Indian Military History

Focusing on the hilly area of Kamrup located in the southern part of the Brahmaputra valley, this article traces the history of certain local powers who inhabited the common frontier of the Mughal empire and the Ahom kingdom, and examines their identity construction during the Mughal–Ahom conflict and its aftermath. By reading historical records from the perspective of the locality and not from those of the Mughal and Ahom courts, it shifts the focus from the state grid to the local arena, and from a static structure of politics to a dynamic political process that comprises three phases: (a) the hill polities’ military participation in the Mughal–Ahom wars in the 1610s–80s; (b) their negotiation with the regional supreme power, the Ahom state, in the 1690s–750s; and (c) the transition of some of them from the status of a chieftaincy to a principality with a large landed estate in the 1760s–850s. Throughout these periods, none of the frontier local powers had kept either solid fidelity or constant antagonism to both the trans-regional and the regional state. Neither were they a monolithic entity. This continued fluidity stands as an example of the historical reality of pre-modern South Asia that should not be subsumed into modern communal categories.

"[...] “Every wall is a statement” nasce e participa na fase inicial de execução do programa ALUMIA, em que vários criadores foram convidados a refletir sobre o património urbano do Centro Histórico do Porto e, consequentemente, sobre a própria cidade, através de intervenções artísticas no espaço público e a partir de um olhar crítico, atual(izado) e criativo. Natural do Funchal, embora também habitante
e criador visual de diferentes localidades portuguesas e estrangeiras, cujos trabalhos artísticos privilegiam abordagens site-specific, ainda que muitos deles circulem também no espaço virtual da World Wide Web, Tiago Casanova integrou, assim, a lista de artistas-não-nativos convidados a repensar, a intervir criativamente e, nesse duplo sentido, a alumiar a cidade do Porto, retocando o brilho artístico do seu Centro Histórico e revelando, aí, eventuais dimensões e aspetos que uma leitura apressada
da cidade nem sempre torna perceptíveis. Conhecendo a obra deste artista visual, a sua itinerância biográfica e curricular, a sua formação em arquitetura, as preocupações éticas e a atenção crítica e política que imprime no modo como, nos seus trabalhos, observa e discute a vida urbana contemporânea, não surpreende que Tiago Casanova tenha escolhido a zona dos Clérigos (uma das mais emblemáticas da Cidade Invicta e, também por isso, um dos seus ex-libris mais procurados pelos
turistas), para aí intervir, especificamente, num dos lugares onde a solidez da antiga muralha medieval do Porto foi rompida, e onde, no Presente, se apagou o rasto físico quer desse muro, quer da sua fratura.
Embora tendo sido concebida in situ, a instalação “Every wall is a statement”  foi integrada num projeto mais amplo de Tiago Casanova, ironicamente intitulado “Gang do Cobre”, iniciado em 2013 e ainda hoje em curso.[...]"

Roger Lee de Jesus (FLUC/CHSC) ** As armas de fogo individuais são um assunto pouco tratado pela historiografia militar dos portugueses na Ásia. Pode parecer paradoxal, dada a importância quase sempre atribuída às armas de fogo na expansão lusa no Oriente, e na expansão europeia em geral. O caso português é tradicionalmente invocado por defensores de uma superioridade militar europeia assente nas armas de fogo (Cipolla, 1965;. Contudo, a maior parte da historiografia tem-se concentrado nos episódios clássicos da história militar portuguesa na Ásia, que foram, maioritariamente, batalhas navais em mar aberto e cercos a fortalezas costeiras. São estes os eventos centrais no que continua a ser a narrativa aceite da história militar do chamado Estado da Índia (o conjunto das possessões lusas, na África Oriental e na Ásia) (Subrahmanyam, 1993;. No auge do seu poder, no século XVI e na primeira metade do século XVII, o Estado consistia, sobretudo, numa rede de enclaves costeiros fortificados que ia de Moçambique ao Sul da China e aos confins orientais da atual Indonésia. A visão estabelecida é a de que a maneira que os portugueses encontraram de contrariar a sua inferioridade numérica foi, no mar, o emprego de grandes veleiros redondos bem artilhados, e, em terra, a construção de fortalezas costeiras abastecíveis por mar e defendidas das multidões além das muralhas pela mesma artilharia que tornava os navios portugueses superiores (Rodrigues, 2004). Ou seja, nos dois casos, as armas de fogo eram, de facto, cruciais,

