Gupta period in the same [i.e., Mathura] Museum (No. 2481) shows him three-faced: its middle face only being bearded; the god is two-armed, the right hand being in the abhaya pose." Unfortunately there is no illustration of the image given by him. Banerjea refers to an early Chiilukya image of Brahmii from Aihole illustrated by Rao (Rao 1916: 506, pl. CXLIV).-In this case he does not refer to the number of heads, but mentions that the deity has four hands (see Banerjea 1956: 518). In another image from Aihole (also illustrated by Rao 1916: pl. CXLVI), which Banerjea calls a Brahmii relief, he refers to three beardless faces and four hands (ibid.). Rao, however, does not mention the number of heads while describing these two images. He writes (1916: 506), "In a temple exclusively dedicated to Brahmii, there should be set up in the central shrine that aspect of his, named Viivakarmii. In this form Brahmii has, as usual, four heads and four arms; in his hands there should be the akshamald, a book, a bundle of kus' a grass (?) and a kamandalu; and he should be seated upon a swan (See P1. CXLIV)." In this connection we wish to refer to a stone relief-sculpture of standing B r a h i from Kashmir, now in the National Museum, New Delhi (acc. no. 72.117). The image is to be 288 KALADARPWA: THE MIRROR OF INDIAN ART

Nuove considerazioni sulla questione delle "origini" dell'immagine antropomorfa del Buddha: una panoramica La questione dell'origine dell'immagine antropomorfa del Buddha è stata al centro di un vivo dibattito che ha coinvolto intere generazioni di studiosi, 1 che si sono spesi nel tentativo di delineare i principi teorici, le cause e le implicazioni di una simile innovazione artistica e, più in generale, dell'evoluzione del pensiero buddhista.

The Skandapurāṇa (SP) shapes its narrative on Pārvatī’s longing for motherhood, which ends in the adoption of an aśoka tree in SP158-SP162. Other stories depicting desire for fatherhood seem to be a prelude to it. The unexpected outcome of all these stories raises the issue of their significance : does the SP praise access to salvation through the birth of a son or does it suggest another way of emancipation ? Is the tree-adoption a workaround in case of childlessness or is it a way of salvation for women ?
The aim of the present study is to define the soteriological system described in the SP, to explain Pārvatī’s adoptive motherhood, to identify the function of tree-ritual, and finally to assess its spread. The first part presents a partial reconstruction of the history of SP’s evolution based on a philological study. The second part analyses the myths through a comparative study and suggests to read them in the light of the pāśupata ideological texts. This approach is justified by the previous studies which have revealed strong links between pāśupata circles and the SP. The results of these comparisons show that the highest state of salvation seems to be a compendium of the duḥkhānta, while they entitle a possible allegorical interpretation of Pārvatī’s story which would illustrate the five stages of the pāśupata observance. According to this hypothetical reading of the text, the tree-ritual would be equivalent to the last stage and its prescription might be seen as a modification of pāśupatayoga for women. The final part assesses the spread of this ritual and this myth through their accounts and their quotations in Dharmanibandha and purāṇic literatures. It seems tree-ritual evolved into a tree-consecration and the myth’s popularity was finally rather limited.

The rich tradition of Indian classical sculpture and religious representational art is based on the visualization principles laid down in ancient texts. The paper discusses the procedure of form creation and formal visualization of the formless, the invisible, and the unmanifest, as given in Vastusutra Upanishad, one such ancient text; and discusses the effectiveness of this procedure as a means of creating meaningful symbolic form in non-religious contexts and applications also.

Amulet “garlands” worn over the left shoulder and then around the upper body in the fashion of the brahmanical sacred thread (yajñopavita) are compared between those appearing on two Phœnician votive images of the so-called ’temple boy’ and similar “garlands” appearing on two images of ‘tree goddesses’, from Bharhut, India.

The Maha Vishnu image at Azhagiapandipuram is quite unique and as it is large in-the- round image and placed in an hypaethral enclosure associate with the deity called Madan and crematoriums.Close by is also a rock-cut temple dedicated to Vishnu

A figure showing a fleur de lis design on the top of the head is associated with Indra on two interesting reliefs from Nāgārjunakoṇḍa. The flower motif on the head is very similar to the half part of the vajra as it is depicted on some panels from the Buddhist Andhra sites. There are many clear analogies between this image and the iconography of the āyudhapuruṣa, the personification of divine weapons, and the author suggests identifying this figure with an unusual example of vajrapuruṣa, the anthropomorphic vajra. Generally, the earliest images of the āyudhapuruṣas are believed to be those found in Udayagiri, cave 6, dating back to the early Gupta period. Nevertheless, if the interpretation of these specimens from Nāgārjunakoṇḍa as vajrapuruṣa is correct, it shows that the personification of the divine attributes was already known at least one century before. The author traces the textual references to vajrapuruṣa and describes the few examples of this subject found in Indian and Nepalese art, pointing out that this particular iconography, unlike other āyudhapuruṣas, is represented in Buddhist art.

Putanavadha is one of the important anecdotes of Krishnaleela. Putana was a demoness sent by Kamsa, the ruler of Vrishni Kingdom, to Gokula to kill infant Krishna. She gave him her poisonous breast but Krishna sucked her life instead of milk. Putanavadha sculptures in stone and wood are observed in India from 6 th to 18 th centuries CE. In Kerala, they are found from 14 th to 18 th centuries CE. While the wooden sculptures dominate in number over the stone sculptures in Kerala, the stone sculptures are found more in number in other parts of India. This paper describes in detail the Putanavadha sculptures of Kerala and assesses the characteristic features of Putana, Krishna and the style of their depiction in comparison with those reported from the rest of India.

I note two very similar sculptures of “Tree Nymphs” (śālabhañjikās) – both originally from Bharhut, India. The photograph of one (a śālabhañjikā figured on a pillar) appeared recently on internet news about various ancient sculptures being returned to India. The second very similar image is the well-known śālabhañjikā on a pillar illustrated in Cunningham’s 'The Stûpa of Bharhut' (Plate XXII.3). What surprised me was the extraordinary similarity between these two Bharhut sculptures.

This volume of essays, edited by Michael Lockwood, is in honor of the memory of Dr. Gift Siromoney, who, at the time of his death, in March, 1988, was Professor and Chairman of the Department of Statistics, Madras Christian College. Included in this volume are contributed papers by eminent scholars who were personal friends of Dr. Siromoney and whose research was often enriched through interaction with him. There is also a section of selected papers of Dr. Siromoney which represents his wide range of interests and originality of thought.