Gaelic Language and Culture

In 1996, The Quiet Man topped an Irish Times poll for the best Irish film of all time. Almost ten years later, with many more Irish (and Irish-themed) films made, The Quiet Man still occupied number four in a poll of 10,000 people across Ireland. John Ford's greatest commercial success, the film also set a template for Ireland's representation, and promotion, for over half a century.

This book, The Quiet Man ... and Beyond, involves both critical analysis of aspects of The Quiet Man as myth, commodity and fetish and the celebration of a film that has sustained considerable academic attention and popular appreciation since its release in 1952. Among the topics considered are the complexity of the film's relation to Ireland, to Irish literature and to John Ford's other films; its perceived place with regard to indigenous Irish cinema; and the phenomenon of its circulation and reception as a cult film over the years.

Contributors include Ruth Barton, James P. Byrne, Sean Crosson, Fidelma Farley, Roddy Flynn, Adrian Frazier, Luke Gibbons, Michael Patrick Gillespie, Conor Groome, John Hill, Des MacHale, Barry Monahan, Brian O'Conchubhair, Diog O'Connell, Caitriona O'Torna, Tom Paulus, Sean Ryder, Eamonn Slater and Rod Stoneman.

Music and song are both important influences on, and themes in, the poetry of Thomas Kinsella. His poetry also features several individuals associated with music, none more frequently than his close friend, the composer Seán Ó Riada, a central figure in the revival in popularity of Irish traditional music since the 1950s. This paper charts some significant developments in Kinsella's work from the late 1950s, and indeed, intriguing parallels, and shared emphases, apparent in the comments and work of both Kinsella and Ó Riada. For Kinsella, his experience of traditional song - described in his poem 'The Shoals Returning' - preceded the incorporation of Gaelic literature into his poetry while his recurring emphasis on the audience's role in the act of communication echoes his own identification of a central characteristic of the performance of traditional song, or sean-nós, in Irish.

La notion de norme et de référence à la norme est absolument fondamentale pour qui s’intéresse aux langues humaines. Langues, dialectes, parlers et accents suivent tous des règles rigoureuses, que l’observation permet de déterminer. Il n’y a pas de langue sans grammaire : la langue est une norme.
Cependant, les langues du monde ne jouissent pas toutes de statuts égaux. Dans certains États, le ou les idiomes parlés par la majorité de la population sont normés (pourvus d’une norme de référence) et normalisés, c’est à dire soutenus par un appareil administratif et éducatif conséquent.
À l’inverse, de nombreuses communautés linguistiques, minoritaires ou trop pauvres, sont obligées d’utiliser d’autres langues que leur langue maternelle pour avoir accès à l’enseignement ou aux services publics. La normalisation des langues vernaculaires de ces groupes laissés pour compte est souhaitable pour deux raisons : 1. la préservation de la diversité culturelle de la planète ; 2. l’établissement de systèmes éducatifs et d’information plus performants, parce qu’utilisant la langue maternelle des communautés considérées.
Fixer la norme d’une langue peu décrite est loin d’être une sinécure, comme le montre l’exemple capverdien. Et en fin de compte, cette nouvelle norme n’aura d’utilité que si les pouvoirs publics favorisent sa normalisation, à savoir sa diffusion systématique auprès des populations concernées. L’aventure de la normalisation des langues vaut cependant la peine d’être vécue, en particulier dans nombre de pays du Tiers-Monde. En normant et en normalisant, le linguiste a un rôle essentiel à jouer dans les processus de développement économique.

The Chinese provinces are a crazy patchwork quilt of languages and dialects, where the histories of migrations and cultural enclaves, the tides of influence from empire and commerce, the sperm trails that follow rivers and railway lines ... are recorded in a tangle of codes that no one has yet made a serious attempt to untangle. Note that these comments are obviously informal, not a part of systematic research. Chinese scholars themselves are now (2013) taking a much more thorough interest in dialects than was the case even in 2000.

This article looks at how Scandinavians perceived place-names of non-Scandinavian origin by means of investigating Scottish place-names mentioned in the Sagas. The article pioneers a new methodological approach in place-name research by looking at naming strategies and applying these on a historical material.