Obra publicada ao abrigo do projeto "De Re Militari: Da escrita da guerra à imagem do campo de batalha no espaço português (1521-1621)" (PTDC/ART-HIS/32459/2017), financiado pela FCT -Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia, e com o apoio do CHAM-NOVA/FCSH, através do projeto estratégico financiado pela FCT (UIDB/04666/2020).

This paper  studies the single event of Jagu Godbole's attempt to kill Colonel Bruce Seton during the first world war . It uses the censored letters of Jagu Godbole and other soldiers to reconstruct the event. Though the event is trivial in itself, its micro-history unmasks the complex ground realities. The paper explores how the contradictory experiences of Jagu Godbole in England ultimately drove him to make an attempt to assassinate the chief of the Kitchener Hospital. By examining his experiences, it aims at revealing the concatenation of sex, morality, colonialism and racism at the Kitchener Hospital in Brighton.

A new era dawned in the history of India with the birth of Ab'ul Hasan Yamīn ud-Dīn Khusrau better known as Amīr Khusrau Dehlavī , who was a famous Sufi musician, Poet, Historian and scholar of late 13 th and early 14 th century. He is one of the leading figure who have focused on the cultural history, language, flora and fauna of the Indian subcontinent. Amīr Khusrau has stood for a major cultural icon in the history of Indian civilization for almost seven hundred years. When Amir Khusrau was in his twenties, he began his career early as a professional writer and later as a Historian. For the next fifty years, until his death in 1325, Khusrau was initially in the court of smaller nobles and princes, then later permanently at the court of the Sultans of Delhi. He witnessed the rule of seven sultans and managed to survive the political intrigues of the various factions and individuals at work in the court of Delhi Sultans.

Artifical Intelligence Powered Social Waves: Creating Viral Content with Smart Technology. Editora Coimbra Universidade Edição de Livros, Edição Especial 2024.
This book summarizes how AI has and will continue to change the social media marketing landscape, offering new opportunities for creating and spreading viral content. AI not only optimizes campaigns efficiently but also enables personalization on an unprecedented scale, paving the way for deeper and more meaningful interactions between brands and consumers. By using AI, brands can more quickly adapt to market trends and increase the likelihood of success for their viral campaigns. However, the use of this technology must also be balanced with strong ethical and legal considerations to avoid potential risks.

Virtual Virality: Virtual Reality's Breakthrough Role in Social Media Strategy. Vydavateľstvo Bratislavský Hrad Kníh Vydavateľstvo, Špeciálne Vydanie 2024.
This book summarizes how AI has and will continue to change the social media marketing landscape, offering new opportunities for creating and spreading viral content. AI not only optimizes campaigns efficiently but also enables personalization on an unprecedented scale, paving the way for deeper and more meaningful interactions between brands and consumers. By using AI, brands can more quickly adapt to market trends and increase the likelihood of success for their viral campaigns. However, the use of this technology must also be balanced with strong ethical and legal considerations to avoid potential risks.

Most writing on strategy deals with theory, or what presents itself sometimes as military science. Indeed much of it in effect is a meditation on Clausewitz and a search for alternatives, including, sometimes, the author of the piece in question. Such work has its interest, notably for intellectual thought, and its value as a source and means of reflection. Nevertheless, the extent to which strategic theory or science offers much as a guidance to what choices are made and how they are implemented is problematic. Indeed, this argument rests more on assertion than hard evidence. The classic medieval example of this is the frequent assertion that medieval commanders were influenced by Vegetius, the late Roman writer. Vegetius was much copied (by monks), but there is no evidence that he was read by generals

