History of Political Violence

SIMONA MORI, Polizia e statualità nel primo Ottocento: l'esperienza lombardoveneta e la cultura professionale italiana, Soveria Mannelli, Rubbettino, 2017, 274 p. Il percorso attraverso cui si snoda il libro di Simona Mori è quello delle istituzioni di polizia del Lombardo-Veneto dalla restaurazione del regime asburgo-lorenese all'annessione al Regno di Sardegna nel 1859. Si tratta del risultato di una serie di riflessioni e indagini condotte dall'autrice «in alcuni cantieri nel corso di diversi anni» (p. 7) e che vanno ad arricchire con un importante contributo la collana curata da Livio Antonielli e dedicata alle tematiche del controllo del territorio dal medioevo all'età contemporanea («Stato, Esercito e Controllo del Territorio»).

Relações luso -brasileiras nas vésperas da República 11 Eduardo C. Cordeiro Gonçalves concretização de vários tratados e acordos sistematicamente ventilados em alturas de maior "zelo" luso -brasileiro, mas mais uma vez adiados. Em janeiro de 1923, a Gazeta da Relação de Lisboa anunciou mais três propostas de acordos entre os dois países que, embora assinados, nunca foram aplicados. Entre as questões recorrentemente adiadas estavam as da emigração, da múltipla nacionalidade, do serviço militar, do trabalho e proteção literária para os autores, sendo este último preparado por Jaime Cortesão e João de Barros e ratificado em 1924. Em suma, a aproximação luso -brasileira na década de 20 é matizada pela marca cultural, caminho amplamente aprofundado ao longo da década seguinte. Deste modo, as nossas relações com o Brasil contribuíram sobremaneira para uma "nova consciência portuguesa" em terras de Vera Cruz. Em seu torno foi acalentada uma ideia da herança da cultura lusíada na sua própria cultura e na cooperação entre os dois Estados, de que dá nota, nomeadamente, a monumental obra do hoje controverso Gilberto Freyre, que apresentou um novo conceito de "lusotropicalismo" patente nos livros Casa Grande e Senzala e O Mundo que o português criou (1940), defendendo, então, o fermentar de uma cultura luso -brasileira como elemento singular da vida dos dois Estados Novos. Bibliogafia GONÇALVES, Eduardo C. Cordeiro, 1995 -Ressonâncias em Portugal da implantação da República no Brasil (1889 -1895). Porto: Universidade do Porto. MAGALHÃES, José Calvet de, 1997 -Relance histórico das relações diplomáticas luso -brasileiras. Lisboa: Quetzal Editores. VIEIRA, Nelson, 1991 -Brasil e Portugal: a imagem recíproca. Lisboa: Instituto de Cultura e Língua Portuguesa. Violência política na I República: memória e historiografia Miguel Dias Santos

This study examines the role of political factors in attitudes toward World War II in contemporary Ukraine. The question under examination is which factors determine public views of the principal warring sides and their leaders in Ukraine. This paper uses a representative national survey specifically designed for this research project and conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology in 2012. It analyzes the roles of regionalism, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, age, and sex in attitudes toward the Red Army, Soviet partisans, the German Army (Wehrmacht), and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) during the war, as well as toward the wartime leaders of the Soviet Union, Nazi Germany, and the UPA. The analysis of the survey data shows that regional values, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, and age have significant effects on views of the Soviet Army and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army during the war and attitudes toward the wartime activities of Joseph Stalin and Roman Shukhevych. Public perceptions of the German Army and Adolf Hitler in Ukraine do not vary much across regions, political parties, and ethnic, language, age, and sex groups.

