History of International Relations

The Department of Modern and Contemporary History of the World and International Relations was established as a research unit of the Institute of History in 1981. Its purpose was to meet the strong demand of the day for expanding research further in the field of European and World history, as well as to present Bulgarian history in the context of world processes and events. Thus, the Institute of History enlarged the scope of its studies and presented new tasks to Bulgarian historiographers. During the past 30 years the Fellows of the Department have been carrying out research on significant problems of European, Asian and American history. They also cover important issues, from the present day perspective, like the mutual influence and interaction between the East and the West. The changes in the international relations in recent years, the enhanced interdependence of the different regions and the processes of globalization turned the research of the Department into priority subjects of study for historians.
The articles included in this volume reflect the present research interests of the Department. The team projects and the work of each and every Fellow turned the Department into an actual study center for Modern and Contemporary history of Europe and the world. It works in successful cooperation with the other Departments of the Institute of History and also with other relevant Institutes of the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, with the Sofia University St.Kliment Ohridski and with other academic institutions. The Department maintains international contacts and foreign scholars have participated in various conferences and projects including this one.

This chapter provides a historical background to the present book and contributes to the international literature about the RoC by exploring the important drivers behind the country’s foreign policy, from 1960 to 2004. These drivers encompass not only the unfolding of the Cyprus Problem and important international developments but also the concepts of national survival and prosperity. The present overview is done through the prism of the RoC’s relations with international organisations and adopts a
thematic structure to tie together the drivers behind the RoC’s alignment (or not) with key international organisations. This approach accommodates the better understanding of the country’s international orientation at various periods of its Modern History.

1914–1991 arası dönemi analiz eden “Diplomasi Tarihi II” kitabını yazmaya bizi yönlendiren en temel faktör kısa bir süre içinde üç baskı yapan  “Diplomasi Tarihi I” kitabımıza meslektaşlarımızdan ve öğrencilerimizden gelen olumlu eleştirilerdir.
Bize doğru yolda olduğumuzu gösterdiğiniz ve ışık tuttuğunuz için sonsuz teşekkür ederiz.
Umarız bir devam kitabı niteliğinde olan bu eserimizde diplomasi tarihi / siyasi tarih / uluslararası ilişkiler tarihi / dünya tarihi üzerine kısa bir zaman içinde hızlı fakat doğru bilgiler edinmek isteyenlerin yanı sıra başta KPSS, lisansüstü giriş sınavları, doktora yeterlik, doçentlik olmak üzere birçok sınava hazırlananlara fayda sağlayacaktır. 8 Bölüm üzerinden oluşturulan kitabın ana başlıkları şöyledir:
1. Bölüm: 1. Dünya Savaşı’nın Diplomasinin Gelişimine Etkileri
2. Bölüm : İki Savaş Arası Dönemdeki Olayların Diplomasinin Gelişimine Etkileri
3. Bölüm : 2. Dünya Savaşı’nın Diplomasinin Gelişimine Etkileri
4. Bölüm : 1945–1955: Soğuk Savaş’ın İlk Yıllarında Diplomasi
5. Bölüm : 1955–1962: İstikrarsız Karşıtlık Dönemi’nde Diplomasi
6. Bölüm : 1962–1979: Détente (Yumuşama) Dönemi’nde Diplomasi
7. Bölüm : 1979–1985: İkinci Soğuk Savaş Dönemi’nde Diplomasi
8. Bölüm: 1985-1991: Soğuk Savaş’ın Son Yıllarında Diplomasi
Çok uzun bir sürecin ürünü olan bu çalışmada bizlere yazıları ile destek olan tüm meslektaşlarımıza hem fotoğraf ve harita bularak hem de dil ve anlatım yönünde düzeltme yaparak katkı sağlayan araştırma görevlilerine, Diplomasi Araştırmaları Derneği’nin stajyerlerine ve öğrencilerimize içten teşekkür ederiz.
Kitaba yazıları ile katkı veren hocalarımız alfabetik sıra ile şöyledir:

