Greek Media

The founder of the Democratic Eastern Federation Panayiotis Panas and main translator of "The Poems of Ossian" published this poetry between 1885 and 1890. Are these poems relevant to historical events of the time and do they show similarities between the magnanimity of the Celtic heroes and those who tried to bring peace and harmony through the Democratic Eastern Federation? In 1885, "Dar-thula" was republished when disunity began in the Balkans. Under the Treaty of Berlin (1878Berlin ( -1881) ) offspring of the German, Russian and English monarchy ruled in the Balkans. War broke out between Serbs and Bulgarians when Bulgaria's monarch attempted to enlarge its territory. Under threat of another blockade by England, Greece was warned not to assist the Serbs. The translation of the "Death of Cuchullin" by Panas is prophetic. It represents both the death of any unity in the area and the demise of its supporters of the association.

Ο τίτλος του συνεδρίου 1 μας παραπέμπει, εκατό χρόνια μετά, σε αναστοχασμό της Μικρασιατικής Καταστροφής. Κοιτώντας μέσα από τον φακό αυτό, μια πρώτη διαπίστωση που προβάλλει είναι ότι τόσο το έπος του ′21 όσο και η Καταστροφή του ′22-που μετατράπηκε σε έπος της εγκατάστασης των προσφύγων-σηματοδοτούν τη θεμελίωση του σύγχρονου ελληνικού κράτους και τη συγκρότηση της ελληνικής ταυτότητας. Η Καταστροφή και η άμεση συνέπειά της, η υποχρεωτική ανταλλαγή των πληθυσμών, ενίσχυσαν με τη βίαιη ενσωμάτωση του ελληνικού κόσμου της καθ' ημάς Ανατολής τόσο την εθνική συνοχή και ομοιογένεια, ιδίως στις αραιοκατοικημένες βόρειες επαρχίες, όσο και την αγροτική παραγωγική δραστηριότητα. Σε αυτήν ακριβώς την πτυχή της Καταστροφής αναφέρεται η παρούσα εισήγηση, με στόχο να προσεγγίσει ορισμένες διαστάσεις της αγροτικής αποκατάστασης στις βόρειες επαρχίες. Σε ό,τι δηλαδή έχει χαρακτηριστεί ως «μια πραγματική κοσμογονία» 2 , «πραγματικόν θαύμα» 3 ή ως «ανεπανάληπτο επίτευγμα» 4 και είναι ακριβώς το πολύπλευρο και πολυσύνθετο έργο που συντελέστηκε κατά την αγροτική αποκατάσταση των προσφύγων στη Μακεδονία και τη Θράκη. Άλλωστε, η αστική αποκατάσταση ήταν μόνο στεγαστική και δεν συμπεριέλαβε όλους τους αστικώς εγκατασταθέντες. Μετά το ′22 ήταν μια νέα μέρα. Για τις βόρειες επαρχίες της Μακεδονίας και της Θράκης το ′22 ήταν η μεγάλη εποικιστική πρόκληση για λόγους οικονομικής βιωσιμότητας και εθνολογικής ομοιογένειας. Οι αναζητήσεις των νέων γεωπολιτικών και γεωοικονομικών συντεταγμένων έστρεψαν το κρατικό ενδι

Provincial journalists play a vital role in gathering news from a specific geographical area and sending
it to a main newsroom in a particular media station. Moreover, the provincial journalists have to face
several challenges in their profession in gathering, sending and publishing news. Therefore, the study
is carried out to investigate the challenges faced by the provincial journalists in Sri Lanka in terms of
television news using the Motivational System Theory (MST). The interviews were conducted with
twenty provincial journalists covering almost all the districts in Sri Lanka. The qualitative data were
thematically analyzed. The results showed the personal and institutional factors affecting the news
coverage of provincial journalists. In other words, the provincial journalists faced challenges due to
several personal and institutional factors. Moreover, at the institutional level, the provincial journalists
faced several challenges such as delayed and inadequate payments, working for several media stations
simultaneously without having proper payments, low professional recognition, inadequate welfare
schemes, training, resources and awareness given by the media stations, no proper recruitment
procedure, political influence, newsroom agenda, violating ethical journalism standards, male dominate
news coverage and less female representation etc. On the other hand, personal factors such as less
qualifications, education, training, resources, motivation and skills are also negatively affecting
provincial journalism. Therefore, it is important to establish a proper work culture to uplift the
profession of the provincial journalists. Moreover, the responsible parties should provide the required
resources, facilities, payments, opportunities, guidance, training, and awareness, proper recruitment
procedure to create a professional and encouraging work environment for provincial journalists in Sri
Lanka. It is also essential to maintain gender equality and ethical standards to establish a healthy and
positive work environment for provincial journalists. 
Keywords: provincial journalists, TV news, personal and institutional challenges, Sri Lanka