The massacre of almost 50 Maidan protesters on February 20, 2014 was a turning point in Ukrainian politics and a tipping point in the conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. This mass killing of the protesters and the mass shooting of the police that preceded it led to the overthrow of the pro-Russian government of Viktor Yanukovych and gave a start to a civil war in Donbas in Eastern Ukraine, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. A conclusion promoted by the post-Yanukovych governments and the media in Ukraine that the massacre was perpetrated by government snipers and special police units on a Yanukovych order has been nearly universally accepted by the Western governments, the media, and many scholars. The Ukrainian government investigation identified members of the special company of Berkut as responsible for killings of the absolute majority of the protesters, but did not release any evidence in support, with the exception of videos of the massacre.
              The question is which side organized the “snipers’ massacre.” This paper is the first academic study of this crucial case of the mass killing. It uses a theory of rational choice and a Weberian theory of instrumental rationality to examine actions of major actors both from the Yanukovych government, specifically various police and security forces, and the Maidan opposition, specifically its far right and oligarchic elements, during the massacre.
          The paper analyzes a large amount of evidence from different publicly available sources concerning this massacre and killings of specifics protesters. Qualitative content analysis includes the following data: about 1,500 videos and recordings of live internet and TV broadcasts from mass media and social media in different countries(some 150 gigabytes), news reports and social media posts by more than 100 journalists covering the massacre from Kyiv, some 5,000 photos, and nearly 30 gigabytes of publicly available radio intercepts of snipers and commanders from the special Alfa unit of the Security Service of Ukraine and Internal Troops, and Maidan massacre trial recordings. This study also employs field research on site of the massacre, eyewitness reports by both Maidan protesters and government special units commanders, statements by both former and current government officials, estimates of approximate ballistic trajectories, bullets and weapons used, and types of wounds among both protesters and the police. This study establishes a precise timeline for various events of the massacre, the locations of both the shooters and the government snipers, and the specific timeline and locations of nearly 50 protesters’ deaths. It also briefly analyzes other major cases of violence during and after the “Euromaidan.” This study includes two video appendixes.
            This academic investigation concludes that the massacre was a false flag operation, which was rationally planned and carried out with a goal of the overthrow of the government and seizure of power. It found various evidence of the involvement of an alliance of the far right organizations, specifically the Right Sector and Svoboda, and oligarchic parties, such as Fatherland. Concealed shooters and spotters were located in at least 20 Maidan-controlled buildings or areas. The various evidence that the protesters were killed from these locations include some 70 testimonies, primarily by Maidan protesters, several videos of “snipers” targeting protesters from these buildings, comparisons of positions of the specific protesters at the time of their killing and their entry wounds, and bullet impact signs. The study uncovered various videos and photos of armed Maidan “snipers” and spotters in many of these buildings. The paper presents implications of these findings for understanding the nature of the change of the government in Ukraine, the civil war in Donbas, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine.

This paper seeks to examine the relation between democracy and violence. It will first offer an historical overview of the emergence of democracy in relation to three major political events: the English civil war from 1640-1660; the American war of independence and the drafting of the Bill of Rights; and the French Revolution. It will propose that, apart from the fact that each of these struggles was marked by large-scale and protracted violence, they also shared a common discourse – the discourse of rights, understood proprietorially. The paper will argue that the emergence of democracy as articulated through this discourse of proprietorial rights was, in turn, closely related to the emergence of the contemporary form of the nation-state, and that, consequently, it is founded on a paradox: the discourse of the nation (or nationalism) has been historically an exclusivist one, while the discourse of democracy seeks, by definition, to be inclusive. It will argue that the colonial moment served on the one hand, to disseminate the discourses of nationalism and democracy; while on the other, it complicated the paradoxical relation between them further, when the discourse of rights (integral to both) often emphasized community rights over individual rights, at least in colonial South Asia. The contours of community, then and since, have been overwhelmingly determined by the personal law system and the communal patriarchates. Given that, this paper will argue that the tensions between the exclusivism of such communalisms and the inclusivism of the democratic discourse leads inevitably to the production of cultures of violence. It will conclude by questioning the sustainability of a rights-based understanding of democracy.

Loadenthal, Michael. “Cells, Communiqués and Monikers: The Insurrectionary Networks of Anti-State Attack.” In Routledge Handbook of Radical Politics, edited by Uri Gordon and Ruth Kinna, 326–40. New York, NY: Routledge, 2019.

Abstract:
Spanning over a century, the insurrectionary spirit of anarchism has been on the forefront
of direct, unmediated attacks on the state and capital. Insurrectionary praxis is based on an ethic of informality, clandestinity and temporality, and as a result, its cells exist in secret only as long as deemed necessary for a particular action. Unlike social movement organisations and above-ground campaigns, the cells that populate the insurrectionary milieu are not something to ‘belong to’ but something to ‘act through’; a momentary assemblage of likeminded individuals united for a particular attack by voluntary association and through shared affinity.

While the modern cell networks gained visibly in Europe around the millennium,
their rapid replication has led to similarly styled formations in dozens of countries from the Americas to Asia. This franchised replication is aided by the use of adoptable monikers – static labels used to associate an attack with others, and to ideologically tag them as insurrectionary. Oftentimes, these are acronyms whose names communicate the politics of the attackers, such as the Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI), Conspiracy of Cells of Fire (CCF), International Revolutionary Front (IRF) as well as older, not explicitly insurrectionary monikers such as the Animal Liberation Front (ALF) and Earth Liberation Front (ELF). The use of moniker-linked attacks, which form into a campaign of sorts, is a distinctive feature of the insurrectionary cells. For example, in June 2013, a Greek of the FAI cell bombed a vehicle belonging to a prison director overseeing the incarceration of comrades. This attack marked ‘act one’ of the Phoenix Project, and would be followed by thirteen additional attacks, spanning eight countries out over a twelve-month period. The Phoenix Project highlights the strength of the adoptable moniker, as through its usage, an arson targeting an Indonesian hotel and the sabotage of Italian fuel pumps can be united into a shared, global effort, and not understood as disparate acts of lone wolves. This chapter will explore how the insurrectionary anarchist networks utilise the cell model, the communiqué and the adoptable moniker to allow for the creation of a globally dispersed, decentralised, open involvement movement united in its rejection of capitalism, the state and those who would seek to control it.

