French Republicanism

Violent racialized policing has become a hot-button issue in recent years. While an American audience might be familiar with the American Black Lives Matter movement and police violence in the United States, the situation in France is less well known and understood outside of France. The history of French interactions with its minority populations is a complicated one involving a colonial legacy, the shame of Nazi cooperation, and a method of housing the poor that keeps low-income minority communities on the outskirts of major cities, (banlieues). Even more important to understanding the treatment of minorities in France is the French ideal of Republicanism. Instead of trying to represent different minority groups politically to achieve inclusiveness, French politics strives to benefit citizens in the abstract and create an individual relationship between each individual citizen and the French state. American-style multiculturalism, on the other hand, is seen as disrupting this individual relationship by promoting factions instead of the individualized relationship. Proponents of Republicanism believe the philosophy actually eliminates racism. However, the evidence of racialized policing proves otherwise. Today, France is facing a philosophical political crisis. Some proponents of Republicanism have stated that Muslim culture is incompatible with France's values, and that there is a clash of cultures that cannot be reconciled. Others posit that Republicanism itself is not the problem; rather that the French state actively discriminates against minority populations in opposition to its Republican ideals. The question is whether French Republicanism can continue to be the best system for French politics considering the large minority groups, mainly Muslim North Africans, who are now citizens and residents of France. This study examines the relationship between the political ideology of Republicanism and its impact on violent and discriminatory racialized policing in the banlieues of France.

Je poursuis ici les réflexions entamées dans « L’État, la Puissance, la Souveraineté… et Nous » et « Fin de l’Histoire ? » Dans ces textes j’avais mis le Nous au centre de l’être politique et à la source de la constitution de l’État, comme lieu d’incarnation de la Souveraineté [être suprême en somme]. Cependant je n’avais fait qu’ébaucher l’examen de ce Nous dans sa consistance ou son essence, sa pertinence. J’ai ressenti la nécessité d’aller plus loin. Stratégiquement je suis parti d’abord de ce qui menace ou vise à détruire le Nous, de façon à peut-être mieux le saisir à partir de sa contradiction. J’ai mis tout cela sous le titre d’Espace Public, notion politique importante dont par exemple Jurgen Habermas s’est beaucoup occupé.

The March for Equality and Against Racism (La Marche pour l'égalité et contre le racisme) left Marseilles on October 15, 1983, responding to the increase in racist sentiments in France and protesting the police violence routinely faced by youth of North African heritage in the banlieues. Two months later, what began as a small group of participants, mostly descendants of North African immigrants from Minguettes, turned into one of the most politically significant moments in French history, as more than 100,000 participants, including government ministers, labor leaders, and members of religious organizations, arrived in Paris for a final demonstration ("La marche pour l'égalité et contre le racisme"). The March of the Beurs (La Marche des Beurs), as the movement came to be called, brought attention to issues of housing discrimination, police brutality, immigration, and citizenship, but it also left an indelible mark on the subsequent journalistic and scholarly treatment of "beur 2 writing." As previous scholars have pointed out, Mehdi Charef's Tea in the Harem (Le Thé au harem d'archi ahmed), published in 1983, and its film adaptation in 1985 were sociopolitically overdetermined by the events of the March. As the beur political movement came to occupy an increasingly central position in the political consciousness of mainstream French society, beur writing became a stand-in or pretext for political discourse. Beur authors, who were often asked to comment on issues of "identity politics, immigration, and discrimination in

In an era of various crises faced by modern France, the attention of policymakers shaping the ideological policy of the state has focused primarily on the intersection of education and religion. Th e programmatic secularism of education, inscribed in the essence of the concept of the Republic as a space for the realisation of liberty, equality, fraternity, has become an arena of clashing opposing discourses. Th e aim of this article is to attempt to understand the place of the values of the Fift h French Republic in the recruitment process of current and future early childhood education teachers in public schools in France in the deontological, praxeological and didactic dimensions. Textbooks for candidates are the primary source for this study. Using the hermeneutic method, the starting point was the course of the recruitment competition in the context of the legislator's expectations of candidates. Next, the focus was on the exegesis of republican values, with particular emphasis on secularism (laïcité). Th e issues of teachers' duties and the place of these values in the teaching-learning process were also addressed. Th e study closes with a summary that also refers to the broader cultural context of contemporary France.