This article analyses phonetic variation among young people who have learned a minority language in immersion schooling as part of revitalisation measures. Such speakers are increasingly referred to as ‘new speakers’ in an expanding body of literature. The variable phonetic features analysed are vowels, laterals, and intonation in the speech of new Gaelic speakers from Glasgow and the Isle of Lewis. Results support previous work suggesting that new speakers will sound different from ‘traditional speakers’. These results are discussed in terms of language contact, modes of acquisition in re- vitalisation situations, and the differing perceptions and ideologies surrounding how new speakers use Gaelic. The data also necessitate an examination of some of the assumptions in sociolinguistic models of change and their applicability to contexts of rapid social evolution.

Everyone knows to what extent language depends on norms agreed upon by men in a given linguistic community. It is also recognised that languages are highly influenced by exchange between different linguistic communities. But language also depends on its ability to translate into words life-sustaining information it receives from its natural environment. To find out how this happens, this paper takes an “ethnoecological” look at glossopoiesis in ancient Ireland. It focuses in particular on Poetic “nature study” arguing that this specialised ecological knowledge had the effect of synchronising the Gaelic tongue to the rhythms of the land the gaelophone community lived upon. But the influence of Poetic wisdom on ordinary language wasn’t direct. It operated via a special, extra-lexical speech (bérla fortchuide na filidh). This paper explores the ways this speech influenced and even constitutes the Gaelic language.

The Principles and Duties of Christianity, being a Further Instruction for such as have learned the Church-Catechism, For the use of the Diocese of Man. In English and Manks. Together with Short and Plain Directions and Prayers for Particular Persons, For Families, For the Lord’s Day, For the Lords Supper, For the Time of Sickness, &c. By Thomas, Lord Bishop of Sodore and Man, London: Benjamin Motte, 1707, was, as the author announces in the preface, the first book published in Manx. A facsimile with a brief introduction by R. L. Thomson was published by Scolar Press in 1972. Our intention in this edition is to make the original text, in Manx and English, available not only for reading, but more especially for digital searching, to assist in the task of linguistic study of the Manx language of the Classical period (c. 1700-1850).

This essay highlights the main characteristics of the architecture of the Welsh house and provides an analysis of the influences on its design over the centuries. The various terms involved in the field are clearly explained before the discussion is expanded, and pertinent examples are used of different forms of architecture in Wales and their locations, demonstrating effectively the factors that influenced design and its development over the years.

Deeds, contracts and other legal instruments compiled in Irish survive
from the late medieval period for Thomond. Their survival owes as much
to the happy fact that a disproportionate number of Irish language deeds
survive in the Thomond collection, as to the fortuitous intervention of antiquaries such as Tadhg Ó Rodaighe (d.1706) and James Hardiman (d.1855). A significant portion of the surviving Gaelic legal instruments refer to people and places of east County Clare. Many refer to dealings of the O’Brien earls of Thomond and their predecessors, and owe their survival to the well-preserved legal records of the main branches of that family. A significant number involve matters dealing with the Meic Conmara (McNamara) whose lordship of Clann Chuiléin was the geographical locus of many of the deeds. The deeds contain information about people, events and places and they deal with matters about land acquisition, contracts and other agreements. The deeds which have survived tend to be summaries of legal cases and judgements rather than an exposé of legal reasoning or the articulation of a certain legal position. As legal documents they retain a utilitarian quality which makes them informative pieces of evidence for the practical application of Gaelic, or brehon law, in the late medieval period.