During the past decades, the assassination attempt has been treated from different disciplines. Nevertheless, the mediatization of the assassination attempt or its treatment in images and audiovisual media has been widely neglected. Starting from a triptych applicable to 19th century tyrannicides and articulated by the assassination performance, the perpetrator’s arrest and, finally, his punishment, we aim at verifying to what extent this model fits into 20th-century assassination attempts. For this reason, three key assassinations will be considered. First, the assassination of Franz Ferdinand, Archduke of Austria, in Sarajevo on 28 June 1914, perpetrated by Serbian nationalists, and which would lead to WWI. Second, the failed attempt on 20 July 1944 against Adolf Hitler in the Wolfsschanze; a plot in which many high rank officers of the Wehrmacht were involved. As third example, we will focus on John F. Kennedy’s assassination in
Dallas, on 22 November 1963, reputed to Lee H. Oswald.

All too often, media outlets report on young men who entered Western European prisons as petty criminals and, over time, radicalized, eventually conducting terrorist attacks in the name of ISIS. Today, prisons are viewed as one of the primary areas of terrorist recruitment in Europe, but this has not always been the case. Merely two decades ago, paramilitary activists deradicalized in Northern Irish prisons, as IRA members transformed into active supporters of the Irish peace process. How did it work? And what can this historical case study teach us about confronting radicalization today?

「白色恐怖」之為一種國家暴力，是解嚴後台灣社會揮之不去的集體記憶，同時也顯露了種種創傷的癥候。本文有意自一個比較的視野出發，著眼於戰後創傷經驗的可比較性、以及東、西方「見證」觀的互譯性，期能透過挖掘台灣「白色恐怖見證文學」獨特的表現／癥候、同時部份借助文學或文化理論的介入，有效地檢視並解剖其敘事，覺察並梳理其繼承；一方面建立白色恐怖創傷敘事的公共意義，另方面探尋白色恐怖成為台灣社會「文化創傷」的可能基礎。

本研究主要以四位具代表性的白色恐怖見證小說家相關作品為中心，首先取徑「癥候式閱讀」，企圖指出台灣白色恐怖見證小說中存在著的種種「闕現象」是值得論者「正視」的對象；據此歸納出數種典型的白色恐怖文學敘事，同時察覺「詩意」作為一種再現歷史暴力的途徑，在台灣白色恐怖見證小說中佔有了壟斷性的地位。本研究繼而透過考察其中以視覺為媒介再現的種種創傷癥候，在「見」或「不見」、「可見」或「不可見」的獨特視域、與辯證「觀點」中，追索了台灣白色恐怖見證小說擺盪在戰後西方「見證」觀的神聖性崇高、與中國魯迅「看客」觀的國民性創傷之間，一種特殊的視覺與暴力的聯繫；也作為了理解台灣白色恐怖見證小說中種種弔詭與矛盾來源的一種嘗試。最後，本研究透過「文化創傷」理論的介入，企圖指出從個人到集體、從創傷到文化創傷，在再現歷史、敘述創傷、記憶政治的社會過程中，文學敘事從過去到未來可能扮演的角色，以及可能達致的效果。

The term terrorism is as value-laden a descriptor as one will encounter in the contemporary period. Though it evokes a strong image of an Orientalist, colonized, brown body enacting brutal, theatrical violence from behind a balaclava, the term itself describes very little. The decision to label a particular act, individual, or movement as terroristic is more a discursive question of politics than means. In the post-9/11 era, state-level rhetoricians describe their ideological enemies that can be "othered" as terrorists, while some are considered extremists. In doing so, Muslim, Arab, Asian, African, and foreign-born advocates and practitioners of political violence are termed terrorists with near universality, while white, Christian, Westerners acting in the name of white supremacy, anti-abortion, and so-called patriot, or sovereign citizen movements are left largely outside of that taxonomy. Through an analysis of the film Black Hawk Down, jihadist-produced media designed for US audiences, media accounts of Boko Haram in Nigeria, and the framing of rightist violence, it is clear how violence is viewed positionally. Furthermore, these examples demonstrate how terrorism has been utilized as a defamatory label applied asymmetrically to some proponents of political violence-those brown and black lives existing in precarity who challenge discursive claims on violence, statehood, capital, and what are broadly understood to be Western values.