This paper is a part of the project "The Image of the United States in Greek Online News Sites During the Trump Presidency" and it focuses on the image of the United States in the Greek media up to now. In order to assess the image of a country in the media, it is important to examine not only the affective tone of the coverage but also the type of coverage. Greek media portray the U.S. as a globally influential superpower and prioritize its coverage. However, for many years the Greek media used the Anti-Americanism master counter-frame to present the news. In the context of the Trump Presidency, it is important to reexamine the U.S. image in the Greek media. A content-analysis of two major online newspapers of Greece is included to examine how the Donald Trump controversy affects the U.S image, the overall tone of the coverage and which topics are more dominant. It seems that the U.S. is still portrayed as a superpower. Even though the overall tone toward Trump and the U.S. is mostly neutral, negative tone exists in some cases. Additionally, coverage of Trump has influenced perceptions of the U.S., with foreign policy remaining the most prominent topic.

Past recollections of problems provide an essential context for present-day Greek-Turkish relations. The news value of a major disaster is higher in its neighboring country than in other countries. From the past to the present, on occasion of great disasters, considerable public empathy has been provided on both sides, and this situation has been reflected through the media. This article aims to analyze the news coverage of Greek media to determine whether the "earthquake diplomacy" activities were carried out after the February 2023 Türkiye earthquakes, as happened in the 1999 earthquakes. In this context, relevant news in the sample (Kathimerini, Avgi, Naftemporiki) newspapers were analyzed in content for three weeks. Analysis findings show that the newspapers convey earthquake news in line with geographical and emotional proximity values. Earthquake victims' stories have been covered in search of an emotional connection with the reader. The contacts of senior officials on both sides were widely covered in the newspapers, but the officials' statements could not go beyond the earthquake issues and the goodwill wishes. In addition, a significant amount of criticism of the Turkish government in the Greek media, which is a catalyst in bilateral relations, emerges as a negative factor in the direction of relations. It was observed that most of the discourse on disputed issues focused on blaming the other party for current problems and taking little responsibility for the solution of these problems. The limited scope of the small amount of positive discourse seems ineffective for a possible acceleration in bilateral relations. As a result, since the conditions in 2023 are different from those of 1999 and the conditions are not necessarily favorable for bilateral relations, it is perceived that adequate earthquake diplomacy activities cannot be carried out for a new rapprochement phase between the two countries.

Greek music magazines have witnessed a sharp decline over the years. This study posits that this decline cannot be attributed solely to the advent of the internet but is the culmination of various factors. The challenges faced by Greek music magazines resonate with those faced by the broader Greek newspaper industry, suggesting an interlinked adversity within the media landscape. A primary concern has been the saturation of the market; Greece had an unsustainable number of titles for its relatively small market. The country's financial crisis, in tandem with the rise of the internet, led to a significant drop in advertising revenues that traditionally supported these publications. Our findings indicate that from 1946 to 2022, there were 73 distinct music magazine and fanzine titles in Greece. Yet, as of now, only four remain in circulation. This paper delves into the historical significance of music magazines, elucidating their pivotal role in disseminating music culture in Greece, with particular attention directed towards elucidating the factors contributing to their contemporary decline

Η διπλωματική εργασία με τίτλο «Δημογραφική Εικόνα της Κεντρικής Μακεδονίας κατά τον ΙΘ΄ Αιώνα ( 1789 - 1912)» σκοπό έχει την παρουσίαση και την αιτιολόγηση των δημογραφικών μεταβολών που συνέβησαν στην εν λόγω περιοχή και τη σύνδεση τους με τα μεγάλα γεωπολιτικά γεγονότα της εποχής, όπως η Ελληνική Επανάσταση, ο Κριμαϊκός Πόλεμος και ο Μακεδονικός Αγώνας. Ο συντάκτης παρουσιάζει αναλυτικούς πληθυσμιακούς πίνακες της Κεντρικής Μακεδονίας όπως αυτή ορίζονταν από το πασαλίκι - βιλαέτι της Θεσσαλονίκης από τα τέλη του 18ου αιώνα μέχρι και τις παραμονές των Βαλκανικών πολέμων, προσπαθώντας να αναλύσει τόσο τις αιτίες των δημογραφικών μεταβολών που συνέβησαν στην περιοχή όσο και των αποτελεσμάτων τους στην πολιτική, κοινωνική και οικονομική ζωή των κατοίκων. Οι πηγές που χρησιμοποιήθηκαν για την εκπόνηση της παρούσας μελέτης χωρίζονται σε τρεις κύριες ομάδες: α) τα περιηγητικά κείμενα των ξένων και Ελλήνων περιηγητών που διέτρεξαν την Μακεδονία κατά τον 19ο αιώνα, β) οι προξενικές εκθέσεις των απεσταλμένων των Μ. Δυνάμεων στη Μακεδονία και κυρίως στην Θεσσαλονίκη και γ) οι απογραφές πληθυσμού που διεξήγαγε η Οθωμανική αυτοκρατορία τον 19ο αιώνα, αρχής γενομένης από εκείνη του 1831. Τέλος, γίνεται προσπάθεια παρουσίασης των παραγόντων εκείνων που επηρέασαν κατά την διάρκεια ενός και πλέον αιώνα την δημογραφική εικόνα της Κεντρικής Μακεδονίας.