The following dissertation presents the first series of results of a personal investigation on the subject of crafts and men of the Portuguese modern age artillery. As a result of this personal endeavour, a database, consisting of documents and articles on artillerymen, has been built. The chronological segment for this presentation is between 1498 and 1557. This dates encompasses Vasco da Gama´s first voyage to India and the end of King John III's reign. The Portuguese fortresses and Armadas of the western Indian coast will be our main area of interest. Some biographical profiles, composed of the information that has been compiled, will hopefully reflect some of the practical aspects of the way of life of the constables and bombardiers in India. Furthermore we will try to understand their conditions and trajectories in the crown's service and their interconnections inside these same crafts. Prior to the presentation of the Indian case, we describe the types of documents that define the artillerymen's relationship with the state. The information contained in this chapter is intended to be the nucleus of further investigations regarding bombardiers at Portugal's service in the modern age. In this particular dissertation this is applied to the situation in India, but in our opinion extensive to any place where the Portuguese presence was felt. As result of our investigation two main aspects emerge: a proposed description of the artillerymen's hierarchy, both in Lisbon and in the Estado da Índia and the likelyhood of an individual joining the Portuguese crown service as an artilleryman and the options presented to him along the way.

This research paper entitled "The Scots in Java, 1811-1816: An Episode from the History of the 78th Regiment of Foot (Ross-shire Buffs): The Storming of the Yogyakarta Court, 20 June 1812" was written by my late colleague, Edmund Edwards MacKinnon (1936-2023), who served as NCO with the Seaforth Highlanders, the post-1881 successor Regiment of the 78th Highland Regiment, in the late 1950s. I have expanded and edited his paper to give further details and illustrations relating to the British operations against the Court of Yogyakarta in south-central Java in June 1812, which resulted in the fall of the court in a three-hour military operation at dawn on Saturday, 20 June1812. The military history related here is given from the perspective of the 78th Highland Regiment of Foot (Ross-shire Buffs), whose regimental history was published in 1901 by Major Henry Davidson, and complements what is already known about this operation from Major William Thorn's 'Account of the Conquest of Java with the Subsequent Operations of the British forces in the Oriental Archipelago' (London: Egerton Military Library, 1815). This version of Ed MacKinnon's paper was updated on 5 September 2023 following the launch of the AMUK-1812 festival (23-28 July 2023) in the Kampung Ngadinegaran, Yogya, site of the residence of the former Yogya commander, KRT Sumodiningrat (c. 1760-1812), whose body was mutilated by the Secretary to the Yogyakarta Residency, John Deans (post-c.1840, Deans-Campbell, 1786-1868); and most recently on 19 November 2023 when the Indonesian translation of the English original was completed. A revised version of the original English-language paper will be published in the Paris-based journal Archipel early in 2024.

Due to the complex, unique, multiple demands they exert on the human body through the skills, competences and abilities, they develop as well as by contributing to the development of motor skills, fighting sports represent an effective way of preparing the military to respond to the rigors imposed by the modern war. The strikes with arms and with auxiliary equipment (light weapons, bayonets, raffles, daggers or small shovels) are part of the basic techniques used in close fight, which, if well-mastered, developed and perfected, contribute to the success of the battle.

Since nuclear weapons are around, so is the potential for a nuclear war. in effect, security remains imperilled, despite, and to some extent because of nuclear weapons. why is this so? How much do military doctrines have to do with security and creating conditions of insecurity?
To me the offensive military doctrine embarked on by india was contributing to its insecurity, while indeed the opposite should have been the case. My research focused on what impels doctrines. Are these in response to threat perceptions? Do these originate in the body politic of the state? Or are these due to organisational compulsions?