Man möchte es nicht glauben, doch ist all das Schreckliche, was Mächtige dieser Welt im Zeitraum von nur 100 Jahren angerichtet haben, nichts als nackte Realität. Die Autoren der „Gesichter des Bösen“ gelangen zu einem traurigen Schluss: Die Bilanz des 20. Jahrhunderts, das auf vielen Gebieten enormen technischen Fortschritt gebracht hat, ist erschreckend. Die schlimmsten Verbrecher samt ihren Untaten gegen die Menschlichkeit sind in einer „Schandhalle des Bösen“ versammelt und beschrieben: 168 Männer, bekannte und unbekannte, unter ihnen Diktatoren, Regierungschefs, Massenmörder, Staatsverbrecher, Revoluzzer, Großgangster aus der Mafia. Kein genozidaler Vorgang ist übersehen oder aus irgendwelchen Vorurteilen oder Verschiedenheiten weginterpretiert. Zahlreiche Fotos und Texte aus dem Umfeld der Gegner von Völkermord und Kriegsverbrechen dokumentieren den Widerstand gegen Beutegier, Ausrottungsorgien und Terrorismus.
Ist der Mensch fähig, aus der Geschichte zu lernen? Es gibt einen bedeutsamen Anfang, der, wenn auch eher einem Rinnsal als einem mächtigen Strom gleichend, einen Hoffnungsschimmer bereithält. „Es stimmt nicht mehr“, so Heribert Prantl in seinem Geleitwort, „dass Macht, finanzielle und politische Macht, vor Recht geht. Dieses Bewusstsein hilft einem, die bittere und notwendige Lektüre des Buches über die ‚Gesichter des Bösen‘ zu ertragen. Das Buch macht den Leser zu einem glühenden Anhänger der Weltstrafjustiz.“

This paper addresses the thorny issue of complicity with wrongdoing under conditions of systemic political violence, such as authoritarianism, totalitarianism or military occupation. The challenge of dealing with collaborators – those who colluded with the apparatus of repression or who benefitted from its existence – is central to subsequent processes of justice and memory-making. This paper proposes several arguments. Firstly, it claims we need to think about complicity and resistance not dichotomically, but as a continuum of locations individuals can occupy. Secondly, these locations are influenced by the agents’ positionality within the social world, each agent being situated at the intersection of several axes of distinction: class, gender, racialisation, and religion, among others. Thirdly, to understand complicity we also need to draw a connection between individual’s experience of time and their actions: temporality is experienced from within a social position, through the interplay between memory, imagination and hope. Positionality thus affects one’s memories and self-understanding, the scope of one’s imagination, as well as the type and intensity of one’s hopes. Therefore, individuals’ capacity to build on the past to imagine a future, to invest emotionally in the future and act accordingly are interrelated aspects of their experience, which will influence how they navigate the muddy waters of systemic wrongdoing, more or less complicitly. To give concreteness to these three theoretical arguments, the paper discusses several forms of complicity with violence during the Vichy Regime in France.

Ce livre retrace le dialogue de longue durée entre les extrêmes droites italiennes et françaises depuis le début des années 1960. De ces relations d'abord personnelles naissent de véritables réseaux qui bénéficient du soutien bienveillant des régimes dictatoriaux portugais et espagnol. Certains des membres de cette « communauté de combat » occidentale participent à la série d'attentats du terrorisme « noir » qui frappent l'Italie à partir de 1969. Avec une préface de Michelle Zancarini-Fournel.
Publié aux Presses Universitaires de Rennes (2016).

Partition of India in 1947, or to be more specific the division of Punjab is one of the darkest human tragedies mankind has ever experienced. Its impact was so deep and penetrating that it continues to haunt the psyche of those uprooted migrants even though a whole generation is almost gone. The survivors and their next generations can still feel the traces of trauma in their memories. It has left a deep scar in the collective memories of migrants and even in the psyche of their next generation. As the time passes by memories also start

This article argues for the importance of the Royal Indian Navy
mutiny of 1946 in two key aspects of the transition towards
Indian independence: civilian control over the Indian military, and a competition for power between Congress and communists that undermined Indian workers and their student allies. The article begins with an investigation of the mutiny drawing on three sources: a first-person account from a lead mutineer, a communist history of the mutiny, and the papers published in the 'Towards Freedom' collection. In 1946 a handful of low-ranking sailors sparked a naval mutiny that ultimately involved upwards of 20,000 sailors, and then crashed into the streets of Bombay with revolutionary fervour. The Communist Party in Bombay seized upon the mutiny as an opportunity to rally the working class against the British raj, with the hope of ending British rule through revolution rather than negotiation. Yet the mutiny proved less of a harbinger of what was ending and more of a bellwether for what was to come. Congress, sensing the danger of the moment, snuffed out support for the mutiny, and insisted on a negotiated transfer of power. Congress’s action thereby set a precedent for civilian dominance over the military in post-independence India. At the same time, however, Congress betrayed the effectiveness of some of organised labour’s strongest advocates, namely the Communist Party, Bombay students and Bombay labour, thereby undermining their costly mass protest, and hobbling them in future conflicts against Indian capitalists.