International Relations Studies Series, 3 (International Studies Library, 9) Can the European Union transform Greek-Turkish relations? The contributors to In the Long Shadow of Europe examine the ambiguities of Europe's historical role in its Southeastern corner to shed light on the possible paths lying ahead. From various angles, they highlight the paradoxes of a relationship between intimate adversaries, marred by tormented histories, nationalist narratives and bilateral disputes but strengthened by historical familiarity, geographic vicinity, and the imperative for cooperation. And beyond this face a face, the authors show how, as Greece and Turkey developed into independent nation-states in the shadow of Europe, their intertwined trajectories also contributed to defining this same Europe "at the edges." Beyond the Greek-Turkish relationship, this book illustrates the considerable challenges the European Union faces as a mediating power both within and outside its b...

The regional press serves as a fundamental pillar supporting the institution of democratic reporting in local communities. In Greece, regional development has been and continues to be uneven, resulting in disparities evident within the evolution of regional press across provinces. The financial crisis within the Greek economy, coupled with the prevalence of electronic media and social networks, has placed substantial pressure on the regional press. The objective of this study is to delineate the current situation and recent developments in the structure of Greece's regional press, with a specific focus on daily newspapers. The study's findings have established that the financial crisis, the growth of the internet, and the utilization of social media have brought about significant changes in the structure of publishing companies. However, it is noteworthy that despite their declining sales, there has not been a necessary impact on their readability.

Scholars via their GEICO Graduate Award, issued November 2013; and all of the participants in this research project, including interviewees, participants in the survey research project and pilot survey, representatives from the organizations which comprised the five illustrative examples of vi this project, and informants who helped introduce me to potential interview subjects; professor emeritus Judy Rene Sims of the University of Wisconsin-Eau Claire for her informal but valuable help and guidance over the course of my research; and Androniki Pateraki, Vasso Papadopoulou, Liana Tzimogianni, and all of the interviewees who participated in this project for their invaluable assistance.

The subject of this thesis is the emergence and development of crisis and peace processes in modern society. It examines two Greek-Turkish crises and several peace processes undertaken in their aftermath as well as what is described here as a system of co-operation that emerged after a devastating earthquake in Turkey. Mainstream theory of crisis and peace processes has adopted an instrumental approach to crisis and peace processes conceptualizing them as the means to achieve specific aims. Nevertheless, this approach recognizes the difficulty it has to integrate different levels of analysis and explain the dynamics of the complexity involved in these phenomena. This thesis employs Niklas Luhmann's theory of social autopoiesis as an analytical tool in the research and analysis of crisis and peace processes. Luhmann's theory is a radical constructivist approach, which focuses on multiple causality, complexity and contingency. The main argument of the thesis is that in modern ...

Η παρούσα μελέτη επιχειρεί να αποτυπώσει τον τρόπο με τον οποίο καλύφθηκε το ζήτημα του
εμβολιασμού στα ελληνικά ΜΜΕ κατά την περίοδο της πανδημίας και να χαρτογραφήσει τα πεδία
δύο διαφορετικών τύπου λόγου, του «εμβολιαστικού» και του «αντιεμβολιαστικού». Αξιοποιώντας
την τεχνική ανάλυσης λόγου των Laclau και Mouffe (1985), το «εμβόλιο» εκλαμβάνεται ως κομ-
βικό σημείο (nodal point), το οποίο λειτουργεί στην παραγωγή των δύο παραπάνω λόγων. Ως
προνομιακό σημαίνον εντός της πανδημικής φάσης, πλέον δεν αποτελεί μία απλή ιατρική τεχνο-
λογία, αλλά μία έννοια με πολλαπλές κοινωνικές, πολιτικές και εμπορικές διαστάσεις και ανταγω-
νισμούς. Ταυτόχρονα, παρουσιάζονται και κάποια ποσοτικά δεδομένα σχετικά με τις εταιρείες που
παρήγαγαν τα εμβόλια, όπως επίσης και το πλήθος των αναφορών τους στο σώμα των κειμένων
που μελετήθηκαν. Η παρούσα ανάλυση αποτελεί μέρος της διδακτορικής διατριβής μου, η οποία
βρίσκεται υπό εξέλιξη.