Sri Lanka is a democratic country with universal franchise and a representative government. The election system was introduced to this nation during British colonial rule. Apart from education and elitism, the main factors considered in nominating natives by the English rulers to the legislative council were race, religion, family, and caste. Due to this, ethnicity, religion, family, and caste emerged as historical factors affecting voter intention. The purpose of this study is to identify the modern validity of those historical factors and their basic patterns. The study employed the library survey method. Qualitative data obtained from primary, secondary, and literary sources were examined through content analysis. The study sample was the 16 main national elections held in Sri Lanka from 1947 to date. The analysis found that the historical factors of ethnicity, religion, family, and caste that affected the intentions of Sri Lankan voters in the first national election in 1947 still have modern validity 75 years later. In the data analysis, it was further revealed that Sinhala in the ethnicity factor, Buddhism in the religion factor, the Senanayake, Bandaranaike, and Rajapakse family trio in the family factor, and the Govigama caste in the caste factor all affect voter intention of Sri Lanka. Thus, the fact that Sri Lankan voters consider the factors of ethnicity, religion, family, and caste that were considered for voting in 1947 even after 75 years is a matter that should be taken into consideration with a deep subject approach. It shows that Sri Lankan voter intention has not reached the developmental stage regarding quality. Accordingly, it is recommended in this study that appropriate strategies should be identified and launched to improve the political literacy of Sri Lankan voters to free them from such backward electoral motives.

Introduction to South Asia:-South Asia is mapped at the Southern part of Asian continent. It has rich diversity, heritage, densely populated and exhibits wide variety of cultures, languages and living standards of people. It provides safe shelter for various kinds of flora, fauna and aquatic species that ostensibly adds beauty in its whole structure. The South Asia compromises of seven countries viz:

Diogo do Couto ficou consagrado como cronista e guarda-mor da Torre
do Tombo do Estado da Índia pelo que é importante abordar os antecedentes e o contexto de tal nomeação, bem como alguns elementos sobre o desempenho desse cargo. É nesse sentido que começamos por evocar duas conjunturas da sua vida, situando-se a primeira em 1559.a qual corresponde à sua ida para Goa.

D. Joao de Castro, embora tenha sido uma das
figuras de maior prestígio na História da presenya dos portugueses na Índia, nao é tao bem
conhecido como geralmente se supoe. Apesar
de haver já algumas obras que abordam a sua
vida, ainda está por tra9ar na sua plenitude o
quadro da sua biografia que apresente de forma
rigorosa, crítica e articulada os múltiplos vectores das suas realiza96es militares e científicas.
Nesta breve síntese pretendemos apenas registar
os aspectos mais relevantes que marcaram os
quarenta e oito anos de vida do «Castro forte»
como homem da Renascen9a e mestre das artes
da guerra e do mar.

After the rapid development of colonial activities in Europe at the beginning of the 19th century, a large amount of population resources became very popular with the use of underground resources of the colonial countries. This very low cost human resource has started to appear in the agricultural fields, service sectors, factories and finally its armies of western countries. People from Eritrea, Somalia, Indian, Tunisian, Algerian, Moroccan, Senegalese, and Madagascar, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan began to be conscripted extensively in the armies of the Allied Powers, especially in the First World War. This use had both positive and negative effects on imperial states until the end of the war. In this article, the soldiers in question and their effects are discussed and archival data collection method has been utilized.

The supposed Military Revolution of the early modern period is the most important instance of a key concept in military history, that of military revolutions. This collection takes a critical look at the example and thereby asks broader questions about the nature of military revolutions and indeed about the conceptualisation, methodologies and historiography of military history as a whole. The original thesis was Euro-only and its subsequent development was Westerncentric. This collection both reexamines the thesis in its European heartland, not least by drawing on important perspectives that were long underplayed, but als adds valuable African and Asian approaches. So also with chronological looks to the periods before and after.

Taking the assumption that politics and war are related domains in Machiavelli, in this paper we intend to examine the specificity of the art of war in comparison with the art of the State. If the homologies between the two fields are evident, it remains to investigate the points at which they differ decisively. To do so, two things will have to be done: on the one hand, to highlight the main components of the art of war as a set of practices; on the other hand, to demonstrate that it can only achieve its objectives if it is capable of producing unity among the members of the army.

