History of Lesbos island

Επεξεργασία της εργασίας μου του Μ.Τ.Σ. στο Αριστοτέλειο Πανεπιστήμιο, με τίτλο "ΤΑ ΚΕΡΑΜΙΚΑ ΕΡΓΑΣΤΗΡΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΝΗΣΟΥ ΛΕΣΒΟΥ" (υπό τον κ. Παπανικολάου).
Επιμέλεια έκδοσης: Ηλίας Μέλιος

ΣΗΜΕΙΩΣΗ ΣΥΓΓΡΑΦΕΑ: Από τον κ. Ηλία Κουρτζή, δια της ομάδος του facebook "Potters and Pottery of Greece", έλαβα το παρακάτω σχόλιο που αφορά την παρούσα δημοσίευση (την οποία είχα κοινοποιήσει στον "τοίχο" της ομάδος). Το παραθέτω, λοιπόν, ασχολίαστο, διότι α) θεωρώ δίκαιο να γνωρίζει ο προσερχόμενος στην έρευνα όλες τις διαθέσιμες γνώμες γι' αυτήν, και β) θεωρώ ότι θα πρέπει συνεχώς να εμπλουτίζουμε και να δημοσιοποιούμε όλην την διαθέσιμη βιβλιογραφία και τις αναφορές που σχετίζονται με την έρευνά μας, οιασδήποτε μορφής, όποια και να είναι η γνώμη μας γι' αυτές. Αυτό, ίσα-ίσα, είναι το κριτήριο της εκτίμησης που εμείς οι ίδιοι τρέφουμε για την έρευνά μας.
"Προς τον κ. Σωτήρη Ραπτόπουλο, θέλω να είμαι ειλικρινής μαζί σας, σεβόμενος την συμπαθητική προσπάθειά σας και την διαφαινόμενη αγάπη σας για την λαϊκή κεραμική... Διάβασα ευάριθμες φορές το πόνημα σας που δημοσιεύσατε και παρά τις ενδιαφέρουσες πληροφορίες που έχετε όντως διασώσει σ' αυτό, θα έλεγα ότι μου έδωσε την εντύπωση ότι εν πολλοίς είναι γραμμένο "στο γόνατο": Διέκρινα λάθη τα οποία ίσως παρεισέφρυσαν, κατά περίπτωση, από κακή ή πλημμελή ή εσκεμμένη πληροφόρηση ή αποτύπωση της πληροφόρησης. Επίσης κάποιες καταγραφές ή απουσία καταγραφών, δεοντολογικά δεν αρμόζουν νομίζω στο πνεύμα μιας σοβαρής, αντικειμενικής μελέτης. Και κλείνοντας: Συγκεκριμένα θεωρώ ότι αδικήσατε την Αγιάσο (το αρχαιότερο κέντρο κεραμικής της Λέσβου) και συνάμα τους προγόνους μου τους Κουρτζήδες (που δημιούργησαν πριν περίπου δυο αιώνες στην γραφική Αγιάσο την αρχαιότερη οικοτεχνία κεραμικής της χώρας). Δεν πειράζει όμως, τέτοια περιστατικά ενδημούν και σε πολύ σημαντικά έντυπα (λευκώματα και μονογραφίες), και πρέπει να αντιμετωπίζονται με ανθρώπινη διάκριση και κατανόηση. Εξάλλου κανείς συγγραφέας και κανένα σύγγραμμα δεν μπορεί να αλλάξει την αλήθεια της ιστορίας. Στη διάθεσή σας για ό,τιδήποτε θεωρήσετε ότι μπορώ να σας φανώ χρήσιμος... Ερρωσο!".