This article traces the rise and decline of the Somali jihadi-insurgent group al-Shabab from 2006 to 2014. Particular attention is paid to the group’s implementation of a philistine and coercive interpretation of Shariah in areas under its control, the political economy of insurgent violence, local governing administrations, and internal schisms and recent deadly infighting. The group’s potential future trajectory is also assessed.

Please see the references (end notes) at: http://www.turkishreview.org/newsDetail_getNewsById.action?sectionId=360&newsId=223635

Abstract
In a move away from overarching explanations of the Terror based on ideology, class or a ‘system of Terror’, historians have been investigating the web of connections between politics, ideology, tactics, emotions and the role of individuals. Consequently, a more complex picture of revolutionary politics has begun to emerge. This chapter uses these new approaches to examine how individual experiences of the Jacobin leaders can cast new light on the Terror. It asks how far we can reconstruct the motives that led individual Jacobin leaders to choose terror. Personal factors, including friendships, influenced political decision-making to a far greater extent than has previously been acknowledged. Emotions, above all fear, played an integral role in the Terror. Ironically, the Jacobin leaders were themselves subject to high levels of fear. They needed to maintain their public identity as ‘men of virtue’ or risk being destroyed in the politicians’ terror. The chapter examines the genesis of the politicians’ terror that culminated in the mutual destruction of political factions during the Year II.

Antifa's international networks, first noted by the Obama administration, remain largely unknown. The broad militant movement sweeping the United States in 2020 borrows heavily from foreign organizations, networks, governments, and at times, foreign intelligence services. Some of its key organizers and intellectual authors are either foreign nationals or American citizens trained abroad as professional revolutionaries and agitators.

On 18 May 1966, Paul Joseph Chartier blew himself up outside of the Canadian House of Commons in Ottawa. His target had been members of parliament, but he succeeded in killing only himself. The bombing received widespread attention at the time and prompted an investigation involving both the rcmp and fbi. Using the more than 1,300-page file compiled by the police, I stress the importance of a historical approach to the study of terrorism as the article examines Chartier's deed in the context of lone-actor terrorism, both within Canada and internationally. Ultimately, I conclude that the reason Chartier carried out the attack is unknowable. However, I argue that a strong correlation existed between the motivation for Chartier's act of extreme violence and masculinity, a connection often ignored in scholarship about terrorism, especially lone-actor terrorism. Chartier fell considerably short of the hegemonic masculine ideals of postwar Canada, which he blamed, in pop-ulist fashion, on a corrupt Canadian political system. In the end, he turned to a traditional response by some men, both in Canada and internationally, an act of extreme violence, to salvage something from his life by striking back against those he blamed for his failures. Résumé : Le 18 mai 1966, Paul Joseph Chartier s'est fait exploser à l'extérieur de la Chambre des communes à Ottawa. Sa cible était les membres du parlement, mais il a seulement réussi à se tuer. L'attentat a reçu beaucoup d'attention à l'époque et a mené à une enquête conjointe de la grc et du fbi. Sur la base de dossiers de plus de 1300 pages compilées par la police, j'insiste sur l'importance d'une approche historique de l'étude du terrorisme dans mon article qui examine l'acte de Chartier dans le contexte de « terrorisme du loup solitaire » au Canada et à l'inter-national. En fin du compte, même si la raison pour laquelle Chartier a commis l'attentant ne sera jamais connue, j'estime qu'il existe une forte corrélation entre la motivation pour cet acte de violence extrême et la masculinité, un lien plutôt ignoré dans la recherche sur le terrorisme, en particulier sur le « terrorisme de loup solitaire ». Chartier n'a jamais atteint l'idéal masculin dominant de l'époque de l'après-guerre au Canada, dont il a blâmé, à la manière populiste, le système politique canadien corrompu. Au final, il s'est tourné vers une réponse typique de certains hommes, au Canada et ailleurs, soit un acte de violence extrême, pour sauver quelque chose de sa vie, en riposte contre ceux qu'il a tenu responsables de ses propres échecs.