Λέξεις κλειδιά: εμβόλια, αντιεμβολιαστικός λόγος, θεωρίες συνωμοσίας, COVID-19, πανδημία

This article is about a recent discussion/ TV press conference of the Greek PM Mitsotakis with a single "journalist" that is close to the government (21/03/2023). At the conference, Mitsotakis appeared as a reformer asking the people to join him in an effort to rectify all the pathogens of the Greek state that led to the recent train tragedy. However, Mitsotakis has been an MP for 19 years, a minister for 3 years (1912-1915),  and a Prime minister for 4 years. His late father was an MP for 58 years, a minister for over 15 years, and a Prime minister for 3 years. Therefore, if He and his family are not responsible for the pathogens then who is? (PARON 26/03/2023)

This article focuses in detail on the rapprochement period or the "Davos spirit" of the late 1980s, initiated by Turkey who was searching to rejuvenate its relations with the European Community. The aim is to shed light on the measures, appropriated by the government concerning especially property rights not fully known in details by the public. The utilitarian approach will be analysed closely in order to find out whether those measures were effective on the long run on the Greek minority.

As the study of the negatively expressed news on sports constitutes a scientific area that has not received proper attention by researchers yet, the purpose of this study was to investigate the framing of the Greek national men’s basketball team defeats by the Greek press. Articles (n = 178) concerning the Eurobasket championships from 2007 to 2017, published in three political newspapers and one sports newspaper, were analyzed through content analysis. Specifically, the research reflected upon (a) the existence of the primary framework of “attribution of responsibility”, (b) the differences in framing among the newspapers, and (c) where/to whom the Media focused on regarding the defeats. The “attribution of responsibility” framing was found in all newspapers under study, both in the content and in the titles of the articles, primarily the day after the games. Regarding the defeats, the media were centralized around 12 factors and 8 subfactors as components of responsibilities, whil...

The paper traces the history and evolution of the anarchist and self-organising movements in Greece, paying attention to their communicative practices and their implications for political praxis. After years of repression, and following the hegemony of the social democratic Pasok, and subsequently Syriza, the movements are currently coming to their own. Beginning with a brief history of the movements and more broadly of the left in Greece, the paper focuses on the current moment, determined by three events: the revolt of 2008, the movement of the squares in 2011, and the rise and u-turn of Syriza in 2015. Examining the critiques, discourses and communicative practices of the antagonistic movement as a whole, the paper argues that these constitute an alternative path to organizing beyond populist hegemony. Equally, the antagonistc movement tries to eschew the problems associated with the so-called folk politics, by paying attention to the growth of the movement through combining affe...

This research is an attempt to discover diachronic trends in the presentation of Greek non-governmental organizations in two of the most influential contemporary hardnews newspapers in Greece, Kathimerini and To Vima. Drawing heavily on theories of media coverage and their relation to the non-governmental organizations, this article combines quantitative content analysis and critical discourse analysis so as to designate the crucial role of the media to the presentation of the non-governmental organizations in Greece. The research covers a wide period of 10 years (2004-2014), including several years before and during the financial crisis. Which are the main characteristics of the non-governmental organizations' representations by the Press? Which alterations has the crisis context brought to these representations? What new forms of voluntarism has the crisis created? How does the Press 'react' toward the 'insurgents' of the nongovernmental organizations field? These are some of the questions seeking answers in an under constant transformation media field.

Greece is, today, the EU member state where journalism and the media face their most acute crisis. Since the 1980s and 1990s, deregulation has allowed the market entry of commercial channels that increased the viewing choice for audiences in Greece. The legal and regulatory framework actively promoted the concentration of press, television and radio outlets that are owned by large organisations, which coexisted alongside the public broadcaster ERT. Regulation has been ineffective, with private channels operating with temporary licenses and independent regulatory authorities functioning superficially and ambivalently. As a result, the market has been dominated by a handful of powerful newspaper interests which have expanded into audiovisual and online media. Recent laws have further liberalized media ownership and cross-ownership. Historically, the Greek state has intervened in all aspects of economic and social life, the media very much included. It has acted as censor (during the dictatorship), owner (of public television and radio), and subsidiser of newspapers and electronic media. The intertwining of the political elite and the media has generated a journalistic culture that is cautious of reporting news that state officials could find challenging. With media market deregulation, clientelism gradually became deeper and more intricate, with intertwining interests (diaploki) between large media This study identifies the most urgent problems of media policy in Greece as they affect independent journalism. These problems are prioritized byir relationship to European-level policy activity and to OSF concerns. The study is based on desktop research, literature review of sources in English and Greek, as well as a set of in-depth interviews with relevant actors, conducted in Athens in November 2014. The report was drafted before the government scheduled a general election for 25 January.