The word /lazpa/ ({la-az-pa-} is marked as a place in two cuneiform documents from around 1300 BCE (KUB 5.6: ii, 57, 60; CTH 191). In one, the Hittite King consults an oracle about the Deity of Lazpa; in the other, the ruler of “Seha” complains to the King that his opponents have attacked Lazpa and abducted the King’s temple-servants. Scholars who study the Hittite documents have identified Lazpa with the island called Lesbos in Greek, and concluded that the island was under Hittite control, but scholars who work with Greek texts, even if they know about the Hittite documents, have not considered the implications of a Hittite period in the island’s history.
In the Bronze Age, Lesbian ceramic traditions show close affinities to north-west Anatolia and the Troad, but unlike Troy, Lesbos has so far produced no distinctively Hittite artefacts.  What is Anatolian is the toponymy. Lesbos has no Greek etymology; Lazpa looks convincingly Anatolian, most likely Luwian; other names with /e/ in Greek and /a/ in cuneiform, such as Ephesos~Apasa and Perge~ Parha, are in Luwian areas. Lazpa finds a close phonetic match in the border town Gazpa/Kazapa, and -pa is an extremely common suffix for place names. The first syllable, laz-, recalls the adjective lazzi- “auspicious, desirable,” which finds an echo Pliny’s alternative names for Lesbos (HN 5.139), Himerte and Lasia. Individual Lesbian citiy-names are also distinctively Anatolian: Mathumna has the common Hittite ethnic suffix –umna, while Mutilena recalls the royal and divine name Muwatalli, derived from muwa, “might;” the next ruler of Seha was married to the sister of Muwatalli II.
Lazpa is labelled as both KUR and URU, “land” and “city,” typical of a Hittite realm. There was no Greek city of Lesbos, only the independent poleis like Mytilene. But Homer describes Lesbos as both a city and a land. In Iliad 9. 129, Achilles captured “well-built” (ἐϋκτιμένην) Lesbos, which looks like a city; in Iliad 24. 543-545, “Makar” is king of a unified Lesbos, described as his “seat” in most manuscripts, but his polis in a citation by Strabo (13.1.7 ). Around 1300, the coastal site of Thermi was both fortified and large enough to dominate the whole island.
Homer’s Makar has an apparently Greek name (“blessed”), and was supposed to have come from Peloponnesian Achaia according to Diodorus Siculus (5.81.4). But there is much about him that seems Anatolian. Diodoros also reports (5.82.3) that he wrote a law that called “Lion,” because of the beast’s courage and strength. Written law, and a King as law-writer, seem more appropriate to 2nd-millennium Hittite culture, than to the Greek Bronze Age; and lion imagery, common to many cultures, is especially marked in the Hittite world. However, a law called  “Lion,” seems  distinctly odd, and suggests that a Hittite or Luwian term has been misunderstood. The first ruler of Seha had the name Muwa-UR.MAḪ; or in Luwian, Muwawalwi,  “might of a lion.” Is there a possible Anatolian meaning for “Makar?” The Greek Makaria is interpreted as both “happy land” or “land of Makar.” The simple noun makari/magari occurs  only in one text (KUB 24: 89; CTH  677), and so far as I know has not convicingly interpreted.

Κύρια Μεταπτυχιακή Εργασία, ΠΜΣ Αρχαιολογίας και Ιστορίας της Τέχνης, κατεύθυνση Κλασικής Αρχαιολογίας
Masters' Degree Thesis, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Faculty of Philosophy, School of History and Archaeology, Department of Classical Archaeology

The setting of Daphnis and Chloe is the “real” island located around the coordinates 39o N and 26o E; but this paper asserts that “Lesbos” was also a place of the imagination as significant as the “Thebes” of Athenian tragedy  (Zeitlin 1990), or the “Arcadia” of pastoral. This can be seen in Catullus’ choice (poem 51) of the pseudonym Lesbia for his lover, of whom Havelock claimed (1967, 130), that the “aura of Lesbos was round her head.” This “aura” recalled principally the island’s status as πασέων ἀοιδοτάτη, where the nightingale always sings sweetest (Phanokles 1, 22 as cited in Powell 1925, 107), and poetry and music have been especially at home since the arrival of the head and lyre of Orpheus. Within the realm of ancient fiction, the same aura informs the portrayal of the island in King Apollonius of Tyre (33-47), in the Mytileneans’ appreciation of Tarsia for her lyre-playing, education, and singing, which enables her to escape degradation in the brothel and leads to her integration with her father.  In Longus, Lesbos’ role as the home of poetry and song is emphasised in examples of the “Orpheus-like” control of the physical world by music and poetry.