Cover Contents Exit Hybrid Federalization in India, Sri Lanka and Nepal 69 aware that models of federalism elsewhere were inappropriate for India during the period when it was drafting its constitution and the years that followed. This then requires a similar consideration of Sri Lanka-are explicit proposals for hybrid federalism evident or is a hybrid federal type emerging? (Or, in this case, is a hybrid federal type being rejected?) To date, much useful research has been undertaken on, for example, "quasi-federal" and "partially-decentralized" states, and whilst valuable, we diverge from these discussions in two important ways. Firstly, we assert that hybrid federalism is present, and emerging within Asia, and, importantly, is unique in relation to previous "federal types" which have been discussed and established, particularly in the West. Secondly, a key element of hybrid federalism is, in fact, a focus on the process (federalization) and the conditions that allow this process to take place. This is especially significant given the fact that we have identified that the sequencing of certain federal elements is an important aspect of federalization within the hybrid federal approach. Debates over federalism, and what type of federalism, are often centred on what model can most successfully contain and reduce ethnic conflicts and facilitate and promote democracy. The power and use of ideas to shape political outcomes such as federalism are acknowledged as imperative considerations by Lecours and Arban (2015). The extent to which political actors support or reject federalism, and indeed a particular version of federalism, can influence whether federalism will take hold. Reflecting this range of ideas in the academic literature, Kymlicka (2005; 2007), for example, argues for a form of multinational federalism (other terms such as ethno-federalism, plurinationalism and ethnic federalism reflect similar ideas), drawn from Canada, Spain and Belgium, where federal constitutions accommodate concentrated ethnic groups; internal boundaries are drawn to coincide with ethnic geography; ethnic minorities can exercise self-determination, and a group's language is recognized as an official language. Brown (2007), in contrast, argues for regional or territorial federalism for Asian countries-one characterized by the universal protection of rights, the neutrality of the state towards different ethnic groups, internal boundaries not coinciding with ethnic groups, diffusion of power within a single national community, and geographic regions rather than ethnicity being the basic unit of a federal polity. While it is often claimed that multinational federalism is fairer on minority groups, others have claimed that federal states in which component regions are invested with distinct ethnic content are more likely to collapse Cover Contents Exit

After the rapid development of colonial activities in Europe at the beginning of the 19th century, a large amount of population resources became very popular with the use of underground resources of the colonial countries. This very low cost human resource has started to appear in the agricultural fields, service sectors, factories and finally its armies of western countries.

The Sikh Warrior through the ages, c1700-1900 (Helion and Company). By Gurinder Singh Mann A newly published book highlights the rich military tradition of the Sikhs. Readers are taken through a journey of over two hundred years through anecdotes and important events. The small community from the Panjab overcame tremendous odds to become a pivotal Military force which conquered Northern India eventually leading to a Sikh Empire. In this deeply-researched book, Mann uses rare anecdotes to provide recognition to early descriptions administrators, writers and illustrators who depicted the history of the Sikhs and the land of the Panjab. Sikh Military History is sometimes only seen through the lens of World War 1 and 2. Yet the tradition was a inbuilt system from the faith's inception. Standing up to tyranny and

Estudo de aspetos relativos às relações que foram mantidas por Manuel com Francisco de Almeida, que nomeara seu primeiro vice-rei da Índia revelando as várias facetas por que passaram, desde as mais positivas até atitudes críticas sobre o procedimento daquela figura no Oriente.

Since 1983, the 'Tamil problem' in Sri Lanka has captured the headlines of the intemational press and the attention of the world public. The origins of the Tamil movement can, however, be traced back to the communal organizations of the Tamils from before Independence. When it became clear in the early 70s that the Tamils' efforts to gain a measure of security and special rights as a minority would be of no avail, a younger generation took to violent means to achieve their objectives. There are mainly two guerilla groups who command the situation in Jaffna at the moment: the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Ealam (LTTE) and the People's Liberation Organization of Tamil Ealam (PLOT). The LTTE has, for the purpose of the peace talks in Thimpu, allied itself with three smaller groups in the ENLF (Ealam National Liberation Front), while the PLOT inclines to the TULF (Tamil United Liberation Front). All groups, however, profess to pursue Marxist-Leninist goals in their fight fo...