Radio advertisements use playful imitation as a discourse tactic that creates positive feelings toward the advertised product. A specific discourse imitates another discourse on the basis of two opposing strategies: captation and subversion. In captation, the investor discourse borrows the cultural capital of the source discourse, a practice corresponding to pastiche, while in subversion, imitation allows for the subversion of the cultural capital of the source discourse, a practice linked to parody. Analysis of 347 advertisements transmitted by private radio stations in Thessaloniki and Athens between the years 2004 and 2007 shows that radio ads imitate not only various genres or texts (as usually argued in the literature), but also features of the linguistic system and its varieties. Moreover, it is shown that pastiche and parody have informative or playful purpose, thus formulating a continuum of four versions of imitation, ranging from informative pastiche to playful parody.

Ήταν η πρώτη φορά που τον έβλεπα από κοντά, μα ούτε καλημέρα δεν πρόφτασα να πω: Οι φράσεις, κοφτές και αλλεπάλληλες, έβγαιναν από το στόμα του σαν πυροβολισμοί: "Δεν με ενδιαφέρει ούτε τι ώρα θα έρχεσαι ούτε τι ώρα θα φεύγεις. Δεν με ενδιαφέρει με ποιον θα μιλάς και ποιον θα αποφεύγεις. Ένα με νοιάζει: Να γίνεται η δουλειά και να μη γίνονται σκάνδαλα. Το κατάλαβες; Έτσι και φανείς αμελής και αναβλητικός, έτσι και ακουστεί για το παραμικρό το όνομά σου, έφυγες την ίδια στιγμή. Το κατάλαβες;"

This report presents the phenomena of media freedom and pluralism and the major academic and policy debates about their social, political, economic role and implications. It highlights the importance of media freedom and pluralism for the functioning, sustainability and legitimacy of a democratic regime, and therefore the necessity for relevant policy actions. The text also provides a state of the art perspective on the measuring and evaluating of media pluralism. It analyses major aspects of media economics and ownership, including the tendency to media concentration, the potential relationship between pluralism and the increased number of sources of supply, the impact of emerging "Internet native" media players, and globalisation. The legal core of the report examines the development of the debate on legal instruments and jurisprudence, as well as those EU legal instruments that are currently available to tackle the areas of media pluralism and media freedom. Following o...

For the past three years, tension and animosity have returned to being routine in everyday relations between Turkey and Greece. The agenda has been packed with more issues of disagreement and has rendered what traditionally has been the core of Turkish-Greek contention, e.g., the delimitation of the Aegean continental shelf, to an almost nostalgic past.

éruditest un consortium interuniversitaire sans but lucratif composé de l'Université de Montréal, l'Université Laval et l'Université du Québec à Montréal. Il a pour mission la promotion et la valorisation de la recherche.éruditoffre des services d'édition numérique de documents scientifiques depuis 1998. Pour communiquer avec les responsables d'Érudit:

Τα Ιουλιανά του 1965 αποτέλεσαν τη μεγαλύτερη κοινωνική έκρηξη της μετεμφυλιακής περιόδου και ένα από τα σημαντικότερα συγκρουσιακά επεισόδια της νεότερης Ελληνικής κοινωνίας. Η παρούσα διατριβή έχει διπλό στόχο: Αφενός, να καταγράψει και να αναλύσει την έκταση της κοινωνικής διαμαρτυρίας των Ιουλιανών, την πολιτική της κοινωνιολογία και την μορφή των συλλογικών δράσεων, όπως επίσης να ερμηνεύσει τους πολιτικούς παράγοντες που προσδιόρισαν τις ερμηνευτικές πλαισιώσεις της διαμαρτυρίας (αλλά και της αντι-κινητοποίησης) και τη δυναμική της. Αφετέρου, να μελετήσει και να ερμηνεύσει τους τρόπους με τους οποίους τα Ιουλιανά, ως κορύφωση του διεκδικητικού κινήματος εκδημοκρατισμού της μετεμφυλιακής Ελλάδας, συνέβαλλαν στον μετασχηματισμό των πολιτικών εκπροσωπήσεων και στην ανάδυση νέων πολιτικών ρευμάτων. Η διατριβή αποτελεί ένα εγχείρημα διεπιστημονικής ιστορικής έρευνας. Αξιοποιεί έννοιες, θεωρίες και ερευνητικές τεχνικές της πολιτικής κοινωνιολογίας, με έμφαση τα κοινωνικά κινήματα και τη συγκρουσιακή πολιτική, ώστε να ερμηνεύσει και να αξιολογήσει το συγκρουσιακό γεγονός των Ιουλιανών και την πολιτική του επίδραση. Αξιοποιεί νέο ερευνητικό υλικό από ευρύ φάσμα πηγών, όπως αποδελτίωση Τύπου και εντύπων της περιόδου, αρχειακό υλικό κομμάτων, πολιτικών και συνδικαλιστικών οργανώσεων, προσωπικές συλλογές αλλά και συνεντεύξεις με πρωταγωνιστές της περιόδου.Η διατριβή καταλήγει στο συμπέρασμα πως τα Ιουλιανά του 1965 αποτέλεσαν την κορυφαία στιγμή ενός επιβλητικού κοινωνικού κινήματος υπέρ του εκδημοκρατισμού. Στο κίνημα αυτό συγχωνεύτηκαν τα πιο εστιασμένα αιτήματα κινηματικών δρώντων με το ευρύτερο πολιτικό αίτημα του εκδημοκρατισμού σε μια σχέση αλληλοτροφοδοτούμενη. Την πολιτική εκπροσώπηση αυτού του κινήματος ανέλαβαν οι παρατάξεις της Αριστεράς και του Κέντρου. Ωστόσο η σχέση δεν ήταν μονομερής αλλά διμερής: οι πολιτικές αναλύσεις και πλαισιώσεις της Αριστεράς και του Κέντρου προσδιόρισαν τα χαρακτηριστικά -αλλά και τα όρια- του κινήματος για τον εκδημοκρατισμό αλλά επίσης, οι συγκρουσιακές διαδράσεις του κινήματος με το Κράτος και τις φιλοκαθεστωτικές δυνάμεις αναδιαμόρφωσαν τους χώρους της Αριστεράς και του Κέντρου και συνέβαλλαν στην εμφάνιση νέων πολιτικών δρώντων. Συνεπώς, τα Ιουλιανά του 1965 αποτελούν σημαντικό σταθμό για την ερμηνεία της δομής του πολιτικού συστήματος και της συλλογικής δράσης της Μεταπολίτευσης.