KUB 5.6: ii. 57, 60 names a “Divinity of Lazpa” consulted by Mursili II (1321-1295). KUB 19.5 + KBo 19.79 (Houwink ten Cate 1983-84: 38-40), from the reign of Muwatalli II (1295-1271), describes an attack on Lazpa in which workers “belonging to the God” were transported off the island. If one accepts the identity of Lazpa and Lesbos, with whom should this God be identified?
According to Alkaios (G1), the “Aeolian goddess” was worshipped with Zeus and Dionysus at a common Lesbian shrine, probably Messa (Spencer 1995: 22, site 103); but her title suggests a connection with Aeolian Greek settlers, and there are no Bronze Age remains at Messa.
The cult of Apollo Maloeis, outside Mytilene (Thuc. 3.3.3), has been connected with protogeometric finds at Odhos Longou (Archontidou 1993: 410). Mytilene appears Hittite in form (based on muwa “might”) and Pliny (HN 5. 39. 139) calls the city per MD annos potens, which suggests a second millennium foundation. Apollo was known to the Hittites in documents associated with Troy/Wilusa, and his local name maloeis “rich in apples” conforms to an Anatolian pattern, as in Wiyanawanda/Oenoanda “rich in vines.” Hittites might have been the transmitters of apple cultivation from its source in Central Asia to the Aegean region.
Artemis Thermia was worshipped at Hot Baths 12 km north of Mytilene, close to Lesbos’ best-known prehistoric site (Spencer 1995: 6, sites 8 and 11). Several cities, such as Ephesos, that had been in the Hittite sphere of influence recognized Artemis as their state cult, which is what I take the “divinity of Lazpa” to mean. Although there are no remains in the Thermi area that can be identified as Hittite, Artemis Thermia may be the best candidate.

A comparison between Sappho fragment 17 V., the Brothers Poem, and other family poems suggests that fragment 17 is concerned with the poet’s brother, especially since this song addresses difficulties involved in plotting a course across the sea. The analysis of family and sacral poems in addition provides context for reflections about “pragmatic” approaches to archaic Greek poetry in general and Sappho’s audience in particular.

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Both the date and source of the Aeolian migration to Asia Minor are far from clear; in CAH3 2.2, Hammond (706) dated it with some precision to around 1100 BCE, but Cook (778) placed it anywhere between 2300 BC and 1000BC. There is little material evidence for the influx of a new population into the region at the end of the Bronze Age; Lesbian monochrome gray ware was produced without interruption from the Bronze Age to the 7th century. The origin of the Aeolians is also debated: (1) their dialect is closest to Thessalian; (2) Strabo and Pausanias say that the migration was led by Penthilos, son of Orestes, i.e. from Peloponnesos; (3) when Mytilene sought support for its revolt from Athens, it asserted kinship with the Boiotians (Thuc. 3.2.3); (4), in Iliad 24, 543-545, Lesbos is called the seat of Makar, who is described as Aiolion in the Hymn to Apollo (37), but Diodorus Siculus (5.81.4) traced his ancestry to (Peloponnesian) Achaia.
According to Hittite documents, Lesbos and the Kaikos valley were ruled around 1300 by an Anatolian (Luwian) dynasty; evidence from Troy suggests that the predominant culture in North-Western Anatolia was still Luwian around 1150. On the other hand, Makar’s epithet Aiolion, and the Lesbian cult of the “Aeolian Goddess,” supposedly honoured by the Atreidae on their return from Troy (Lyrica Graeca Selecta 127, 196), suggest that Lesbos was perceived by the Greeks to have been “Aeolian” before the fall of Troy. Traditions of Aeolian settlement both before and after the Trojan War can be combined if the migration was a continuous process over several hundred years. The beginning of the process is likely marked by the resettlement of Thermi on Lesbos around 1300, at which point Greeks were probably a minority in a predominantly Anatolian culture. The date provided by the “Herodotean” Life of Homer (540) for the establishment of cities on Lesbos, 130 years after the fall of Troy, corresponds fairly well to Strabo’s narrative of Penthilos and also to the first appearance of Proto-Geometric pottery. This suggests that it was in the 10th century, with the formation of poleis, that Greeks became the predominant element in the population.
Although Asiatic Aeolian dialects are closest to Thessalian, the Thessaloi did not move into Thessaly until the end of the second millennium; hence the Aeolians may not have shared space with the Thessalians in Thessaly, but rather in a region of the Northern Aegean such as the Macedonian plain. Strabo’s narrative of the Aeolian migration does not mention Thessaly, but rather Thrace (where Penthilos died). Lesbos had close ties with the North Aegean, especially with the Thracian cult of Orpheus, and material evidence may point in the same direction; protogeometric pottery from Troy finds its closest parallels in the Northern Aegean and “Aeolian” monochrome ware has been reported from Bulgarian Thrace.