Del mismo modo que la voluntad particular se a.gita sin cesar contra la voluntad general, se esfuerza continuamente el gobierno contra la soberanía.' Cuanto más aumenta este esfuerzo, tanto más se altera la Constitución, y puesto que no existe aquí ninguna voluntad de cuer-' pos qué, resistiendo a la del Principie,' la coriti'apesen, tiene que ocurrir más pronto o más tarde que el Príncipe llegue a oprimir al soberano rompiendo el tratado social. Tal es el vició inherente e inevitable d.ue desde el nacimiento del cuerpo político tiende sin tregua a destruirlo, del mismo modo que la vejez y la muerte destruyen el cuerpo del hombre. (J. J. ROUSSEAU: Du Control Social.) De una manera, por lo demás* sistemática, el pensamiento liberal pasa por alto o. ignora el Estado, y la política moviéndose', en cambio, entre una típica y • siempre recurrente polaridad dé dos esferas heterogéneas, á saber, entre la ética y la economía, el espíritu y el negocio, la cultura y la posesión. (C. SCHMITT: 'Dér B'egriff des Politischem) '• • : • '"-••• • Cuando el despotismo está en las leyes,. la libertad se .halla en'las costumbres, y viceversa. (H. DE BALZAC: La peau de chagrín.) Según Hobbes, el soberano debe hacer desaparecer las opiniones • privadas* Pero detrás de las opiniones quedan los intereses* de forma que-dónde sé afirman las monarquías absolutas, en \i forma dé Standestaat, cuándo la opinión «pública» aflora y se vigoriza, propende entonces necesariamente a ver en el juego de los intereses que de manera inevitable incluye la política-reservada antes a las. dinastías.y a su corte, las cuales eran, pues, portadoras dé los intereses nacionales que contribuyeron así'a configurar-una oposición sin tregua entre los intereses privados, a cuyo servicio esa •• opinión quiere poner, por lo tanto, al Poder. '. : Al introducir el Estado liberá'l'-burgués de Derecho la distinción jurídicamente formal entre lo público y lo.privado, dado el trasfoñdo sociológico en que se constituye y el espíritu de la opinión «pública» que inspira las decisiones • políticas, no obstante modifica' también el objetó de los demás conceptos capitales-de lo político, como la tensión ámigo-enémigo y ía relación mando-obediencia, cuya función tiene 'sentido al servicio dé la unidad dé cada' ÍÜ3 DALMAC10 NEGRO comunidad política, pero ahora constituye precisamente un motivo de su es' cisión, aiinque ficticiamente la idea de nación sigue desempeñando un fuerte papel emotivo unificador. Mas la disputa sobre las libertades formales y las libertades reales se agudiza, empero, en cuanto se afloja la tensión emocional.-' El Rechtsstaat se fundamenta, ciertamente, en la doctrina del imperio de la ley; pero dónde ésta no se apoya vigorosamente en una tradición histórica, encamada en una magistratura sociológicamente independiente, o bien en sociedades de nueva fundación sin un pasado absolutista, etc., en las cuales la idea de la superioridad, de las leyes se asiente en hábitos y costumbres elaborados por los siglos, y en 'firmes creencias de manera que la ley simplemente consista én la racionalización y aclaración de aquéllos, y en perfecta congruencia con los mismos, resulta que el Estado de Derecho corre el riesgo de ser un producto artificioso del constructivismo jurídico-politico, pues ahí la evolución de opinión no tiene porqué ser coherente con la Constitución, en la cual se plasma la voluntad de dar las pautas básicas de la vida colectiva, .pero, frecuentemente, de forma inadecuada a la materia histórica que pretende in-formar. Por ende, el Estado-de-Derecho, al formalizar la distinción entre lo que es público y lo que es privado, como un asunto jurídico, es decir, sin establecer una auténtica diferencia, lo cual resulta imposible pues, llevada a sus últimas consecuencias escindiría la sociedad del Estado, y ello, por lo menos en Occidente equivaldría a una regresión histórica tal vez no factible, introduce una duplicidad desmoralizadora-ya que el mismo individuo humano es el actor a la vez en la vida «pública» y en la vida «privada»-capaz de paralizar a la larga la vida colectiva y hacer del Estado y, por supuesto, de la «política» un instrumento de disgregación y no de unidad, según pertenece a su naturaleza; pues el Estado-de-Derecho, producto del racionalismo jurídico contempla a los actores en' el campo de lo público, así como en el de lo privado, como si fueran individuos y, además, en cada caso singular, escindidos dé sí mismos. Acaba sintiéndose el poder, en medio de esa disgregación como pura fuerza, ya que, en casos extremos, apela abiertamente, para conservarse en su unidad, a la violencia, y si tiene que ser más moderado, se sirve de la corrupción que deriva necesariamente de aquella duplicidad, pervirtiendo lo que, según la Constitución, da forma unitaria a la comunidad, es decir, lo público, puesto que éste o lo privado tienen que ceder. Niégase entonces a sí misma la política convirtiéndose el Poder en objeto de todas las apetencias.