The July Events of 1965 in Greece was the most significant social outbursts of the post-civil war period and one of the major contentious episodes of modern Greek society.This dissertation has a double purpose: On the one hand, to record and analyze the extent of social protest, its political sociology, and the forms of collective action, as well as to interpret the political factors that defined the framing and dynamic of the protest (and the counter-mobilization). On the other hand, to study and analyze how the July Events, as the climax of the pro-democratization social movement of post-civil war Greece, contributed to the shift of political representations and the emergence of new political actors.The dissertation is interdisciplinary historical research. It employs concepts, theories, and research techniques of political sociology, focusing on social movements and contentious politics, to interpret and assess the July Events and their political impact. Also, it uses new research material from a wide range of sources, such as press and publications of the period, archival material of parties, political and trade unions, personal collections, and interviews with activists of the period.The dissertation concludes that the July Events of 1965 was the climax of an imposing social pro-democratization movement. In this movement, the specific claims of movement actors combined with the more general political demand of democratization in a mutually reinforcing relationship. The parties of the Left and the Center undertook the political representation of the movement. However, the relationship was not unilateral but bilateral: the analyzes and framing of the Left and the Center determined the characteristics of the pro-democratization movement, but also the contentious interactions of the movement with the state and the pro-regime forces reshaped the political space of Left and Center contributing, thus to the emergence of new political actors. Therefore, the July Events of 1965 was a turning point and reshaped the political spectrum and collective action.

On Friday, September 21, 2018, news reports on Greek corporate media announced the death of a man who had allegedly attempted to rob a jewellery store. The media announcement was accompanied by video footage in which two civilians were shown violently attacking the alleged thief while the latter was attempting to escape the jewellery store. A little later, the alleged thief was announced dead. This is the case of Zak Kostopoulos who was lynched in his attempt to escape a jewellery shop where he had found shelter from a threat that, to this day, remains unknown. Zak was lynched literally and figuratively by the jewellery shop owner and his associate, by the bystanders, and by all corporate media. In this paper, homoterrorism is proposed as a construct that can describe hegemonic attempts to portray certain domestic non-heterosexual identities, practices, and cultures as abject in an attempt to (re)define a
society’s national sociodicy. The argument is that homoterrorism provides an understanding of extreme acts of violence against the non-heterosexual Other, such as in the case of Zak Kostopoulos’s murder, especially when such acts are framed as essential to the precipitation of national cohesion. Further to this, the paper draws on theories about social media and their potential for political and social change, and it argues that Twitter activism can become a way to challenge homoterrorism.