Lupus in Fabula, seriously? Traps and Fables in Daphnis and Chloe 1. 11-12 This paper is about a lupus (strictly speaking a lupa) in Longus' Daphnis and Chloe, a text which might very well have been termed a fabula in Latin. The kind of fabula I will be discussing today is called fable in English and French, as in Aesop, La Fontaine, and the Brothers Grimm. In such fabulae, Wolves, of course, play a big part, as in this delightful version of wolf-fables (Alley, Zoe and R.W. 2008).

This paper in Greek discusses Pliny's account of Lesbos in HN 5.39.139, and attempts to account for some of its curious errors (that there were 9 cities on the island, that Pyrrha was swallowed up by the sea, and that there were cities called Agamede and Hiera

In Odes 1.7, Horace compares a list of Greek cities unfavourably with Tibur. The list begins with Rhodes and Mytilene, although neither was reputed to be the most beautiful or most famous city in Greece. However, each was famous as a city of exile for prominent Roman politicians; the focus on exile is confirmed by the end of the poem, with the myth of Teucer’s departure for Salamis in Cyprus, and by Epistles 1.11.17.
Mytilene and Rhodes, which had been leading supporters of Pompey and Antony, had been able to maintain their freedom and mainland holdings by the same skills (adaptability and flattery) that the dedicatee of the poem, L. Munatius Plancus (cos 42), had employed in surviving in a revolutionary era.
The date of 1.7 is not established with any certainty, but in the year when the Odes are supposed to have been published (23), Mytilene was again topical as the chosen destination of Agrippa, whether as the location of a voluntary exile or as the centre of his eastern command.
Dans son Ode 1.7,  Horace nomme des cités en Grèce et Asie auxquelles il préfère les plaisirs de Tibur. La liste commence avec Rhodes et Mytilène, bien qu’elles ne soient ni les plus belles ni les plus renommées poleis de l’ Orient. Mais depuis Cicéron, on les connaît comme lieux d’exil pour les hommes d’état romains. Que l’exil soit en question, on le perçoit du mythos de Teucros à la fin du poème, et de l’ Épître 1.11.17.
Mytilène et Rhodes avaient été des partisans de Pompée et d’ Antonius. Ils ont néanmoins retenu la liberté et les peraia (possessions en Asie) par diplomatie, « flexibilité » et flatterie, les mêmes talents qu’ avait L. Munatius Plancus (cos 42), humillimus assentator, auquel Horace consacra son poème.
On ne connaît pas la date précise de l’ Ode 1.7, mais dans l’ année proposée pour la publication des livres 1-3, (23), Mytilène fut encore le sujet d’ interêt à Rome à cause de l’ainsi-dit Mytilenense secretum de M. Agrippa.

Aristotle spent two years in Mytilene, on the Greek island of Lesbos. It is believed
that he carried out his biological research on Lesbos, ‘prowling’ around the lagoon
of modern Kalloni, identified with the euripus of Pyrrha, a locality frequently
mentioned in his works and situated far away from his residence in Mytilene. Here
I argue that this identification is an erroneous one, and through an analysis of place
names and ichthyological information given by Aristotle, I determine the true
location of the euripus of Pyrrha. In addition, the identification of the true location
of the euripus of Pyrrha, permits the exact positioning on the isle of Lesbos of the
ancient kōmē of Aegeiros, a kōmē mentioned by Strabo, but until now, ambiguously
placed.