A. Burak DARICILI: (Dr. Öğr. Üyesi) Bursa Teknik Üniversitesi
Ali Servet ÖNCÜ: (Doç. Dr.) Atatürk Üniversitesi
Atasay ÖZDEMİR: (Dr. Öğr. Üyesi) Milli Savunma Üniversitesi
Barış ÖZDAL: (Prof. Dr.)                      Bursa Uludağ Üniversitesi
Fatma Zeynep ÖZKURT: (Dr. Öğr. Üyesi) Nişantaşı Üniversitesi
Fırat PURTAŞ: (Prof. Dr.)                      Hacı Bayram-ı Veli Üniversitesi
Kader ÖZLEM: (Dr. Öğr. Üyesi)                  Bursa Uludağ Üniversitesi
Kamuran REÇBER: (Prof. Dr.)                    Bursa Uludağ Üniversitesi
Mehmet Sait DİLEK: (Doç. Dr.)              Atatürk Üniversitesi
Murat JANE: (Ar. Gör.)                                Bursa Uludağ Üniversitesi
R. Kutay KARACA: (Prof. Dr.)                  İstanbul Aydın Üniversitesi
Öner AKGÜL: (Dr. Öğr. Üyesi)                Ahi Evran Üniversitesi
Seçil ÖZDEMİR: (Dr. Öğr. Üyesi)                Bartın Üniversitesi
Serhat ERKMEN: (Doç. Dr.)                  Jandarma ve Sahil Güvenlik Akademisi
Sezgin KAYA: (Doç. Dr.)                              Bursa Uludağ Üniversitesi
Sibel TURAN: (Prof. Dr.)                            Trakya Üniversitesi

                                    Prof. Dr. Barış ÖZDAL
                                    Prof. Dr. R. Kutay KARACA

The ancient Hellenic world was composed of more sovereign states than the contemporary one. Aristotle alone studied the constitutions of over150 city-states or poleis. As such it was a microcosm of a sociocultural system which existed within the Mediterranean geopolitical environment, much the same as the European society now exists within its global context.
It would therefore be instructive to know how the Greeks saw themselves in relation to other nations. Such holistic perspective gives an idea of the origins of classical international affairs theory. This article, part of a larger study of classical world theory, concentrates on the central aspect of Greek Weltanschauung that divided humanity into Greeks and Barbarians.
It is our thesis here that this primordial dichotomy served as the foundation of Hellenic international ideology. Moreover, we contend that such distinctions always color human reason and still persist in modern times. Although the analogy should not be carried too far, there are definite parallels between the classical and present worlds which the reader will recognize and appreciate.
In order to give the flavor of the times, this article is based on the world shaking events up to the Fifth century BC and the impact they had upon the great Greek thinkers of that era.  The trauma of this critical period dominated international thought for almost two centuries until the final demise of the inter-state system. Nevertheless, during that period of upheaval, some progressive thinkers also developed the notion of a common humanity. Their cosmopolitan ideals therefore influenced international thinking through the millennia.
Subsequently published as a chapter in the author's Exopolitics (NOVA, NY 2005) and its Greek translation Exopolitika (LEADER BOOKS< Athens, 2000-1)

In her new book, Turkish-American Relations (1800-1952): Between the Stars, Stripes and the Crescent, Associate Prof. Şuhnaz Yılmaz of the Department of International Relations at Koç University, aims to take the reader on a fascinating journey along the intricate history of Turkish-American relations. The book critically examines how Turkish-American relations evolved from those of strangers into an occasionally troubled, yet resilient alliance. Through the extensive use of Turkish, American and British archival documents and numerous private paper and manuscript collections, the book examines Turkish-American relations from 1800 to 1952, starting with the earliest contacts and ending with the institutionalization of the alliance after Turkey’s entry into NATO. The book aims to provide a better understanding of the significant issues pertaining to Turkish-American relations, such as the impact of international developments on foreign policy decisions, the role of key figures and organizations in shaping the relations, the interaction of political, economic, cultural and military factors in policy formation, and the importance of mutual perceptions in shaping actual relations. This highly interdisciplinary study situated at the intersection of diplomatic history, foreign policy analysis and international relations, not only enhances our knowledge of Turkish-American relations for the period of 1800-1952, but also provides valuable insights for the relations during the Cold War and its aftermath, with significant implications for a turbulent region in constant transformation and change.