Το αφιέρωμα που παρουσιάζεται εδώ αποτελεί μία μικρής έκτασης επιστημονική προσθήκη στη σχετική βιβλιογραφία η οποία εκτείνεται από τις πρώτες μελέτες που δημοσιεύτηκαν στα χρόνια της Μεταπολίτευσης, έως τις πιο συστηματικές θεωρήσεις για το πεδίο των τεχνών που εκδόθηκαν πρόσφατα. Εντάσσεται στο ερευνητικό έργο «Η λογοκρισία στις εικαστικές τέχνες και τον κινηματογράφο: η ελληνική περίπτωση από τα μεταπολεμικά χρόνια μέχρι σήμερα», που διεξάγεται στο Τμήμα Πολιτικής Επιστήμης και Ιστορίας του Παντείου Πανεπιστημίου και χρηματοδοτείται από το Ελληνικό Ίδρυμα Έρευνας και Καινοτομίας (ΕΛΙΔΕΚ) και από τη Γενική Γραμματεία Έρευνας και Καινοτομίας (ΓΓΕΚ). Αποτελεί συνέχεια, αφενός μιας σειράς προηγούμενων εγχειρημάτων  που επιχείρησαν να αναδείξουν την ιστορία της λογοκρισίας στην Ελλάδα, και αφετέρου ενός σχετικά πρόσφατου ειδικού αφιερώματος στο περιοδικό Αρχειοτάξιο που στόχο είχε να εντοπίσει την εξέλιξη του λογοκριτικού Λόγου και τη δημόσια πρόσληψη της λογοκρισίας σε δύο διακριτές χρονικές περιόδους κοινοβουλευτικής δημοκρατίας: την αδύναμη δημοκρατία των μετεμφυλιακών χρόνων (1949-1967) και τη Μεταπολίτευση (1974-1989). Αναγνωρίζοντας πως η δικτατορία της 21ης Απριλίου αποτέλεσε τομή σε ότι αφορά το φαινόμενο της λογοκρισίας, υπό την έννοια της εξαιρετικά γενικευμένης και ανελαστικής περιστολής του δικαιώματος της ελευθερίας της έκφρασης που αναλύθηκε παραπάνω, στο αφιέρωμα εδώ επιχειρούμε να εντοπίσουμε συνέχειες και ασυνέχειες στις λογοκριτικές πρακτικές στο πεδίο των τεχνών, ερευνώντας ταυτόχρονα τόσο τον τρόπο όσο και τις δομές όπου η λογοκρισία παράγεται, επιβάλλεται και συντηρείται.

This article examines the bodily donations made by Greeks, Turks and Cypriots to the victims of two devastating earthquakes in Turkey and Greece (1999), as well as to a Greek and a Turkish Cypriot boy, both suffering from leukemia (2000). Considering the age old discourse of amity and enmity shared by the citizens of the three nation states, I ask what made them see these hardly rare events as exceptionally important, and rush to offer each other their blood and body organs. Politicians and journalists of the time presented these corporeal responses as "civil society"s demand for brotherly rapprochement," thus underscoring the anthropological insight that contemporary identity politics is increasingly "medicalized". Taking into consideration both the medical regimes of truth that made these donations possible, and the painful political experiences lived and remembered by Greeks, Turks and Cypriots to this day, I argue that the conciliation these donors performed revealed the suspense of their faith in the reconciliatory future rather than their acceptance of restorative notions such as brotherhood and rapprochement. Stated otherwise, these donors, being familiar with the euphemistic and the conditional hence pending nature of such political conciliations, dared the Derridian impossible: without endangering the principle of sharing, they opened their bodies to alterity, to their foe"s bodies, and hence entertained the possibility of non-predetermined, thus unexpected even incongruous events of memory.

By re/presenting unique concepts such as uchronia, futurism, retro-futurism, futurology, technological determinism, simulacrum, anachronism, and post-apocalypse borrowed from the history of art and philosophy, Fallout (1997), as an open-world turn-based/real-time hybrid role-playing game, is one of the games that made its name in the history of video games through its extraordinary story. These components not only make Fallout a “possible” projection of the dark future but also habilitate it to be analyzed in the context of narrative and intertextuality theories concerning its postmodern narrative model and reference system built on popular culture. In this master’s thesis, therefore, the intertextuality system presented by Fallout is re-defined and classified applying the Textual Transcendence theory of narrative and intertextuality theoretician Gérard Genette, through the classical and popular reference examples that compose it.

Keywords: Fallout, Genette, Transtextuality, Narrative, Interpretation

Θα ήταν λάθος να νομίσει κανείς ότι η εκκολαπτόμενη χούντα δρούσε σε καθεστώς παρανομίας, υπό αντίξοες συνθήκες κλπ. Δεν διατυμπάνιζαν βέβαια ότι είχαν ως στόχο την υφαρπαγή της εξουσίας, για λογαριασμό τους. Ήταν εκλεκτά στελέχη, ειδικά ο Παπαδόπουλος, στην υπηρεσία του μεγάλου «νόμιμου» παρακράτους, που κυριαρχούσε στο στράτευμα και τους μηχανισμούς ασφαλείας του κράτους (πχ ΚΥΠ), υπό την πολιτική και ηθική κάλυψη του Παλατιού.