This is a study of settlement and society in the parish of Torosay on the Inner Hebridean island of Mull, through the earliest known settlement-names of two of its medieval districts: Forsa and Moloros. The earliest settlement-names, 35 in total, were coined in two languages: Gaelic and Old Norse (hereafter abbreviated to ON). The settlement-toponymy provides irrefutable evidence that ON-speakers settled locally and named their settlements in ON. In subsequent centuries, long after ON ceased to be spoken locally, these ON settlement-names were perpetuated by local Gaelic-speakers. Many of these ON settlement-names are still used locally and are recorded on modern maps; others have fallen out of use. The same can be said of the earliest settlement-names of Gaelic origin. New etymological analysis of the earliest known forms of these settlement-names, considered alongside local pronunciation where available, forms the basis of this thesis. Much of this analysis challenges previous research. A number of the settlement-names have not hitherto been located or been subject to etymological analysis, no previous study having comprehensively engaged with their earliest forms. The earliest known forms are recorded in fiscal evaluation dating to the final decade of the 15th century and, as such, the settlement-names provide a window on the Late Medieval period. The settlement-names also provide an invaluable insight into settlement and society in the Norse period; i.e. the period in which ON was spoken locally. Norse is employed here as both an adjective, as in the Norse period, and a noun, in reference to speakers of ON. Thus, application is broadly to what is now Scandinavia and contemporary inhabitants thereof, as opposed to the more typical modern application of Norse to Norway and its inhabitants. Individual place-name elements employed in ON settlement-names provide an insight into how the local landscape was perceived and utilised agriculturally by these immigrant ON-speakers. In some cases, proposed personal names identify individuals associated with specific settlements. At least one ON settlement-name is likely to provide evidence of the religion of those who coined the name. Syntactic analysis of the Gaelic settlement-names highlights the possibility that some were coined in the Early Medieval period. It also identifies names which are perhaps unlikely to have been coined before the early 10th century. Loan-words borrowed in both directions, i.e. from Gaelic to ON and from ON to Gaelic, are identified and these reveal something of the chronology of individual settlement-names, in addition to providing evidence for language contact. The distribution of ON settlement-names and the fiscal status of settlements bearing ON names can also reveal something of the status of immigrant ON-speakers and the status of local Gaelic-speaking communities. The date of the earliest known forms probably post-dates the period in which these ON names were coined by around six centuries and this clearly allows for significant displacement of settlement-toponymy. However, settlement-names of ON origin apply to both settlements of principal and of relatively low fiscal status and the implication is that there was a significant amount of continuity in settlement-toponymy up to the date of the earliest known fiscal sources. The dearth of contemporary textual sources for the Early Medieval and Norse periods and of local archaeology relating to these periods identifies these settlement-names as invaluable sources of information for contemporary settlement, society and language in the districts of Forsa and Moloros. Part One Chapter 1 sets the research in context in providing geographical, geological, topographical, tenurial, ecclesiastical and fiscal information for the two districts. Chapter 2 comprises a review of previous studies on local settlement-toponymy. Chapter 3 identifies the sources which provide the earliest known forms and outlines the employed methodology. Chapter 4 provides an historical framework and engages with Norse toponymy furth of Mull across Britain and Ireland. Chapter 5 presents discursive analysis addressing the predominant research questions. Chapter 6 presents conclusions. Part Two The place-name survey presents raw spatial data and etymological analysis, where not included in chapter 5, for each of the 35 settlement-names.

The galloglass of medieval Ireland was the premier military kindred that supplied élite fighting men for Gaelic and Anglo-Norman lordships from the thirteenth to seventeenth centuries. Like other sections of Gaelic society the galloglass were organised into hereditary professional kindreds whose branches were settled in various lordships in Ireland. Galloglass kindreds that became attached to different aristocratic patrons competed with each other and an esprit de corps formed around how they acquitted themselves on the field. Their profession of arms meant that their role was not limited to training and fighting on behalf of their patrons; they also served as bodyguards to lords and constituted an essential element in supplying the vanguard of Gaelic military forces.

This is a small explanation of how Scottish Gaelic dialects can differ from the standard spelled form, using mainly the Arran dialect from the Argyle Dialect group as an example. I also gone on to discuss the Galloway Gaelic dialect and the extinct Cumbric language.

Archibald Cregeen’s "Dictionary of the Manks Language" is a major work of lexicography that has been used by generations of Manx learners since its publication in 1835. The distinctive way in which the information is presented has meant, however, that some of the dictionary’s potential value is not readily apparent to the user. Both the first edition of the Dictionary (1835) and the second (1910) comprise a strictly alphabetical list of word forms, which is particularly valuable for users not entirely familiar with the nature and range of variation in the initial letter of Manx words, due to initial consonant mutations, and to the addition of consonants (such as g-, d-  or n-) before certain forms of vowel-initial verbs. A consequence of this strictly alphabetical procedure, though, is that related forms of the same word, or word-family, are scattered throughout the dictionary. Thus, in a sense, Cregeen’s Dictionary as published is more like an index to a lexicon than a lexicon itself.

In this re-ordering of the entries of the Dictionary, lexically related forms are grouped together under a base form or lemma. It thereby becomes possible to consider together the various inflectional forms of each item, its affixal derivatives, and the phrases and compounds containing them. The reordering depends, of course, on correctly identifying the word relationships, and I may have made some erroneous connections, and missed some links that would be appropriate. I hope users will suggest improvements in this respect.