How do countries transition from single service to joint operations? This article engages with the discussion on military innovation to argue that civil-military relations are the most important driver for jointness. In doing so it examines jointness in the Indian military. Relying on archival research and primary interviews this article sheds new light on the operations of the Indian Peacekeeping Forces (IPKF) in Sri Lanka from 1987-1990, the 1999 Kargil War and the Post-Kargil defence reforms. The main argument is that the Indian military's transition to jointness has been 'incomplete' primarily because of its prevailing model of civil-military relations. This model prevents civilians from interfering in the operational issues of the military, including on matters pertaining to jointness. It therefore recommends more forceful civilian intervention to overcome the prevailing single service approach.

India's foreign policy behaviour often challenges conventional theories of international relations (IR). Why for instance, did India wait 24 years after its first nuclear test to conduct another test? In the wake of its nuclear tests, why did the political leadership highlight the scientific achievements more than the military implications and why did it characterise India's nuclear program as being unique in terms of its restraint and its commitment to total disarmament? Why did India engage in a discourse of friendship with China rather than adopt the anti-communist stance of other democratic states? These are just some of the questions that cannot be adequately explained by the positivist and ahistorical traditions of IR that down-play the connection between state identity and foreign policy or analyse foreign policy as the product of pre-existing realities, subjectivities and interpretive dispositions. An approach that takes into account the historical and cultural context of the construction of state identity however, offers a fuller understanding of India's foreign policy behaviour. Using genealogy and the idea of identity performativity, this thesis analyses India's foreign policy discourse as a representational practice which, through various codings of sex, gender and race, enacts India's postcolonial identity. The thesis uses the findings of five case studies-India's relationship with China, its nuclear politics, its relations with its South Asian neighbours and its interventions in Pakistan and Sri Lanka-to suggest that a deep ambivalence toward Western modernity lies at the heart of India's postcolonial identity and, therefore, the foreign policy discourse that enacts it. This ambivalence arises because, on the one hand, Indian nationalists accepted colonial narratives in which the backwardness of 'Indian civilisation' led to its degeneration, but on the other hand, they recognised the need to advance a critique of vi Western modernity and its deep imbrication with colonialism. The result is a striving for a postcolonial modernity that is not only imitative but strives to be distinctly different and superior to Western modernity by being culturally and morally grounded. Thus, India is fashioned as a postcolonial civilisational-state that brings to international affairs a tradition of morality and ethical conduct which it derives from its civilisational heritage. This thesis argues that in order to comprehend the apparently inexplicable aspects of Indian foreign policy it is crucial to understand this self-fashioning. vii DECLARATION This work contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma in any university or other tertiary institution and, to the best of my knowledge and belief, contains no material previously published or written by another person, except where due reference has been made in the text. I give consent to this copy of my thesis, when deposited in the University Library, being made available in all forms of media, now or hereafter known.

This paper describes the evolution of language politics and the part played by political leaders with reference to the Dravidian parties in Tamil Nadu. It explores the interesting evolution from separatism to coalition in sustaining the values of parliamentary democracy and federalism. It seems that the appropriation of language politics is fully ascribed to the DMK leadership under Annadurai and Karunanidhi. For them, the Tamil language is a self-determining power, a terrain of nationhood, and a perennial source of social and political powers. The DMK remains a symbol of Tamil nationalist party playing language politics in the interest of the Tamils. Though electoral alliances largely determine the success, the language politics still has significant space in the politics of Tamil Nadu. Ironically, DMK moves from the periphery to center for getting national recognition for the Tamils as well as for its own maximization of power. The evolution can be seen in two major phases as: lan...