En este artículo retomo algunas miradas contemporáneas sobre Kant y la revolución francesa. Partiremos de la hipótesis de trabajo de un parteaguas en la obra de Kant, en un antes y un después de la revolución francesa, estudiaremos las repercusiones que ésta tuvo en su obra y en qué sentido asciende a la forma de discurso con pretensiones de universalidad. Nos preguntaremos si acaso, en qué medida y de qué manera, los acontecimientos políticos entre los años de 1789-1793, lo llevaron a modificar tesis anteriores, a revaluar posiciones, a tomar partido en debates políticos de su tiempo y la manera como todo esto impactó su obra del mismo periodo.

M. Rousseau deserves special mention for his communal dishes. This clever industrial designer has resolved the problem of creating a faïence ware that is both appealing and affordable … He selected for his collaborator an artist who understood how to glaze a plate, and who, additionally, made fantastic etchings and gravitated to bold images. Bracquemond, inspired by both the Japanese and his own ideas, has populated his dishes with a charming world of fowl and flowers. This disk of fired clay, that, when left bare, recalls a grey sky in December, becomes in the hand of this decorator, a truly delightful vision. M. Daguzan, 1867 1 In his review of the Parisian Exposition Universelle of 1867, the painter and critic L eon-Victor Daguzan (1821-1911) suggested that a ceramic dinner service had upended modern French design. Often described commercially as the Service Rousseau, this tableware emerged as a material collaboration among the merchantdesigner Eug ene Rousseau (1827-1890), the printmaker F elix Bracquemond (1833-1914) and the ceramics manufacture of Montereau. Casual and colourful, the service was distinct in its earthenware body and spare use of Japanese motifs, marrying the feel of faïence with the etcher's touch, to create a new sensory experience of Japan for the French home. Daguzan's celebration of the Service Rousseau echoes a contemporary chorus of critical praise, positioning the dishes as material specimens of decorative innovation in France. 2 By highlighting the affordable, cross-cultural, and intermedial qualities of the ceramic service, Daguzan underscores how this assemblage of earthenware plates, cups and tureens

Par rapport à d’autres pays de l’Union européenne, la France est moins encline à voir s’exprimer des intérêts spécifiques (ethniques ou religieux) dans la vie politique. Ceci vient de sa conception de la nation, civique et non ethnique et se retrouve dans l’article premier de la Constitution de 1958 qui affirme que la République assure l'égalité devant la loi de tous les citoyens « sans distinction d'origine, de race ou de religion ». Ainsi toute revendication formulée en vertu de l’appartenance à un groupe ethnique ou religieux est considérée comme compromettant l’intérêt général. La République ne reconnaît pas les corps intermédiaires et doit préserver une relation verticale entre le citoyen et l’Etat.

Esta edición, cuidadosamente preparada por Felipe M. Ignacio, contiene textos sobre el sistema educativo de: Mirabeau, Talleyrand, Condorcet, Rabaut, Saint-Étienne, Lepeletier de Saint-Fargeau, Victor Hugo, Jules Ferry, Paul Bert, Jean Jaurès, Victor Cousin, Émile Durkheim, Jules Lagneau, Henri Bergson, Alain, Ernest Renan, Michel Bréal, Ernest Lavisse, Louis Liard, Jacques Muglioni y Régis Debray.
Todos ellos son destacados protagonistas de la querella que, a partir de la Revolución francesa, tiene lugar en el país vecino sobre la cuestión educativa y su relación con las instituciones políticas de la república.
Ninguno de estos autores pierde de vista el papel crucial que tiene la educación en la formación de ciudadanos libres e iguales, premisa necesaria de la integración en sociedad.
En medio de la crisis educativa que vivimos, estos textos ofrecen luz para tratar un problema acuciante en sociedades tan plurales como las nuestras: cuál es la formación ciudadana, transversal y civil, que puede evitar su definitiva fragmentación en sectas y naciones, en átomos políticos y religiosos.