In this second edition (December 2015), the text of the citations from the Apocrypha has been included, and some errors have been corrected.

Clann Chruitín were among the most notable learned kindreds in Co. Clare in the late medieval period. They featured among the aos dána, the Gaelic learned class who specialised in, as the annals assert, ‘senchas agus le seinm’. Holding hereditary lands in west Co. Clare on the margins of the Atlantic coast, they attained the status of ollamhnacht in history (seanchas) and music (seinm) from the fourteenth century. Remarkably, learned members of Clann Chuitín continued to be associated with literary activity of he native tradition until the mid-nineteenth century when Séamas Mac Cruitín, self-described as ‘the last relic of the hereditary bards of Thomond’, died.

In this article, I intend to concentrate on one type of process by which Scots has found new legitimation as a language, and how discourses surrounding the issue of Scots might seek to contribute to the creation of a new Scottish society. I whish to show how history is used as a legitimating discursive device by the various components of the Scots language revitalisation movement.

Final (post-viva) research masters dissertation, Aberystwyth University, 2016. A published version with significant revisions and additions is envisaged.

The present thesis provides a linguistic overview of the revived variety of Manx Gaelic, the Celtic language of the Isle of Man currently spoken by a few hundred people who have learnt it as a second language, and a small number of children raised bilingually. The introductory chapter presents an overview of the recent history and current situation of Revived Manx; the academic literature on both varieties of Manx; the study of language revival in general; and the ideological issues surrounding the terminology of language ‘revival’ and of language ‘death’. In Chapter 2 an overview is given of the linguistic features of Revived Manx (RM) with comparisons to the traditional variety (Traditional Manx, TM), with sections on phonetics and phonology, morphology and syntax, and lexis, idiom and style. In Chapter 3 RM is placed in the wider context of the phenomenon of language variety, with particular focus on comparisons with Revived Hebrew (and the problems with such comparisons); the concept of interlanguage; language revival as language contact; and existing language ideologies prevalent in the RM community. Finally consideration is given to the future prospects of the language, and recommendations are made concerning ideological clarification and corpus planning.

The forthcoming date of 9 June is the annual Feast Day of St. Columba. A pre-Schism, and pre-Reformation saint, he is revered and this date commemorated in most Christian traditions, including Catholic, Orthodox, Anglican, Lutheran, and Presbyterian. Along with St. Patrick and St. Brigid, he is one of the three patron saints of Ireland. He is also the patron saint of the Benedictine Glenstal Abbey in Ireland, which holds a collection of ancient Orthodox Icons. Saint Columba of Iona, known in Ireland as St. ColmCille (Dove of the Church), is perhaps best known as the missionary from Ireland who spread Christianity in Scotland. He founded many monasteries in these isles, in Derry, Durrow, and Kells, and most notably on the island of Iona, where he died and was buried in 597.  Early Scottish kings of the Kingdom of Alba were laid to rest there for many generations.

This article provides an overview of 2000 years of Irish literature, in both the Irish language (Gaelic) and English. Writers considered include Thomas Moore, Oscar Wilde, W.B. Yeats, James Joyce, Máirtín Ó Direáin, Máirtín Ó Cadhain, Seán Ó Ríordáin, Sean O'Casey, Seamus Heaney and John Banville.

Amongst the collection of bardic poetry from the medieval period there are several compositions dedicated to the Meic Conmara lords of Clann Chuiléin, who were the leading dynastic lineage in east Co. Clare and whose territory encompassed the baronies of Bunratty and Tulla. They were composed by members of the Uí Mhaoilchonaire,
Uí Mhóirín, Meic an Bhaird and Meic Craith (Clann Chraith) learned lineages. The latter family were an important medieval dynasty of learned men and churchmen in Thomond and elsewhere in Munster. A fourteenth-century poet of that family and his composition, Coin
airdfhiadhaigh Clann Choiléin, which eulogizes the Meic Conmara, form the chief subject matter of this paper.

This paper presents a list of freeholders of Kilfenora Diocese in County Clare from 1601. The fortuitous survival of this list shows a snap-shot of Gaelic social hierarchies and landholding in an area almost wholly unaffected by anglicizing changes. The value of the list is its survey of land denominations and proprietorship and its focus on the church lands of the Corcomroe division of the diocese. It is speculated here that the list was compiled by a cleric at the cathedral chapter of Kilfenora and that its purpose was to ascertain church lands and property in order to put the administration of the diocese—including its revenues from the diocesan temporalities—on a more sure footing.