The Middle Ages occupy a central yet problematic role as both the point of origins in historical narratives of IR and as the ever-present Other in the conceptual apparatus of the discipline. In this chapter, I focus on three ways of reimagining the Middle Ages that may potentially be fruitful in gaining a better historical understanding and disentangling the medieval from some of its problematic connotations and functions. First, I consider how to break with the notion of the singular, unified medieval by looking at alternative periodiations and breaks within what is conventionally considered to be the Middle Ages. Second, I challenge the isolation and locality of the period by looking into global connections and circuits. Finally, I tackle the role of the medieval in reproducing a specific metageography of Europe by looking at how it can point to alternative spaces and spatial imaginaries.

Class participation (10%): You should complete the assigned readings and actively participate in discussion sections. This portion of your grade is based on both quantity (how often you discuss the readings, ask questions, etc.) and quality (comments based on a careful reading of the material vs. unsubstantiated opinions). Your participation in discussion sections is mandatory, and to this end TAs will keep track of attendance starting on week 2. You will lose one point (out of a total of 10) for every unjustified absence. If you know you will not be able to attend your weekly section due to a justified reason, you must inform/email your TA in advance.

After a long period, in which Africa was not considered as an important commercial partner for many States, today we assist to a raise of commercial relations among many States and the former one.
Africa becomes a centre of interest especially for many emerging economies such as China or Turkey that today respectively, China's exports to Africa reached 50.8 billion USD while imports from Africa stood at 56 billion USD while Turkish exports to Africa 64 Billion USD and imports 29.8 billion USD in 2015.
The aims of this work is to analyse these two different approaches, the Chinese one and the Turkish one, identifying the history of commercial relations with Africa, the most important sectors, the economic approach that these countries used and the outcome that has been achieved in those years. The Final Chapter is intended to make a comparison between these approaches in order to identify if there are common aspects or divergent aspects in relations to commercial relations with Africa.

In: Fabio Cozman, Guilherme Plonski, Hugo NerI (Org.). Inteligência artificial: avanços e tendências. São Paulo: Instituto de Estudos Avançados, 2021, p. 225-260.


Em um tempo em que mais da metade da população mundial acessa a internet deixando registro de suas comunicações em trocas de e-mails, de seus pensamentos ou crenças em tweets ou de sua vida familiar compartilhando fotos online, dentre inúmeras angústias, surge uma menos evidente hoje: como pesquisar essas diferentes experiências no futuro? Como dominar a complexidade da construção de novas narrativas sobre o passado diante de tantos traços da experiência humana agora preservados?

Este capítulo busca fazer uma avaliação do que William McAllister chamou de “Big Bang documental”, sobretudo através do reconhecimento de como registros textuais criados, armazenados e acessados em formatos digitais desafiam pesquisadores das Ciências Humanas, em geral, e historiadores, em particular, em seus ofícios. Ao mesmo tempo, preocupa-se em identificar quais métodos (como Aprendizado de Máquina e Processamento de Linguagem Natural) e parâmetros podem ser aplicados ou desenvolvidos para um tempo em que suportes como Facebook e Twitter tornam-se tanto registros da experiência humana como arquivos históricos. Finalmente, com uma preocupação em transpor esse conhecimento para outras áreas de aplicação, como jornalismo, análise de redes sociais ou de mercado consumidor, procura refletir sobre como contornar os desafios tecnológicos para tornar o trabalho com documentos textuais em larga escala e não estruturados acessível a pesquisadores, formuladores de políticas públicas ou quaisquer interessados de uma forma abrangente e útil.

Texto base da apresentação “Arquivos e narrativas sem fronteiras” no evento Inteligência Artificial e suas Aplicações: Avanços e Tendências, de 25 de junho de 2019, da série Strategic Workshops do Instituto de Estudos Avançados da USP (Acesso online http://www.iea.usp.br/midiateca/video/videos-2019/inteligencia-artificial-e-suas-aplicacoes-avancos-e-tendencias-parte-1-de-2).