I n my very early days of researching about the Maltese corsairs I set about uncovering the very fabric of the characters of the commerce raiders that used Malta as their base in the 18th century. The local corsairs were intertwined into a colourful weave that was not only Malta but the Mediterranean and Europe in the late 18th century. The corsairs were no peculiarity of an insular society. They were the product of their time. The late 18th century flung them not only into seaborne raids around the Mediterranean but also into ever changing European politics. They lived in an enlightened Europe that was slowly festering into revolution. The corsairs operating from Malta were quite a few. They formed part of a harbour community. 1 For long I had suspected that the higher echelons of this community including officers, captains, shipwrights, notaries and financiers of the corsair ships were involved in contemporary political affairs. Nonetheless little evidence existed to substantiate my hypothesis. Along came a chance conversation with Dr. Olvin Vella in late 2014. On my mentioning of various peculiar names of a number of corsairs Captains, Dr. Vella in his usual emphatic style exclaimed: 'those names you mentioned! I think some left Malta with Vassalli in 1800!' Within days I was handed a number of lists and articles that started to put weight to a hibernating hypothesis. Vassalli in Corsica was accompanied by corsairs! Some of the most intrepid sea dogs of the late 18th century had been fellow Jacobins with Malta's foremost enlightened reformer Vassalli. 2 To set the stage for such an argument one must trace back some links to the last days of the Order's rule.

Resumen:
El presente artículo se propone explorar las diferencias teórico-políticas entre el republicanismo clásico y el liberalismo moderno a través del análisis de los conceptos de Estado de derecho y de Estado libre tal y como fueron desarrollados por el pensamiento constitucional durante la Revolución francesa. El análisis comenzará por precisar los términos en los que el pensamiento jurídico ha interpretado la carta de 1791 como fundadora del Estado de derecho en Francia. A continuación, se repasarán las circunstancias que condujeron al naufragio de la Constitución de 1791, para proceder luego a examinar cómo las facciones radicales lidiaron con la experiencia política de 1789-1792. Finalmente, se analizarán los proyectos constitucionales de 1793 como respuesta a los problemas identificados por los radicales como causales de la crisis política del verano de 1792 que había culminado con el asalto popular a las Tullerías.

Abstract:
This article aims to explore the theoretical and political differences between classical republicanism and modern liberalism by analyzing the concepts of the “state of law” and the “free state” as they were developed by the constitutional thought during the French Revolution. The analysis thus begins by specifying the terms in which legal thought has interpreted the Constitution of 1791 as the founder of the rule of law in France. The circumstances leading to the failure of the Constitution of 1791 are analyzed next, to then examine how the radical factions coped with the political experience of 1789-1792. Finally, the constitutional projects of 1793 are analyzed as a response to the issues identified by the radicals as having caused the political crisis of the summer of 1792 that had ended in the popular storming of the Tuileries.

ISBN : 5-201-00833-X ; 147 p.National audienceLe terme « multiculturalisme » a mauvaise presse en France, où il est fréquemment perçu comme une menace régressive d'éclatement des sociétés démocratiques modernes — fondées sur la volonté des citoyens de vivre ensemble — en multiples communautés ethniques figées, repliées sur elles-mêmes et négatrices de la liberté individuelle et des valeurs universelles. Avant d'entamer la discussion, rappelons que le terme « multiculturalisme » est polysémique : il peut être employé pour désigner un aspect de la réalité sociologique contemporaine, la pluralité culturelle ; il peut aussi représenter une conception philosophique du monde ; enfin, il évoque un ensemble de politiques publiques mises en œuvre afin de gérer la diversité culturelle . Dans le présent article, nous tenterons d'appréhender les vertus et les limites du multiculturalisme en évoquant tour à tour ces trois facettes, et en commençant par la prise en compte sociologique...