This article looks at the writings of the County Clare Franciscan, Antonius Bruodin (c.1618-80), and his contention with fellow cleric, Thomas Carve (alias Carew). The writings of these two men, both clerics and living exiled on the continent in the second half of the 17th century, reveal much about Gaelic culture, native institutions and the Gaelic learned class. Bruodin was born into a learned family of the classical Gaelic tradition, the Clann Bhruaideadha (McBrodys), who had produced generations of official chroniclers and poets to the Ui Bhriain (O'Briens) of Thomond. His writings therefore contain first hand accounts of the methods of learning and the wealth and proprietorship enjoyed by the learned class in Gaelic lordships, prior to their reduction in status and loss of patronage from the early 17th century.

The Book of Psalms has been translated into Manx Gaelic twice. The first version was made by John Phillips, Bishop of Sodor and Man, in 1610, as part of his translation of the Church of England’s Book of Common Prayer, a new edition of which had been published in 1605, under the direction of King James I of England, in which the version of the psalms was that of Coverdale’s Great Bible of 1539. It was not printed until 1895 (Moore & Rhŷs 1895), using the sole manuscript copy which was made between 1625 and 1630 (Manx National Heritage MS 00003; Wheeler 2019).
The second Manx translation was also part of the Anglican Book of Common Prayer, and was published by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge in London in 1765 (Wheeler 2016).
This new edition of the two Manx translations of the Psalms is a contribution to the project of publishing digital editions of as much as possible of Manx Gaelic literature, and, in the case of translations, setting the Manx alongside the English originals.

(from a work published in 1981) This table shows an unusual spectrum of cognates: Indo-European - Sanskrit, Avestan, Persian, Belarusian, Croatian, Polish, Romanian, Greek, Armenian, Albanian, Latin, Irish, Scots-Gaelic, Welsh, Italian, French, English, Etruscan, Hittite, Tocharian, Luwian;; in addition, Hurrian, Urartian, Akkadian, Georgian, Latvian, Baltic-Sudovian, and Finnish-Uralic. Overlaying the Semitic Sumero-Akkadian cognates in this table has produced an unusual Concordance. The Concordance is also part of our Copeland-Akkadian-English.Dictionary which integrates the findings in our Indo-European Table. Part 2 (http://www.maravot.com/Indo-European_Table1A.html) includes our integrated Akkadian-Indo-European Table. Click on it for the most current version.

A work in progress, covering Etruscan Phrases Indo-European Table 1, Parts 1-6. I suppose it would be obvious that the migration of the Indo-Europeans into Europe from what was believed to be the Russian steppes or northern Anatolia and the Caucasus region put them in contact with other groups. Exactly when and where the migration took place and the various groups of people that were affected has been the subject of much controversy. *PIE (Proto-Indo-European) specialists have attempted to explain the interrelationships through speculation on the shifts from one language to another; to the extent that the rules that show shifts that took place in the separation of the proto-Indo-European language(s) tend to be the subject of great debate themselves. This document attempts to circumvent the processes that induce doubtful results by comparing the words of languages that would have been involved in the mix of the early Indo-Europeans and other communities they encountered, as they moved east to west (and in the case of red-haired, Scotch-plaid, kilted Tocharians west to east). One of the languages that stood out in an early stage of our study was the Albanian. Nestled in Eastern Europe between the Croatians and the Serbs, the anomalies seen in their language tend to be a good representative of Indo-European groups mixing with the Slavic, Baltic, Uralic and Kartvelian language groups. Albanian tradition suggests that they are the heirs of the ancient (now extinct) Illyrians, that their language is at least 3,000 years old. Nestled within Yugoslavia, before it collapsed, four of the six constituent republics, Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia and Montenegro, shared a common language known as Serbo-Croat. (We use Croatian, together with Belarusian, in this document for comparison of the Slavic with other languages.) The Serbs also claim to have an ancient language. Other languages compared in our table that highlight the mixing of the selected languages include Persian, Avestan, Sanskrit, Hittite, where available Hurrian, and Etruscan. The Etruscan language is important, since it ceased to exist around the 3 rd century B.C. and is believed to have existed in northern Italy (Tuscany) since ~1100 B.C. We thus have in the Etruscan language a language that has been frozen in time, untouched and untampered with, as it were, since it ceased to be spoken, read and understood. We began our Indo-European Table with the purpose of comparing the Etruscan words we isolated in our research (since 1981) with other Indo-European languages. After having established a vocabulary of over 2,500 words, represented in over 600 Etruscan texts, it became apparent in our Indo-European Table that Etruscan is closer to Latin than even the modern " Romance " languages of French and Italian. Having observed over the years of the growing controversy over the relationships of Baltic, Uralic and Kartvelian language families to the Indo-European family, we thought to update our Indo-European Table to include representatives of those languages: Latvian, Finnish and Georgian. The addition of these languages is turning out to be a fascinating exercise, since it tends to explain some of the anomalies we have seen in Albanian. Are the Albanians rooted from ancient Illyria or could they have come into Illyria from the steppes, north of the Black Sea? Ancient Roman maps of the Eastern Roman Empire identify an area north of Armenia in the Caucasus on the Caspian Sea as Albania. Having seen these maps when they first appeared on the internet, courtesy of the University of Texas Perry-Castañeda Library Map Collection, we wondered whether the Romans had something