Come nasce il termine rifugiato? Come si è giunti all'attuale definizione di tale categoria migratoria? Il presente articolo ripercorre la storia della sua evoluzione, analizzando processi e avvenimenti che hanno reso questa figura ciò che è oggi. Frutto di un cortocircuito del sistema politico westfaliano, lo sviluppo del suo profilo contemporaneo rappresenta per certi aspetti il "negativo" dell'idea occidentale di libera circolazione. Ripercorrere tali vicende, contribuisce a mettere in luce le debolezze alla base delle distinzioni fra categorie migratorie.

How the term refugee was born? How did this migration category become what it is today? This article retraces the history of its evolution, analysing processes and events that contributed to shape this figure as we know it. The refugee's contemporary figure emerged from a breakdown in Westphalian international political system and then it developed to some extent in opposition to the western idea of freedom of circulation. The historical path of this type of migration highlights how weak are migrants categories' distinctions.

https://www.dodis.ch/fr/q14
Depuis la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle, la Suisse est une cheville ouvrière de la construction du multilatéralisme, ainsi qu’en témoigne la création des premières organisations internationales à Berne et, par la suite, à Genève. Après la Première Guerre mondiale, les faiseurs de paix consacrent l’essor de l’ordre international du XIXe siècle en fondant une «Société des Nations», dont Genève deviendra le siège. La Suisse joue de ce fait un rôle prépondérant, favorisée par sa neutralité, qui n’est toutefois pas sans également causer des problèmes à la Société des Nations. C’est notamment le cas en 1938, lorsque la Suisse se soustrait à ses obligations de membre en ne participant pas aux sanctions économiques contre l’Italie, qui vient d’envahir l’Éthiopie, et se construit une neutralité «intégrale».
Le volume présente cinquante documents-clés sur le rôle de la Suisse dans l’établissement du multilatéralisme dans et à travers la Société des Nations entre 1918 et 1946. Cette documentation est complétée par de nombreux autres documents et ressources numériques disponibles sur la base de données en ligne Dodis. Ainsi, ce volume sert de boussole pour s’orienter au milieu des nombreuses informations contenues dans la base de données.

Cette étude trouve son origine dans un double étonnement. En effet, les années 1680-1740 sont marquées par la publication aux Provinces-Unies de nombreux ouvrages en français qualifiés d’« historiques » et consacrés à l’actualité politique européenne immédiate et à son analyse. Ce phénomène trouve sa plus belle illustration dans la parution en juillet 1686, à Leyde, de l’Histoire abrégée de l’Europe, premier mensuel d’analyse politique en langue française. L’apparition de cette nouvelle forme éditoriale vouée à un bel avenir, que je désigne sous le qualificatif de « mercures historiques et politiques », s’accompagne par ailleurs de l’impression d’Histoires consacrées aux événements les plus récents mais aussi de collections diplomatiques, recueils qui compilent des documents ayant trait aux relations internationales. Or, ces trois sortes d’ouvrages consacrés aux événements politiques récents sont rédigées par les mêmes auteurs : une douzaine d’exilés français, installés en Hollande, qui n’avaient rien publié avant leur départ de France.
Analyser ce corpus – appréhendé comme une « histoire du temps présent européen » – permet de saisir comment, dans la Hollande des années 1680-1740, publier l’actualité politique est devenu une profession. Celle-ci se caractérise par des pratiques d’écriture et par des compétences valorisables auprès du public grâce à une diversification des supports éditoriaux, et auprès des autorités politiques par l’exercice de fonctions d’informateur, d’historiographe et plus largement, d’expert en écriture politique. En observant comment ces hommes ont participé à la constitution d’un marché européen de l’information politique, cette étude analyse non seulement les procédés grâce auxquels ces journalistes ont contribué à rendre publics la politique et ses instruments, mais elle interroge aussi les implications qu’un tel phénomène éditorial peut induire sur le rapport des lecteurs à l’action des gouvernements.