When the narrator’s father praises Vasilis for his first brave act, he calls him an antreiomenos Ellinas, a brave Hellene (Myrivilis 1990, 27). In pre-liberation Lesvos, the use of Ellinas rather than Romios for a Greek-speaking Christian would mean either (1), a citizen of the new Greek kingdom, or Palioelladitis, or (2), an ancient “pagan” Greek. Neither meaning initially seems appropriate, but Vasilis will later receive the favour of the Crown Prince for his services in Macedonia, while his acts of bravery recall ancient narratives about Herakles and Alexander. Myrivilis’ portrayal of Vasilis as “Hellene” is also affected by his narrative of Vasilis’ ambiguous relationship to the National Struggle, and by the implicit comparison with other “Hellenes” on the island, such as the teacher Anagnostou and the painter Theophilos.  Vasilis’ surname, which means both “stubborn” and “Albanian,” (i.e., an Albanian speaker in Greece, not a citizen of Albania) points to a little-discussed aspect of multiculturalism in 19th century Greece, although there was no Albanian-speaking minority on Lesvos.
When Myrivilis’ portrait of inter-communal hostilities is compared with Panselinos’ claim (1970: 30) that “to tell you the truth, there wasn’t much hostility between Mytileneans and Turks before the Liberation,” we have a context for Vasilis’ curious relationship with the Turks. Vasilis and his Turkish rival Sabri, like many inhabitants of the island, were comfortable in the other’s language; Vasilis’ code switching serves as a marker of his many changes of allegiance (from the Macedonian resistance to the Young Turks, for and against the tobacco monopoly of the Régie). The representative of the Regie, Michel, a Frankolevantinos from Smyrna, reminds us of another feature of pre-liberation Mytilini; according to Tériade, the town provided him with enough French culture at home and school that he had no difficulty studying at the Sorbonne or participating fully in avant-garde French artistic circles. Vasilis’ fight with the priest, and the “unbelievable” presence of two zeibeks leading the funeral of a Christian (Myrivilis 1991:111), reveals a religious environment that went beyond the Christian/Islam opposition. Besides the unorthodox sect of Zeibeks, Lesvos was also home to a nomadic, non-Islamic population called the Yuruks; while the fight (1877-1883) over control of the Leimoniada School shows that Vasilis was far from the only figure on the island who opposed the power of the Orthodox Church.

References
Myrivilis, Stratis. 1991. O Vasilis O Avanitis, 13th edition. Athens: Estia.
Panselinos, Asimakis. 1997. Tote Pou Zousame, 25th edition. Athens: Kedros.
Tériade, E. 1996. Tériade; écrits sur l’art. Paris: Biro.

The generic term marmor Lesbium occurs quite often in the archaeological literature, though the cases where it is commented with more than one or two text lines are no more than four or five, as many as the ancient written testimonia on the subject, both philological and epigraphic. The analysis of those sources shall constitute the first part of our paper, since the passages of Pliny and Philostratus, albeit clear in themselves, become difficult to interpret when compared to the each other, but appear more interesting when combined with the content of two inscriptions, one building account from Mytilene and one decree of the Nesiotic League, coming from the opposite Asia Minor coast. The second part shall be dedicated to the modern scholarship, the results of the field work on the production center (Lesbos) and, finally, the evidence for its use inside and outside the island, which appears to fully explain its reference in Diocletian's Edict. Local stones other than marble used in ancient Lesbos are also examined.