Scottish Gaelic, among the nearly 7,000 languages spoken in the world today, is endangered. In the 1980s the Gaelic Medium Education (GME) movement emerged with an emphasis on teaching students all subjects via this ancient tongue with the hope of revitalizing the language. Concomitantly, many linguists have called for problematizing traditional definitions of language. The notion of translingualism, the idea that languages are not discrete, monolithic entities, runs counter to the ideology of languages as specifically representing one culture and one place. As language revitalization programs such as GME have a documented history of asserting traditional language ideologies, teachers are major purveyors of language ideologies, and language ideologies shape language policies, the goal of this qualitative case study was to explore the language ideologies of GME teachers in an urban setting as those ideologies relate to translingualism and to understand the core components of second language acquisition (SLA) that those teachers believe are essential in such a setting. The data sources include semi-structured, focused interviews with five participants. Through open, axial, and selective coding, a number of themes emerged. The findings suggest that language ideologies regarding translingualism are complex; furthermore, some of the components of SLA particular to GME in urban settings include making the language relevant to students and modeling the language outside of the school. Implications for this study for policy makers, practitioners, and researchers are discussed.

Principally in response to the public debt crisis, the process of European political integration appears about to make further advances. This, in turn, brings a need to reflect on the emergence of a new legal culture shared by many legal systems that are
gradually moving closer to each other in many ways. The language issue is an important aspect of this: the greater the sovereignty transferred by the Member States to the Brussels institutions, the more essential it becomes that these institutions speak the languages that Europeans know best, generally their national language.
This poses a considerable challenge to the EU, where language diversity is now recognised under Article 22 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, and, after the Lisbon Treaty, under Article 3 (3) of the TEU. If the EU truly intends to
guarantee that language diversity is respected, it must allow every EU citizen to speak any of the 23 official languages and, at the same time, issue its rules in every citizen’s own language.
A useful key to understanding the EU situation is provided by Canada, which, with its two official languages, French and English, has long faced a similar challenge. It has been possible to protect the identities of both the English-speaking and the French-speaking communities by recognising that both communities are entitled to have all written documents drafted in their own language. However, this federal-level decision has
led to a model of regulation that is marked by strong separatism in the Province of Quebec, where the French-speaking population constitutes a significant majority.
The co-existence of the two communities raises several issues for legal scholars. This paper looks primarily at the classic constitutional problem of the rights that the linguistic minority are entitled to, and a review is provided of the main rulings issued by the Supreme Court of Canada. After the introduction (§ 1), and a short survey of relevant constitutional provisions (§ 2), an account is provided of the debate over the Provinces’ powers when constitutional amendments impinge on their sphere of activity (§ 3), and the key regulations relating to the day-to-day administration of Canadian bilingualism are described (§ 4). The article then examines cases and key issues arising from them, in
chronological order (§ 5). The last chapter provides a critical evaluation of the way in which language rights have been shaped in Canadian constitutional jurisprudence (§ 6).