Η επίσημη άφιξη της Ελληνικής Κυβέρνησης "Εθνικής ενότητας" υπό τον Γεώργιο Παπανδρέου στην Αθήνα έγινε το πρωινό της Τετάρτης 18 Οκτωβρίου 1944. Στην υποδοχή της βρέθηκε το σύνολο του Αθηναϊκού λαού, στις οδούς, στους εξώστες και στις στέγες των σπιτιών. Από όπου πέρασαν τα μέλη της κυβέρνησης με πρώτο τον Γεώργιο Παπανδρέου έγιναν δεκτά με επευφημίες και ατόφιο ενθουσιασμό, ενώ πολλοί τους έραιναν με άνθη. Σύμφωνα με το πρόγραμμα της ημέρας, όπως είχε αυτό εκπονηθεί, αρχικά ο Παπανδρέου και μέλη της Κυβέρνησης κατευθύνθηκαν στην Ακρόπολη όπου ύψωσαν την Ελληνική σημαία την οποία μετέφεραν εκείνη κορίτσια του Λυκείου Ελληνίδων με την συνοδεία ευζώνων και αντιστασιακών, κίνηση που συμβόλιζε την απελευθέρωση της Ελλάδας από τον Γερμανό κατακτητή. Αμέσως μετά με την συνοδεία του Άγγλου υποστράτηγου Σκόμπυ κατευθύνθηκαν στην Μητρόπολη όπου εψάλη δοξολογία χοροστατούντος του αρχιεπισκόπου-και μελλοντικού αντιβασιλέα-Δαμασκηνού. Μετά την δοξολογία ο Παπανδρέου κατευθύνθηκε στην Πλατεία Συντάγματος από όπου εκφώνησε το μνημειώδη λόγο του για την Απελευθέρωση της Ελλάδας. Ο λόγος εκφωνήθηκε από το ίδιο κτήριο (υπουργείο Συγκοινωνίας τότε, σήμερα το πολυκατάστημα

The founder of the Democratic Eastern Federation Panayiotis Panas and main
translator of "The Poems of Ossian" published this poetry between 1885 and 1890.
Are these poems relevant to historical events of the time and do they show similarities
between the magnanimity of the Celtic heroes and those who tried to bring peace and
harmony through the Democratic Eastern Federation? In 1885, "Dar-thula" was
republished when disunity began in the Balkans. Under the Treaty of Berlin (1878-
1881) offspring of the German, Russian and English monarchy ruled in the Balkans.
War broke out between Serbs and Bulgarians when Bulgaria’s monarch attempted to
enlarge its territory. Under threat of another blockade by England, Greece was
warned not to assist the Serbs. The translation of the "Death of Cuchullin" by Panas is
prophetic. It represents both the death of any unity in the area and the demise of its
supporters of the association.

Αφιέρωμα: «Γεώργιος Παξινός ή Ανεμογιάννης».
Aπό την ηρωική προσφορά και θυσία του στη Ναύπακτο το 1821 μέχρι τη θεμελίωση του ανδριάντα του στην είσοδο του λιμανιού του Γαΐου το 1966-μέσα από την αρθρογραφία στην τοπική Παξινή εφημερίδα «Παξοί". Η εφημερίδα «Παξοί» αυτοπροσδιοριζόταν ως Ανεξάρτητη Πατριωτική Εφημερίδα, της οποίας διευθυντής και συντάκτης υπήρξε ο Χαρ. Σ. Μιτσιάλης (Μίτσιελλ) και είχε την έδρα της στα Μαγαζιά των Παξών. Στη διάρκεια της κυκλοφορίας της μεταξύ των ετών 1925-1969, διάφορα άρθρα της είχαν αφιερωθεί στον ήρωα της ελληνικής επανάστασης, Γεώργιο Παξινό ή Ανεμογιάννη, που θυσίασε τη ζωή του για την ελευθερία της πατρίδας του στο πρώτο έτος της ελληνικής επανάστασης του 1821.

Κασσαβέτη, Ο.-Ε. (2017). Ο σοσιαλιστικός εξαμερικανισμός της ελληνικής κρατικής τηλεόρασης κατά την περίοδο της Αλλαγής: η εποχή της σαπουνόπερας και της κωμωδίας-παρωδίας (1981-1989). Στο Β. Βαμβακάς & Α. Γαζή (επ.), Αμερικανικές τηλεοπτικές σειρές στην Ελλάδα (1966-2015). Δημοφιλής κουλτούρα και ψυχοκοινωνική δυναμική (σσ. 141-180). Αθήνα: Παπαζήσης.

Ο ελληνικός στρατός το καλοκαίρι του 1921 προελαύνει μέχρι τον ποταμό Σαγγάριο, μερικές δεκάδες χιλιόμετρα έξω από την Άγκυρα. Αφού αποτυγχάνει να καταλάβει την πρωτεύουσα του εχθρού, οπισθοχωρεί λίγο και μένει καθηλωμένος για ένα περίπου χρόνο. Το καλοκαίρι του 1922 ξεκινάει η τουρκική αντεπίθεση. Ας ξεφυλλίσουμε την «Αμάλθεια», την πιο παλιά και μεγαλύτερη σε κυκλοφορία εφημερίδα της Σμύρνης, για να δούμε πως παρουσιάστηκαν τα γεγονότα που ακολούθησαν.