This paper describes the evolution of language politics and the part played by political leaders with reference to the Dravidian parties in Tamil Nadu. It explores the interesting evolution from separatism to coalition in sustaining the values of parliamentary democracy and federalism. It seems that the appropriation of language politics is fully ascribed to the DMK leadership under Annadurai and Karunanidhi. For them, the Tamil language is a self-determining power, a terrain of nationhood, and a perennial source of social and political powers. The DMK remains a symbol of Tamil nationalist party playing language politics in the interest of the Tamils. Though electoral alliances largely determine the success, the language politics still has significant space in the politics of Tamil Nadu. Ironically, DMK moves from the periphery to centre for getting national recognition for the Tamils as well as for its own maximization of power. The evolution can be seen in two major phases as: language politics for party building; and language politics for state building with three successive political processes, namely, language politics in the process of separatism, representative politics and coalition. The much pronounced Dravidian Movement is radical enough to democratize the party ideology to survive the spirit of parliamentary democracy. This has secured its own rewards in terms of political power. The political power provides the means to achieve the social and political goal of the political party. Language politics and leadership pattern actualized this trend though the movement is shifted from separatism to coalition.

Speaking of European social historians, however, it is to some of these that the anthropological concept of culture began to make sense and in whose works its implications have been the most profound; more profound, I think, than in anthropology itself. Tylor's name was rarely invoked and the phenomenon in question was called "social" rather than "cultural." But as it was to subsequently become clear the sense in which "social" was employed was more akin to "culture" than to the concepts of "social" or "society" that were employed by British structural functionalists. It was "social" in the Durkheimian sense that was to influence the Annales School of history, especially through Marcel Mauss. The move beyond the history of the middle ages to the creation of a space for what came to be known as Early Modern History was simultaneously the move from ecclesiastical history to histoire ~eriale.~ Marc Bloch's two-volume work on Feudal Society was to become an anthropological canon in the sixties and seventies. Culture found its counterpart in the longue duree of history. On the English side, history from below was to find its finest embodiment in EP. Thompson's classic, Tke Making of the-English Worih'ng Class. The strikingly similar influence of "culture" on European historian Carlo Ginzburg on the one hand, and the Americans Robert Darnton and Natalie Zemon Davis on the other, is remarkable. What distinguishes all these historians is their ability to "hear" the voices not of those who were bearers of Culture (with a capital "C"), but of those who found themselves embedded in culture (with a small "c"), those whose voices were inscribed in minuscule: the witches, the women, the shepherds, the serfs, peasants, the poor, the popular and the public. Enter Cultural Studies and its counterpart, Literary Study. Scholars in Cultural Study, like the anthropologists and the social historians I have referred to, began to take

In the  first presidential contest since ethnic strife erupted into a raging blood-feud, Sri Lanka's two major candidates are both pandering to the logic of the mob and the constituency of the gun. Both oppose the fifteenth-month-old pact with New Delhi under which Indian  peacekeeping troops have trespassed on the sanctity of their blessed isle. Each seems to be in thrall to a chauvinist underground "student" gang that proposes to create a desert and
call it peace. Meanwhile, the Indian Army is stumbling around the com­bat zone of the Tamil northeast like Keystone Kops, shooting the pur­pose of their mission in the foot and alienating the very  people who could preserve the nation. Coverage by Asiaweek's Aruna Kulatunga of the decisive and pivotal Presidential Election of 1988 in Sri Lanka.

Por diversas vezes se tem escrito que a época da estatística pré-moderna se inicia, em Portugal, com a realização do censo de 1801. Só a partir desta data a contagem das gentes é feita numa base nominativa, deixando o fogo de ser a principal (e às vezes única) unidade de medida. Até então os núme- ros continham em geral pouco rigor, sendo mais reveladores das grandes tendências sobre as quais os Estados deveriam actuar na área da fiscalidade e do recrutamento1.
No entanto esta realidade faz-nos, por vezes, menosprezar as várias contagens das gentes que, sob a forma de «numeramentos», «cômputos» ou «levantamentos», foram levadas a cabo em Portugal no decurso do século XVIII. E, se a maioria de tais levantamentos coincidem com o consulado Pombalino (1760, 1768, 1776), verdade é que o período joanino inaugurara uma nova fase na estatística da população portuguesa.