Prevalentemente in risposta alla crisi del debito pubblico, il processo di integrazione politica europea sembra in procinto di raggiungere nuovi traguardi. Ciò pone a propria volta la necessità di riflettere sulla nascita di una cultura giuridica comune a molti
ordinamenti che si stanno progressivamente avvicinando l'un l'altro sotto molteplici aspetti. Un aspetto importante di questa riflessione attiene al "problema linguistico": infatti, più quote di sovranità vengono trasferite dagli Stati Membri alle istituzioni di
Bruxelles, più diviene fondamentale che tali istituzioni parlino nella lingua che i popoli europei comprendono meglio, il che significa normalmente la loro lingua nazionale.
Ciò pone una sfida notevole per l'UE: se vuole realmente assicurare il rispetto della "diversità linguistica" (ora riconosciuta dall'art. 22 della Carta dei Diritti Fondamentali dell'Unione Europea e, dopo il Trattato di Lisbona, dall'art. 3(3) del TEU), deve consentire ad ogni cittadino europeo di parlare in una qualunque delle ventitré lingue ufficiali, e allo stesso tempo deve imporgli i propri comandi nella sua lingua.
Lo studio del caso canadese è particolarmente utile a comprendere questa sfida: con le sue due lingue ufficiali, l'inglese e il francese, il Canada ne ha infatti conosciuta a lungo una
simile. In questo Paese, riconoscere a ciascuna comunità, quella anglofona e quella francofona, il diritto di avere tutti i documenti ufficiali scritti nella propria lingua è stato un modo per proteggere le rispettive identità. In particolare, l'opzione bilingue adottata
dalla federazione canadese ha tradizionalmente consentito alla minoranza francofona di salvaguardare un elemento essenziale del proprio patrimonio culturale. Tuttavia, quest'opzione scelta a livello federale fa spazio a un modello di regolamentazione improntato a un forte separatismo all'interno della Provincia del Quebec, dove la popolazione di lingua francese è largamente predominante.
La coesistenza delle due comunità solleva diverse questioni per i giuristi. In questo lavoro, l'attenzione è rivolta principalmente sul classico problema costituzionale di quali diritti sono riconosciuti alla minoranza linguistica: vengono passate in rassegna le
principali pronunce della Corte Suprema del Canada in tema di diritti linguistici. Dopo un'introduzione (§ 1), e un breve resoconto delle disposizioni costituzionali rilevanti (§ 2), della controversia sui poteri delle province in materia di modifiche costituzionali
incidenti sulla loro competenza (§ 3), e delle regole principali nell'applicazione quotidiana del bilinguismo canadese (§ 4), l'articolo segue un ordine cronologico, esaminando le sentenze e analizzando le questioni principali che esse rispettivamente
hanno sollevati (§ 5); nel paragrafo conclusivo, vengono svolte alcune considerazioni (prevalentemente critiche) sul modo in cui i diritti linguistici sono stati declinati nell'esperienza costituzionale canadese (§ 6).

Three words in Scottish Gaelic which appear to be loans from Pictish (preas, bad & dail) attest short vowels. In Brittonic (c.500-550) such vowels became lengthened due to the operation of the New Quantity System giving 'prys', 'bod' & 'dôl'. There is no good reason why such vowels should be shortened in Scottish Gaelic and it might suggest that the NQS did not operate in Pictish. The NQS is one of the numerous features of Brittonic directly derived from Late Spoken Latin. Such a linguistic conservatism would sit well with the historically justifiable view that Pictish is largely a somewhat less latinised form of Brittonic.

Any comments or corrections would be appreciated.

This is Part 10 of a 11 Part table of Indo-European words, as they relate to the Etruscan/Latin languages as well as each other. We have added non-Indo-European languages to the table because of a continuing pattern of liaisons. These include Finnish, Latvian, Georgian and Hurrian, Urartian and Akkadian when possible. The liaisons are placed in color. Purple-colored words are generally with East Anatolian, Hittite, etc. liaisons; orange, east European to west European links,  Red, Latin liaisons, and Green Celtic/ western liaisons. Throughout the 11 tables one will find interesting liaisons between Irish and Scots-Gaelic, and Georgian, causing one to muse whether those connections had to do with the early movements of the Celts from the Caucasus Mountains involving the transport and practice of metallurgy, perhaps focused upon the need for tin. Albanian is of interest in terms of probably originally been located near the Caspian sea and having similar liaisons with the area. Romanian is of interest in terms of identification of liaisons that may reveal the root Thracian language.  What appears to be the case is that Romanian is predominately a mix of Latin,  Gaelic,  and Slavic. Many Romanian Latin liaisons curiously reflect Etruscan declensions. The Shift from Latin to Etruscan seems very similar to the shift from Latin to Romanian, as well as French.
Because of formatting problems with the PDF file, viewers may find the web page http://www.maravot.com/Indo-European_Table1E.html (link below) easier to work with.