Η συμμετοχή του καταδρομικού «Γεώργιος Αβέρωφ» στις πολεμικές επιχειρήσεις του 1912-1913 ήταν καθοριστική. Στον τοπικό τύπο της εποχής αναγνωρίζεται ότι ο «Αβέρωφ» «απέκτησε κάποιαν άγνωστη ιδιότητα εις την φαντασίαν όλων των Ελλήνων» και αναφέρεται ως το «αθάνατο» καράβι που συμβολίζει την πρόσφατη κρίσιμη δραστηριότητα του ελληνικού στόλου. Η μουσική του «Αβέρωφ» στη Μυτιλήνη τον Ιούνιο του 1913 | StoNisi.gr https://www.stonisi.gr/post/5023/h-moysikh-toy-averwf-sth-mytilhnh-t...

A large island in the northeast Aegean, Lesbos was inhabited by Aeolian Greeks in ancient times. The island was prosperous and an early centre of culture from 700 to 500 BC, making important contributions to music, lyric poetry, and architecture. It prospered again in late antiquity, but under the Turks many communities were abandoned. Prosperity returned in the 18th and 19 centuries and cultural creativity in the 20th

A common feature on the bronze coinages issued by Antissa, Eresos, Methymna and Mytilene on the island of Lesbos during the Hellenistic period, appears to be the countermarks, observed on a fair number of specimens. The function of countermarking was to revalidate and provide earlier and/or foreign issues with the status of a legal tender. In practice, countermarking was a quick method of restriking coins and putting them afresh into circulation.
Thirteen countermarks have been gathered in the present study. Some appear only once on single specimens, while others are to be found on several coins. The predominant pattern is that certain countermarks were confined to specific cities, a strong indication that each polis countermarked its own issues. Countermarking was more intense in Methymna and Mytilene, and involved the application of a new type on already countermarked coins. Occasionally, a type was employed to countermark more than one series, as this is testified in Antissa, Methymna and Mytilene. On the other hand, a series could have been countermarked once by two types and this is the case for Eresos, Methymna and Mytilene. On iconographic grounds, the countermarks can be divided into two categories. The first consists of those belonging to the repertoire of the local coin iconography, where the main type or the subsidiary symbol of an issue was employed as a countermark. The second group contains the countermarks with no direct relation to the local numismatic iconography.
The study of the countermarks on the bronze coinages of Lesbos provides an insight to the coin production and circulation on the island. The most obvious function of the bronze issues was to provide the region with small change, in a period when many exchanges were mediated through coins. The production of bronzes was highly profitable, because, in relation to gold and silver, they had been extensively overvalued. Thus, it would not be surprising if the cities might have tried to increase their income by engaging in periodical demonetizations. The issues already in circulation were called in and replaced by new ones. Under these circumstances, demonetized bronzes probably regained their former status by being countermarked. The use of countermarks to revalue coins and retain them in circulation indicates that this was a response to financial difficulties and to the inadequate supply of bronze coinage. It becomes evident that this practice was the outcome of the poleis’ effort to use coins in daily transactions without undertaking the financial cost of striking new issues. At the same time, the public authorities might have gained additional profit from a possible fee required for the countermarking process.
The pattern of the employment of countermarks is not uniform throughout Lesbos. This is partly due to the needs that every city had to respond to and the issues available in each of them. Τhe existed evidence does not allow a detailed study of this practise in every single city. Moreover, it cannot be argued with certainty when many issues were countermarked; the main reason being that these countermarks do not bear any chronological indications. Nevertheless, the chronology of some countermarks –like those of Antissa, Eresos and some of Mytilene- could be deduced from the apparent striking date of the coins as a terminus postquem as well as from establishing the period when the political, social and financial circumstances would require the employment of countermarks.
Various phases of this phenomenon may be connected to the political, social and economic transformations caused by the constant competition among the Hellenistic states and the Roman Republic to dominate the Eastern Mediterranean from the end of the third to the first century BC. The endless military operations in the Aegean and Asia Minor caused long standing economic and social crises in the area. The simplistic nature of the civic budgets left the local communities vulnerable in such crises and therefore dependent on the flexibility of private individuals, Greek and Roman alike. Borrowing and benefactions appeared as the major solutions for the impoverished cities in order to meet their needs and obligations. Nonetheless, it seems that these actions were not the only way out from the economic depression. Under critical circumstances the cities would have taken certain financial measures in order to ensure a stable income for the public treasury. The countermarking and reissuing of their fiduciary coinages may have been such an alternative procedure.