The 'Oil Shock' of 1973―the shift from the era of low-priced oil to the era of high-priced oil―was a turning point in the history of the 20th century. This book provides an analysis of the crisis and its global political and economic impact. It features contributions from a range of perspectives and approaches, including political, economic, environmental, international and social history. The authors examine the origins of the 'oil revolution' for oil-producing countries, as well as the far-reaching effects on oil and international energy markets, international relations and the global economy; and the long term effects on the Cold War, Soviet energy policies and decolonization. In doing so, they provide a detailed picture of one of a defining event of the last century, an event that set the framework for the changes that have led to the quite different energy scenario of today.

The relations between Spain and the EEC have been studied by a number of specialists from various disciplines and different countries. Most of them have focused on the political meaning of Spain's European integration, interpreting it as a chapter in the country's transition from dictatorship to democracy that began in November 1975.

Contemporary security practices rarely represent new inventions – albeit change is important to it, the security politics of today often has a very long lineage. It adapts, reworks and sometimes just rehashes old ideas and practices of policing, and is embedded in deeply entrenched, historically grown and power-laden frameworks of collective, national, local or international sense-and decision-making. This contribution to Contemporanea's Special Section on the "History of Transnational Security Management in Europe" argues that is important and useful for critical security studies to enter into a more systematic kind of dialogue with history. If, in turn, historians are willing to help in this effort and engage themselves more closely with the analytical frameworks and discussions of security scholars, then productive new academic encounters ensue.

¿Ha tenido España una política exterior? Esta es la pregunta que en ocasiones se han planteado los investigadores y la opinión pública interesada cuando se trataba de comprender algunas decisiones, acciones o los resultados de las mismas, tanto en el pasado como en el presente.

De los problemas históricos de España se ha estudiado y debatido mucho: problemas de identidad, de gobernabilidad y de atraso económico. En cambio el problema de su papel en el ámbito internacional quedaba ausente de la investigación y del ámbito de estudio. Este libro se plantea la historia de las relaciones internacionales de España en un recorrido político y económico que va desde los inicios de la edad contemporánea  hasta la actualidad.

This study is among the first works in English to comprehensively address the Scandinavian First World War experience in the larger international context of the war. It surveys the complex relationship between the belligerent great powers and Northern Europe's neutral small states in times of crisis and war.

The book's overreaching rationale draws upon three underlying conceptual fields: neutrality and international law, hegemony and great power politics as well as diplomacy and policy-making of small states in the international arena. From a variety of angles, it examines the question of how neutrality was understood and perceived, negotiated and dealt with both among the Scandinavian states and the belligerent major powers, especially Britain, Germany and Russia.

For a long time, the experience of neutral countries during the First World War was seen as marginal, and was overshadowed by the experiences of occupation and collaboration brought about by the Second World War. In this book, Jonas demonstrates how this perception has changed, with neutrality becoming an integral part of the multiple narratives of the First World War. It is an important contribution to the international history of the First World War, cultural-historically influenced approaches to diplomatic history and the growing area of neutrality studies.

La storia dei rapporti tra Italia e Germania dopo la seconda guerra mondiale è una delle chiavi per capire le contraddizioni dell'Europa contemporanea. L'Italia fu tra i principali sostenitori della rinascita di uno Stato tedesco affrancato dall'influenza sovietica: i due paesi dovevano far parte dello stesso sistema di relazioni economiche e politiche. Partendo dall'analisi del punto di vista italiano sulla «questione tedesca», il volume ricostruisce, anche attraverso le reciproche percezioni, le matrici politiche ed economiche alla base delle relazioni bilaterali dalla fine della seconda guerra mondiale alla metà degli anni Cinquanta. In questo decennio presero forma quelle peculiari condizioni geopolitiche su cui si sarebbero fondati i rapporti tra Italia e Repubblica Federale durante il periodo della guerra fredda.

Resumo: Este artigo analisa a capacidade da União Europeia de acolher os pedidos de asilo que recebeu nos últimos anos, bem como suas políticas e ações desenvolvidas, especialmente entre 2015 e 2016. Será explorado como a UE lida com o grande contingente imigratório, com foco no auge da Crise de Refugiados de 2015/2016. Diante desta conjuntura, a União Europeia adotou medidas que demandaram solidariedade e união, tais como a realocação dos requerentes de asilo, a reinstalação de pessoas necessitadas de países vizinhos, a suspensão temporária do Regulamento de Dublin, o Acordo com a Turquia, entre outras. Tais medidas, no entanto, geraram reflexos no panorama interno dos Estados-membros do bloco. O trabalho propõe, portanto, uma análise sobre a capacidade da União Europeia de atender satisfatoriamente as demandas dos pedidos de asilo feitos em seu território em razão da crise de refugiados.