В современной Украине из Степана Бандеры и его организации делают героев, хотя на самом деле они были международными террористами, пишет Иван Качановский, пост-докторский сотрудник факультета политологии Торонтского университета, в своей колонке для журнала Корреспондент. Когда историю забывают – это плохо, но еще хуже – когда ее перекручивают. Яркий тому пример – то, во что в современной Украине превращают Организацию украинских националистов (ОУН) и ее лидера Степана Бандеру.
Работая в архиве президента США Франклина Рузвельта [глава государства в 1933-1945 годы] над книгой о массовом советском терроре в Украине в 1930-х годах, я натолкнулся на собранные американскими спецслужбами материалы об украинских террористах. Я и представить себе не мог, что теперь они станут героями популярной телепрограммы о Великих украинцах. А один из них и вовсе — фаворитом в гонке за звание величайшего из украинцев.

Документы об этих людях были собраны Генри Филдом,

Я натолкнулся на собранные американскими спецслужбами материалы об украинских террористах руководителем специальной разведслужбы при президенте Рузвельте, и Секретной службой США,  охраняющей американских президентов. Они описывают покушение на президента США, которое готовило руководство ОУН и немецкие спецслужбы в годы Второй мировой войны. Насколько мне известно, эти материалы нигде не публиковались, и их исследование еще впереди.

Исполнителем теракта должен был стать Григорий Мацейко, известный тем, что в 1934 году, по приказу Степана Бандеры, убил министра внутренних дел Польши Бронислава Перацкого. После этого убийца бежал в Аргентину. А оттуда, по американским данным, полученным в 1941-1942 годах, он планировал выехать в США. Цель "визита" – устранить Рузвельта по приказу представителей ОУН и нацистской Германии, которые обещали заплатить за это миллион марок.

В случае успеха резонанс от убийства был бы значительным не только в пределах Польши, как это произошло с атакой на польского министра (ее сейчас зачастую представляют как один из аргументов в пользу величия Бандеры), а имел бы мировое значение. Более того: он мог бы повлиять на ход Второй мировой войны.

Показательно, как рассекреченные документы американских спецслужб характеризуют ОУН, а также Бандеру, Мацейко, и других деятелей организации. Исходя из материалов этого дела, объемом в несколько десятков страниц, ОУН определялась американцами как "украинская террористическая организация", которая сотрудничает с нацистской Германией против США. И это не просто заявления – документы содержат агентурные и дипломатические донесения об этом сотрудничестве с конкретными именами и примерами.

Первая информация о подготовке покушения на Рузвельта датируется весной 1941 года. Мацейко должен был въехать в США с паспортом на чужое имя при содействии агентов гестапо и немецких дипломатов в Латинской Америке. В сообщении от 24 марта 1941-го указывается, что эта группа "украинских террористов" организована немецким дипломатом Кристианом Зинсером. Именно Зинсер был ведущим агентом гестапо в Аргентине и других странах Латинской Америки. Его выслали из Гондураса и Гватемалы, где он занимался антиамериканской деятельностью под дипломатическим прикрытием, в апреле 1941 года.

В документах упоминается и освобождение немцами осужденного за убийство министра Перацкого Николая Лебедя — в 1941-м он стал заместителем Бандеры в ОУН. Причем именно он восстановил связи с руководством этой организации. Показана и ведущая роль Бандеры в выборе Мацейко для устранения польского министра — глава ОУН характеризовал его как "умелого террориста".

В начале 1942 года, после того, как поступила новая агентурная информация о подготовке теракта против Рузвельта, американские спецслужбы создали спецгруппу. Она за несколько месяцев собрала детальную информацию на этих и других оуновских террористов и их сторонников в Южной и Северной Америке. Агенты открыто следили за украинскими иммигрантами, связанными с Мацейко и ОУН, чтобы дать понять, что американскому правительству известно о подготовке покушения.

Оуновский теракт против президента Рузвельта так и не был совершен, а след Мацейко спецслужбы потеряли.

Впрочем, на этом история взаимоотношений США и ОУН не заканчивается. 

Но это не помешало ЦРУ и другим правительственным организациям во время холодной войны сотрудничать с бывшими немецкими нацистами.

При этом закрывали глаза на то, что многие из них были причастны к нацистскому геноциду. К примеру, американские и английские спецслужбы использовали Бандеру и его организацию для забрасывания нелегальных групп в Украину на самолетах.

Но спецслужбы США не забывали об оуновской попытке теракта против президента Рузвельта. Даже в 1964 году руководитель Секретной службы США интересовался документами по этому делу, переданными Генри Филдом.

Архивы американских президентов и спецслужб должны содержать еще много интересных материалов, связанных со Степаном Бандерой, лидером террористической ультранационалистической организации и главным претендентом на телевизионное звание "великого украинца".

Эта колонка опубликована в №18 журнала Корреспондент от 17 мая 2008 года.