A partir de 1870, un nombre significatif de Juifs deviennent médecins, avocats, enseignants, fonctionnaires et connaissent une ascension sociale. Même s’ils se marient à la synagogue et s’y rendent de temps en temps, leur pratique religieuse est de plus en plus réduite.
Comme l’explique Lazare Landau (1973), avec des formulations un peu lapidaires : «Là où les bûchers avaient échoué, les décrets de la Constituante et de Napoléon réussirent. Devenus citoyens français à part entière, des milliers de juifs n’eurent plus qu’une pensée : fuir le judaïsme, s’évader de la communauté, au plus vite, avec ou sans certificat de baptême. Le désir d’assimilation  favorisa les conversions bien plus que les mesures de rigueur des siècles passés. Dès le début du XIXe siècle [...], la religiosité connut une chute ininterrompue dans les communautés juives de France [...]. Dans le passé, l’essentiel, aux yeux des juifs, était le maintien de la fidélité à la tradition juive ; désormais, l’essentiel est de ne pas se distinguer de la masse des Français.»
S’ils sont de moins en moins religieux, les Juifs sont de fervents patriotes, et des centaines d’entre eux deviennent officiers dans l’armée française.
«Ils partagent la devise consistoriale “ Patrie et Religion ” ravivée par le projet républicain et concrétisée dans l’israélitisme puisque, selon Hyppolite Prague, des Archives israélites : ‘C’est un fait d’expérience historique que le Juif, en général, a une prédilection marquée pour les institutions démocratiques, que c’est un libéral d’instinct, un républicain-né’ [Archives israélites, 20 avril, 1914].» 
Durant tout le XIXe siècle, «les rabbins prennent véritablement au pied de la lettre les décisions du Grand Sanhédrin qui leur font devoir d’enseigner l’amour de la patrie» (B. Philippe, 1997). «La France est identifiée avec Sion, avec le peuple élu, le drapeau tricolore à cet étendard sacré confié à Moïse.» (F. Melzi d’Eril, 2007).
Dans un texte célèbre paru en avril 1889, le rabbin Felix Meyer établit un parallèle entre la sortie d’Égypte et le déclenchement de la Révolution française – «les deux points lumineux de notre histoire» selon lui. En 1884, Théodore Reinach enjoint aux Juifs – «dès qu’ils ont cessé d’être traités en parias» – de «s’identifier de cœur et de fait avec les nations qu’ils ont adoptées» et de renoncer «aux particularités qui tendraient à les isoler de leurs concitoyens, en un mot, cesser d’être une nation dispersée, pour ne plus se considérer que comme une confession religieuse».
Les écoles juives délivrent un enseignement nettement plus républicain que celui des écoles chrétiennes , et les synagogues lancent des «appels enflammés» «à l’occasion des différentes expéditions et guerres menées par la France» (idem). «Le premier grand rabbin d’Alger, un Alsacien, déclare d’emblée que “sa ligne de conduite est tracée par le ministère de la Guerre”» (sic !)  «et que son objectif est d’exercer “une mission religieuse et civilisatrice”» (idem).
Si, au cours du XIXe siècle, les clergés catholique et protestant ont exprimé «des réserves à l’égard du pouvoir politique, du moins à certaines périodes de l’histoire» (idem), ce n’est pas du tout le cas de la majorité des rabbins : «les ministres du culte juif manifestent une totale allégeance» à l’État et à la République, ce qui fait du judaïsme un pilier de l’ordre social. «Soyez bons Français c’est la meilleure façon de devenir bons Juifs», tel est le conseil souvent répété par les rabbins. Et cette devise sera reprise par Adolphe Crémieux au moment de la naturalisation des Juifs d’Algérie.
Les différences entre les Juifs français assimilés, les Juifs étrangers récemment immigrés et les Juifs algériens naturalisés français après le décret Crémieux sont très marquées. On est loin d’une «communauté» unie, même sur le plan religieux.
Les Juifs français assimilés ont parfaitement intégré le logiciel républicain-universaliste-paternaliste et ils l’appliquent sans complexes à leurs «coreligionnaires» du Maghreb.

En quoi la montée du multiculturalisme est-elle susceptible de transformer les représentations de la communauté politique et les institutions démocratiques ? Jean Rostand Raphaël Canet, "Un autre Québec est-il possible?..." (2007) 9 En quoi la montée du multiculturalisme est-elle susceptible de transformer les représentations de la communauté politique et les institutions démocratiques ? 93

Every year since 1988, France’s nationalist, alt-right Front National party (recently rebranded as “Rassemblement National”) has gathered before a statue of Joan of Arc on May Day. In 2018, Marine Le Pen, the party’s current leader, laid flowers before this medieval heroine’s monument in Cannes and delivered a xenophobic speech in which she evoked France’s medieval past to lambast an “oppressive” European Union whose immigration policies, in her view, were threatening the fabric of French tradition. How did this cross-dressing, sword-wielding saint, executed for witchcraft in 1431, become a symbol of right-wing nationalism? The answer is embedded in France’s long tradition of appropriating female figures believed to embody the kinds of social, religious, and political values that define a particular “idea of France.”