Palavras-Chave: União Europeia. Refugiados. Migração. Segurança. Fronteiras.



Abstract: This article’s intent is to analyze the European Union's ability to host the asylum applications it has received in recent years, as well as its policies and actions, especially between 2015 and 2016. Thus, it will be explored how this economic and monetary union deals with the large immigrant contingent, focusing on the height of the refugee crisis where there has been a significant increase in immigration towards its territory. Given this situation, the European Union adopted measures that demanded solidarity and unity, such as the relocation of asylum seekers, resettlement of people in need from neighboring countries, temporary suspension of the Dublin Regulation, agreement with Turkey, and others. This essay proposes to analyze whether the European Union was able to satisfactorily meet the demands of asylum applications in its territory due to the refugee crisis.

Keywords: European Union. Refugees. Migration. Security. Borders.

Recebido em: 03/07/2019  – Aceito em 31/07/2019

« Je n'étois envoyé qu'auprès du prince de transylvanie » la mission de Jacques de Boissimène à la cour du sultan ahmet iii (1717)(1718) Cet article traite de la mission secrète confiée à Jacques de Boissimène, envoyé officiel du roi d'Espagne Philippe V auprès de François II Rákóczi, prince de Transylvanie. Bien à l'écart du décret de croisade de 1716, Boissimène devait tenter d'influencer le sultan Ahmet III pour garantir la poursuite de la guerre austro-turque qui maintenait Charles VI occupé militairement sur sa frontière orientale, en même temps que le roi d'Espagne poursuivait une attaque contre l'île de Sardaigne, royaume dont Charles VI était souverain. Mais Jacques de Boissimène était aussi un informateur du régent de France. De la complexité de l'action de Boissimène -agent secret de Philippe V auprès de Rákóczi et indirectement auprès du sultan ; espion du régent de France à la cour de Philippe V -se dégage, si nous parvenons à ouvrir la perspective et à l'élargir, toute une série d'implications qu'il ne faut pas mésestimer sur la coïncidence d'intérêts des deux monarchies des Bourbons, en Espagne et en France, alors même qu'elles sont plongées dans un conflit -la Guerre de la Quadruple-Alliance-qui les oppose.

ХIХ асрнинг иккинчи ярми – ХХ аср бошида Россия ташқи иқтисодий алоқаларининг ҳолати ушбу мақолада тадқиқ қилинган. Россия иқтисодиётининг ривожланишида  ташқи заёмлар масаласининг тутган ўрни ва роли атрофлича кўриб чиқилган. Ўрганилган даврда рус ҳукумати томонидан амалга оширилган молиявий сиёсат таҳлил қилинган. Ушбу сиёсатнинг ташқи иқтисодий алоқалар ривожланиши  кўрсаткичларига таъсири очиб берилган.

В данной статье исследуется состояние внешнеэкономических связей России во второй половине ХIХ–начале ХХ века. Всесторонне рассмотрены вопросы места и роли проблемы внешних займов в развитии экономики России. Дан анализ финансовой политики правительства России в изучаемом периоде. Показано влияние данной политики на показатели развития внешнеэкономических связей страны.

In given article the condition of foreign economic relations of Russia in second half  of ХIХth - begining  of XXth  century is researched. Questions of the place and  role of external loans problem in development of Russia economy are comprehensively considered. The analysis of the government financial policy of Russia in the studied period is given. Influence of the given policy on parameters of development of foreign economic relations of the country is shown.

The 1965 disappearance of Mehdi Ben Barka in Paris, the catalyst of one of the greatest political scandals in the history of post-war France, is still shrouded in mystery several decades later. Newly declassified documents from Czech archives have shed light on the final years of the Moroccan politician’s life, revealing that Ben Barka had cooperated with Czechoslovak intelligence from 1961 until his abduction. The aim of this study is to assess the nature of this partnership and demonstrate the activities, methods, and aims of Czechoslovak intelligence in the Third World during the 1960s.