The state of preservation of the Roman aqueduct at Moria makes it unlikely that it was built before the earthquake that virtually destroyed Mytilene under the proconsul Antonius Albus (Aristides 49.38), probably in 148 CE. On Lesvos several springs and wells ceased to function after the earthquake
of February 23, 1867; similar damage would have prompted
the construction of a new water supply after 148. SEG 29 (1979) 241, under Antoninus Pius (reigned 138-161), honours Pompeius Macrinus "Neos Theophanes" (consul 118)
for benefactions to Mytilene that caused him to be called "ktistes" and "euergetes." I propose that the aqueduct was his gift to the city, and that the Nymphaeum dedicated to his son-in-law Gavius Orphitus (cos165) (IG 12.2.129 and Supplementum) was part of the same new water system.

The Lines of Passage (in medias res) book accompanied the exhibition which demonstrated a variety of connections among narratives of memory and expressions of differing intensities and approaches through artworks selected from the permanent collection of the Elgiz Museum in Istanbul.

ISBN: 978-605-62509-1-0

The artists selected from the collection were Pinar Yolaçan, Oleg Dou, Cindy Sherman, Azade Köker, Bedri Baykam, Bengü Karaduman, Ferhat Özgür, Gilbert & George, Hale Tenger, Tracey Emin, Mateo Mate, Burak Delier, Gülsün Karamustafa, İhsan Oturmak, Kendell Geers, Komet, Nan Goldin, Nilbar Güres, Özlem Günyol, Rebecca Horn, Tomur Atagök, Veljko Zejak, Ola Kolehmainen, Benji Boyadgian and Hera Büyüktasçiyan

Lines of Passage (in medias res) formed a constellation reflecting on the trajectories of memory and perception. Within the exhibition, potential encounters between the selected artworks and spaces designated an ever-changing dynamic which was based on personal narratives, consciousness, psychological and cognitive recognition. The exhibition suggested various paths of understanding through its scenography and potential dialogues of historically and politically charged geographies. It was nurtured by a selection of core works encompassing a cross-section of narratives. Each work in the exhibition connected to another with non-linear narratives employing the in medias res, either through content-based or form-based links.

El artículo analiza el establecimiento de la cleruquía ateniense en la isla de Lesbos en 427 a. C. A partir de las fuentes y los análisis disponibles, se conjetura la existencia de un patrón de reparto de lotes basado en las condiciones previas de uso del suelo desarrolladas por los lesbios. La permanencia de estos como arrendatarios de tales lotes estuvo supeditada a la extracción de una renta anual por parte de los atenienses, similar al ingreso que obtenían los integrantes del estatus hoplítico.

This contribution sets out to present some reflections on the political action carried out by Pittacus at Mytilene at the beginning of the 6th century B.C. On the basis of certain fragments of Alcaeus, an attempt is made first to shed light on the climate in which Pittacus’s ascendancy to power developed, and then to analyze the nomima that the sources attribute to Pittacus, which by and large connote the ‘rule’ exercised by Pittacus on Mytilene as an important moment in the political maturation process of the city community. Even in antiquity Pittacus’s political action was understood in that sense, as testified by a assage from Strabo which presents a kind of compendium of the historical events of Mytilene in the archaic age.