This paper focuses on the urban graffiti painted with a political message by different
movements of the Italian political radicalism in the cities of Rome, Florence, Massa,
Carrara, Verona and Udine. For the purpose of this article, during the period from June
2011 to June 2012, a total of 165 graffiti have been photographed, of which 83 painted by
neo-fascist groups, 72 by extreme left groups and 10 by anarchist groups. These three
macro communities, made of different subgroups, emerged as the most active in expressing
their antagonism towards the parliamentary parties with their graffiti that combine semantic
(words) and semiotic (images) elements. An analysis of the collected graffiti’s language
form, meaning and context allows for the identification of the variety of styles of
communication adopted by the different political antagonisms and the different contents of
their communication through graffiti as well as the key elements of their political identities.
Key words: political radicalism, graffiti, linguistics

“Si la police peut paraître partout semblable jusque dans les détails, il ne faut pas finalement se méprendre : son esprit est moins dévastateur dans la monarchie absolue, où elle représente la violence d’un souverain qui réunit en lui l’omnipotence législative et exécutive, que dans les démocraties, où son existence, soutenue par aucune relation de ce type, témoigne de la plus grande dégénérescence possible de la violence.”
Benjamin pose dans cet essai la question de la validité morale de la violence, en tant que fondement ou partie intégrante du droit.
Le droit naturel ne voit aucun inconvénient à user de la violence pour des fins justes. L’adage en serait “la fin justifie les moyens”. Cet exercice-là de la violence a pu par exemple s’exprimer dans la Terreur pendant la Révolution française. Il revient à considérer la violence comme une donnée naturelle. Au contraire, le droit positif la définit comme le “produit d’un devenir historique”. Pour le droit naturel, seule la justesse de la fin compte. Pour le droit positif, tout droit s’établit sur la critique des moyens.
Il convient de distinguer les différents types de violence indépendamment des circonstances de leur exercice, de s’écarter du droit naturel comme du droit positif. Il faut se tourner vers l’histoire, la distinction des violences devant se fonder sur la “reconnaissance historique universelle de leurs fins”. C’est in fine le droit qui s’octroie le privilège de la violence vu qu’il serait menacé si elle venait à s’exercer en dehors de lui. Pour ce faire, il se retrouve à lui-même l’autoriser, par exemple sous la forme du droit de grève. Ou bien à user lui-même de la violence suprême, “celle qui dispose de la vie et de la mort”, à travers la peine de mort, laquelle le fortifie. Le pouvoir recourt à la violence, qui le fonde et le préserve.
Loin d'une critique naïve de la violence, Walter Benjamin en étudie méthodiquement les ressorts afin de pouvoir fonder en raison une véritable justice sociale.
Traduit de l'allemand par Antonin Wiser.

Paper presented at Notre Dame Student Peace Conference, "Expanding Circles: Peace in a Polarized Age?" (March 30, 2019)

Though violence is typically a negatively viewed concept in regards to social disruptions and change, historically social conditions have been shaped through or alongside its usage. This paper explores three instances of violence, how it has been justified, and considers how violence can be discussed in regards to action-guidance for social change.

5 Der »Röhm-Putsch« und der mythos vom homosexuellen nazi 225 Showdown 225 »Reichsmordwoche« 232 Konsequenzen 246 Dieses Buch ist auch als e-Book erhältlich. Die englische Originalausgabe erschien 2017 unter dem Titel »Stormtroopers: a new History of Hitler's Brownshirts« bei Yale University Press. Sollte diese Publikation links auf Webseiten Dritter enthalten, so übernehmen wir für deren inhalte keine Haftung, da wir uns diese nicht zu eigen machen, sondern lediglich auf deren Stand zum Zeitpunkt der erstveröffentlichung verweisen.

Bali has been regarded as a 'paradise island', 'island of thousand temples' and many other images to support the growth of tourism industry. In fact, the industry has been developed massively  after a mass massacre of the leftists and radical populists associated with PKI (Communist Party of Indonesia) taking place in 1965-1966 led by General Soeharto. The images have been a strategy for romanticizing Balinese culture while simultaneously forgetting the traumatic tragedy of 1965.  Although the history has been distorted by the regime and most Balinese are reluctant to talk about tragedy, a few Balinese youth has established a community called Taman 65 (1965 Park) as a learning circle to study and challenge the state history. This book is a collection of their thoughts on history, Balinese social dynamics, and contemporary issues in Bali that arguably cannot be separated from the 1965 event.