What is the relationship between decolonization and international law? Most historians agree that empires framed their colonial wars as emergencies in order to escape international scrutiny. After 1945, however, those same imperial powers invited the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) to intervene in their wars of decolonization while resisting an official state of war. This article seeks to solve this puzzle by drawing attention to the ICRC’s critical part in reshaping the international legal system regarding colonial war in the critical years before the Algerian War of Independence (1954–62) and the Bandung Conference (1955). In this formative period, the organization, together with anti-colonial activists, played a transformative role in contesting accepted ideas of global governance and international law while providing a new stage for anti-colonial resistance, with far-reaching consequences, not just for the ICRC’s own institutional future, but also for the legitimization of (post-)colonial sovereignty in the twentieth century.

In the article are analyzed some aspects of strategic communication of Russia in Latin America.  Special attention is given to key messages of the leadership of Russia to the countries of the region, the practice of public diplomacy, competitive advantages and possible risks of strategic communication and its interpretation by political circles and the analytical centers of the USA.

O presente artigo apresenta uma análise histórica da Política Externa de Boa Vizinhança para América Latina, particularmente no Brasil, e de sua principal instituição o Office of the coordinator of Inter-American Affairs (OCIAA), destacando sua divisão de cinema, a Motion Picture Division (MPD). Essas instituições são analisadas pelo enfoque teórico dos construtivistas modernistas-linguistas. Assim, o texto busca destacar a importância da construção de uma infraestrutura física, discursiva e humana com habilidade para selecionar, organizar, regular e redistribuir os discursos enunciados pela Política Externa de Boa Vizinhança no setor da indústria cinematográfica.

Несмотря на заметный экономический, политический и моральный упадок США, эта страна продолжает играть роль ведущей силы в мировой экономике и международных отношениях и стремится не допустить дальнейшего ослабления своей мощи. Важное место отводится при этом стратегической коммуникации. Автор ста-
тьи, опираясь на методы компаративного анализа, ставит задачей проследить роль иэффективность стратегическjq коммуникации Соединенных Штатов в отстаивании своих геополитических интересов.

The Bogotá Declaration of 1976, in which a series of equatorial states attempted to resist the Outer Space Treaty of 1967 by claiming sovereignty over geostationary orbit above their territories, presents a unique case that contradicts some assumptions about the use of commons-like regimes to correct asymmetric governance regimes. This case suggests the value of historical scholarship on colonialism and development to ongoing disputes in space law and in other regimes governing extraterritorial domains.

Columbia Journal of Transnational Law - The Bulletin, Dec. 2017.

http://jtl.columbia.edu/the-bogota-declaration-a-case-study-on-sovereignty-empire-and-the-commons-in-outer-space/

ietro Quaroni nacque a Roma nel 1898 1 . La famiglia, di lontane origini nobiliari piemontesi, si era stabilita ad Anzino, località nei pressi di Domodossola a metà del Seicento 2 . Nell'Ottocento i Quaroni erano una famiglia borghese, che viveva del proprio lavoro nell'ambito delle professioni. Nella prima metà del XIX secolo si trasferirono a Roma e il nonno di Pietro, Pietro Maria, ingegnere, entrò al servizio del governo pontificio e fu responsabile della costruzione della prima ferrovia del Vaticano. Il padre di Pietro, Giuseppe, anche lui ingegnere-architetto, sposò a Roma Sofia Seitz, appartenente a una famiglia di pittori di origine bavarese, poi scesi a Roma. Il padre di Sofia, appartenente alla scuola pittorica nazzarena, Accademico di S. Luca, dipinse l'imponente cappella tedesca del Duomo di Loreto. Altri suoi dipinti e affreschi sono visibili nelle chiese di Roma, in particolare l'affresco di una delle cappelle della chiesa Santa Maria dell'Anima, centro religioso della comunità cattolica tedesca nella capitale. Fu anche, per un periodo, direttore dei Musei Vaticani.