The late eighteenth- and early decades of the nineteenth century witnessed a flourishing of the Gaelic scribal tradition in the west of Ireland, notably in the counties of Cork and Clare. This flourishing benefited from the popularity of verse and storytelling among the general population, and the exchange of manuscripts and printed materials in Irish. However, the tradition was entering its final phase and over the course of the nineteenth century it hastened its decline
until, by the close of that century, it clung precariously to the remote and westerly fringes of the country. The tradition was inextricably linked to the Irish language, and in Clare it survived into the first half of the twentieth century, dying on the lips of speakers who lived in the north-western parishes of the county.

John Phillips’ translation of the Book of Common Prayer, with Psalter, is the earliest datable text in Manx Gaelic. It was made in 1610;  the only manuscript copy of it now in existence, (Manx Museum MS 00003), can be judged to have been written between 1625 and 1630, as it includes a prayer in the Litany for Charles I and his Queen, but not for their son, afterwards Charles II, who was born in the latter year. Phillips’ text was not printed until 1895, when A. W. Moore and Sir John Rhŷs edited it (Moore & Rhŷs 1895) and set it alongside the 1842 text of the later Manx translation (originally published in 1765).

In connection with the project to make as much as possible of Manx literature available in searchable digital form, I offer here a new transcription and an essentially diplomatic edition of Phillips’ Psalms.

A table in 11 parts that shows interesting relationships between these languages: Sanskrit, Persian, Georgian, Akkadian, Hurrian, Urartian, Belarusian, Croatian, Polish, Latvian, Romanian, Finnish, Greek, Armenian, Albanian, Latin, Irish, Scots-Gaelic, Welsh, Italian, French, Tocharian, Luvian, Hittite and Etruscan.  (Etruscan declines and conjugates very close to Latin--See our Etruscan GlossaryA for a detailed list of Etruscan words that correlate to Latin, French and Italian and the Index to Indo-European Table1). Words in this table and the Etruscan Glossary are arranged alphabetically according to the Etruscan words; the Index to the Indo-European Table is alphabatized English-Latin-Etruscan.
    More than 600 Etruscan texts are represented by the table and glossary that include over 2,800 words.
    We have colored comparable words to reflect common affinities; i.e., "red" connotes words that appear to relate to Latin; blue to Sanskrit and Persian. Purple is used to show connections between Georgian, Hittite and others, Orange shows mainly Akkadian and  Eastern European (Slavic, Finnish, Baltic) connections and Green Western European, Celtic, Gaelic, English.  Frequently a shift in one of the selected languages links two otherwise unrelated languages/groups. For instance, in the words for milk and whey we have:
Sanskrit,  kṣīram, milk, Persian, shir, شیر  milk,  Georgian შრატში, shrat’shi, whey, Belarusian, сыроватка, syrovatka, whey, Croatian, surutka, whey, Latvian, seroma, serom, Romanian, zer, whey, Albanian, SEROM, serom, Latin, serum-i, whey, Irish, serom, serom, Scots-Gaelic, seomar, serom, Welsh,  serom, serom, Italian, siero del latte, whey, French, sérum, serum, Etruscan, serom (SERVM). Then are the words for milk, colored green, Belarusian, малако, malako, milk, Croatian, mlijeko, milk, Polish,  mleko, milk, Finnish, maito, milk, Irish, meadhg, whey, Scots-Gaelic, meud, whey, Welsh, maidd (meiddion), English, milk [<OE milc]. The red group are: Romanian, lapte, milk, Latin, lac-lactis, milk, Welsh,  llaeth (lleithion), milk, Italian, latte, milk, French, lait, milk. The Orange group is most interesting: Finnish, hera, whey, Albanian, hirrë, whey. Allowing for a consonant shift in Sanskrit, mastu, whey, to mad-, would explain the direct link to Sanskrit from Celtic: meadhg, meud and maidd. This kind of link appears frequently in the tables.