Chaos reigns—at least in the historiography of the Raj. It was once the consensus among historians that British imperial authority in the Indian subcontinent was secure for at least the century-and-a-half before the Second World War. Recently, however, this narrative has drawn a range of challenges. Prominently, Mark Condos and Jon Wilson have held that British imperial authority was chronically insecure. In their view the irrational anxiety of generations of British officials produced a chaotic administration with minimal social purchase or ideological coherence. Instead of a confident state capable of acting as it chose, these historians have limned a psychologically embattled one incapable of acting except in the abstract, small-scale, or short-term. Their bold revision succeeds in dispelling the aura of indomitability that has often surrounded the Raj, and in directing attention to its overlooked discontents and weaknesses. Yet their characterization of the British regime as constantly and pervasively anxious is more an article of faith than a conclusion warranted by evidence. Nor do they explain how, if the regime suffered from permanent ‘chaos’ or ‘insecurity’, it managed to survive for some two hundred years. At the heart of Condos and Wilson’s approach is an effort to bypass texts that results, instead, in misreading them. It is largely by reemphasizing rigorous textual methods, therefore, that Durba Ghosh offers a compelling alternative approach to the history of state vulnerability and disorder.

ABSTRACT
The study examined the influence of ethnicity on the
formation of the East African Federation; putting
emphasis on the social aspect in Uganda. The study
utilised a Descriptive cross-sectional survey design,
and on the basis of purposive, and random sampling
techniques, 385 respondents were selected who
included Social workers, Businessmen and Women,
Distinguished Citizens, Members of Parliament, Cabinet
Ministers, Leaders of Political Parties in Uganda,
Cabinet Ministers, and Rural people who revealed
information through the study Questionnaires and
Interview guides. The findings reveal that the East
African Federation cannot attain social unity of its
citizens, because of the different ethnic backgrounds of
people in the region and also the idea is a persuasion
by Political Leaders based on technocratic expertise
and not ideological grounds. The study concluded that
the rigid divide in methodological application of
cultural and rational accounts among Ugandan, and
East African Ethnic groups will greatly influence the
realization of a fruitful East African Federation.
Key words: Ethnicity, Federation, social unity, Uganda, and
East Africa.
*Corresponding Author E-mail: [email protected]

This booklet is the result of the First International Conference on Radicalisation and Political Violence, which took place in London on 17-18 January 2008. The purpose of the conference was to bring together policymakers, senior practitioners and leading experts, and provide them with an opportunity to exchange and develop their ideas on how best to counter the growth of radicalisation and political violence.

"Deadwood fu protagonista di leggende e di dime novels, che ben rappresentarono le peripezie di un luogo così selvaggio. Oro, sesso, droga e alcool fecero da cornice a una vera e propria giungla popolata da “bestie locali”, immersa nella wilderness americana: terreno di caccia di personaggi di dubbia moralità, fuorilegge, prostitute e cercatori d’oro, ossessionati dalla volontà di arricchirsi e da svaghi a cui, una volta provati, non potevano rinunciare." Introduzione 1. Espansione. - I primi problemi - Corsa all’oro nelle Black Hills - Il massacro di Little Big Horn 2. Deadwood, HBO (2004). Forme di rappresentazione della violenza - Al Swearengen e gli altri - Wild Bill Hickok e Calamity Jane: tra storia e leggenda 3. Deadwood, HBO (2004). La violenza dei potenti - Un po’ di storia - I Pinkerton e George Hearst

This collection of thirteen articles from the Journal of the Sind Historical Society concentrates on precolonial and colonial Sind. These articles reveal much about Sindh’s past and historically showcase the region’s broad socio-cultural spectrum. Scholarship frequently overlooks the subjects and people in this collection. In part, this oversight is due to so few libraries (both in Pakistan and around the world) having copies of the Journal of the Sind Historical Society. There are no reprints of these articles in any other book, nor has anyone reprinted them in their entirety since the 1930s and 1940s.

The articles in this book not only deepen knowledge about Sindh but also the history of Pakistan and the diversity of its people. They represent, like most research printed in the Journal of the Sind Historical Society, ‘forgotten’ chapters in both Sindhi and Pakistani history. These chapters celebrate Pakistan’s socio-cultural diversity and point toward how the histories of region and nation should be intertwined.

This chapter briefly reviews and analyzes the key contributions on organized violence within historical sociology. It explores both the macro-and micro-level studies that have influenced recent debates within the field. The first section looks at war and warfare, the second section analyzes the clandestine political violence, the third section explores the revolutions, and the final section engages with the scholarship on genocides.

Maoism refers to an ensemble of revolutionary ideas and practices inspired by the life and work of the Chinese political leader and philosopher Mao Tse-tung (1893Tse-tung ( -1976. Broadly, these ideas and practices seek to deploy militant, even violent methods to install a new radical democratic regime that is committed to the collective pursuit of dignity, freedom, and equality.