Sull'isola di Lesbo, in Grecia, c'è il più grande hotspot d'Europa: il Moria Camp. Istituito nel 2015 per far fronte agli sbarchi di migranti che attraversano l'Egeo per raggiungere l'Europa dalle coste turche, è attrezzato per ospitare fino a circa 3000 persone per un breve periodo di tempo, in attesa che siano smistate. La situazione oramai si è cronicizzata e ad agosto 2019 il numero degli abitanti del campo ha superato le 11.000 unità. La permanenza lì prevista per ciascuno di loro è di almeno un anno. Tra le nazionalità maggiormente presenti c'è quella proveniente dall'Afghanistan (circa 33%) e quella proveniente dalla Repubblica Democratica del Congo (circa 12%). I maschi adulti complessivi sono circa il 40%, il 25% sono femmine e il 35% sono minori. Dei minori, circa il 20% non è accompagnato ed è costituito prevalentemente da maschi. La situazione, come già esposto da molti, è drammatica sotto molti punti di vista, non ultimi quello igienico-sanitario e quello psichiatrico. Durante la mia permanenza ho collaborato con una ONG accreditata che fornisce assistenza legale gratuita ai richiedenti asilo. Come psicologo clinico ho fatto colloqui agli assistiti dietro invio degli avvocati o del Protection Officer, e l'incontro si svolgeva con la presenza di un interprete. Lo scopo dei colloqui era prevalentemente quello di ottenere un'indicazione di diagnosi da aggiungere al fascicolo per l'intervista con l'Ufficiale dell'Immigrazione e/o accelerare la presa in carico del paziente da parte delle autorità locali, in particolare dei casi di vulnerabilità (disturbi psichiatrici, vittime di tortura, violenza sessuale…) non ancora individuati. I casi da me osservati sono stati prevalentemente di adulti provenienti dall'Afghanistan e dalla Repubblica Democratica del Congo, con una percentuale di maschi e femmine pressoché equivalente. Gli incontri, della durata di un'ora circa, erano complicati da alcuni fattori:-Invio poco chiaro o comprensione limitata/fraintesa da parte dell'assistito del contesto e dello scopo del colloquio.-Condizioni ambientali al limite della sopportabilità: temperature altissime all'interno del container usato come ufficio, spazi ridotti, colloqui in altre lingue udibili attraverso i divisori.-Difficoltà a interpretare toni, gesti e mimica degli assistiti, data la grande distanza culturale.

Το 1959 ο Ζ.Π.Καμπούρης δημοσίευσε 1 τρία έγγραφα τα οποία αναφερόταν στο Σύστημα των πραγματευτών Ρωμαίων της Μυτιλήνης και ένα που αφορούσε στο Εμπορικό Σύστημα των Βαραταραίων 2 του Αδραμυτίου 3. Ο συγγραφέας του άρθρου ,αγνοώντας προφανώς την μέχρι τότε γνωστή βιβλιογραφία έθετε έξι ερωτήματα στα οποία ερχόμαστε σήμερα , χρησιμοποιώντας και νεότερα δεδομένα να απαντήσουμε όσο αυτό είναι εφικτό. 4 Το Σύστημα των Ελλήνων ή Ελληνορωμαίων ή Γραικορρωμαίων η Γραικών εμπόρων συστήθηκε πρώτα στην Κωνσταντινούπολη περίπου το 1795 και ήταν η συντεχνία των μεγαλοεξαγωγέων. 5 Μέχρι τότε το μεγαλύτερο μερίδιο των εξαγωγών από την Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία κατείχαν οι ξένοι έμποροι και μάλιστα οι Γάλλοι.Χάρις στις διομολογήσεις πού είχαν επιτύχει και στα μονοπωλιακά προνόμια που απέρρεαν απ΄αυτές ,οι ξένοι έμποροι έλεγχαν πλήρως το εξαγωγικό εμπόριο.Στα τέλη όμως του 18 ου αιώνα ,λόγω των θαλασσίων αποκλεισμών και της υποχώρησης του Γαλλικού εμπορίου ,άρχισαν και οι Έλληνες έμποροι ,Οθωμανοί υπήκοοι να εκμεταλλεύονται τις περιστάσεις και να εισχωρούν στο δίκτυο των εξαγωγέων. Το 1806 ο Σουλτάνος Σελίμ ο Γ΄ παραχωρεί,κατόπιν εισηγήσεως του Δημητρίου Μουρούζη ,το πρώτο βεράτιο εμπορικών προνομίων στους Έλληνες Οθωμανούς 6 : «…[Οσοι εκ των ] υποτελών ραγιάδων … ήθελον συστηματοποιηθή και υπαχθη εις μίαν τάξιν…», «Οι