This paper is part of a larger project that examines the centrality of gender and gender roles in the development of French nationalism and French identity/ies. From the early medieval Frankish Empire to the modern French Republic, real and imaginary women have been harnessed as symbols to evoke a sense of shared national heritage. My paper centers the lives and “afterlives” of three of France’s most well-known medieval women – the virginal patroness of Paris, Geneviève, the Frankish queen-saint, Radegund of Poitiers, and Joan of Arc – to explore the complex process by which their stories became intertwined with emerging “national sentiment” in the late Middle Ages. Patriarchal figures, including authors, artists, political and religious authorities, drew on these women’s auras to enhance their own male power while simultaneously drawing on their examples to construct new models for women’s gendered behavior. By examining how their traditions were appropriated and reinterpreted in textual and visual culture, this paper draws important conclusions about how the sacred intersected with the political to define women’s roles in the Middle Ages, and how those legacies have shaped constructions of the “Myth of the French Nation” today.

Laïcité, France’s idiosyncratic religious neutrality, is a concept that governs significant aspects of daily life while being notoriously variable in its application. Alongside sociological, legal and historical understandings of laïcité, I propose an additional way to view laïcité: through a critical geopolitical perspective. I argue that laïcité has been made and unmade through geographic imaginaries and practices through which idealised modes of universal citizenship confront and negotiate with affiliations to faith and culture to produce hegemonic ideas about the place of religious identity in French society. In particular, this confrontation has occurred within the French public school system, the école républicaine. I argue that laïcité, as it is manifested through educational policies as well as geographic imaginaries, reflects a will to forge a nationally unified citizenry as well as ambivalence about the need to negotiate with locally rooted cultural identities. I illustrate this through the phenomenon of student infringements, or atteintes, against laïcité: while these are framed as a grave threat to republican unity requiring national interventions, there has nevertheless been a consistent lack of spatially specific official knowledge of where atteintes take place.

Beyond memory wars: The indigènes de la république's grassroots anti-racism between the memory of colonialism and antisemitism Lotem, I. This is a pre-copy edited, author-produced PDF of an article accepted for publication in the French History following peer review. The definitive publisher-authenticated version of Lotem, I. (2018) Beyond memory wars: The indigènes de la république's grassroots anti-racism between the memory of colonialism and antisemitism, French History, 32 (4), pp. 573-593

In this thesis, I survey the history and evolution of dominant representations of French-Maghrebi women primarily in printed media, selected cases of public political debates and hegemonic feminist discourses from the 1980’s until 2004. I observe two dominant trends in the construction of the image of French-Maghrebi women: the beurette and the Muslim woman who wears the Hijab. First, I follow the emergence of the beurette, which was commonly used to refer to the second-generation French woman of North African descent in the 1980’s. I argue that a contradictory stance was assigned to this figure. She was construed as a victim of North African-Muslim patriarchy, a retrograde gender system and an oppressive domestic life. At the same time, she was depicted as a heroine who can benefit from assimilating into French society and who could effectively lead to the elevation of her community into the modern, secular and gender progressive French society. Second, I follow the evolution of this representational figure in feminist discourses during the early 2000’s by using the self-defined secular Maghrebi feminist collective “Ni Putes Ni Soumises” as a case-study. I demonstrate that the circulation of the highly mediatized and celebrated figures of the collective were mobilized for racist ends by hegemonic feminism and the state apparatus alike. Thirdly, I trace the representation of French-Muslim women who wear the Hijab in the public media. Through the three controversial headscarf affairs in 1989, 1994 and 2003 which sought to discuss the right of young Muslim girls to wear the Hijab in public schools, I argue that the veiled woman was portrayed as a threatening figure that transgresses and offends the foundations of the French republic. I demonstrate that the two ambivalent figures of French-Maghrebi women loomed large in French public and political lives and were mobilized against each other. I assert that the production, circulation and reception of these representational figures constitute a pivotal site in understanding the French construction of a Muslim difference with reference to gendered and sexualized repertoires. I also demonstrate the hyper-visibility of this gendered-racialized other can be a pivotal site to unravel the history of French republicanism as a process operating on dynamics of exclusion and othering of a post-colonial immigrant community.

Représentation et participation politiques sont au coeur de la vie démocratique. Si l'on trouve trace de ces deux notions à l'aube de XVIII e siècle et plus généralement aux XIX e et XX e siècles que la représentation et la participation politiques, avec l'instauration progressive et la consolidation de la démocratie libérale, prennent le sens que nous leur connaissons aujourd'hui. Néanmoins, au cours de ces quelque 200 ans d'histoire, la vie démocratique moderne a connu une grande évolution et un renouvellement des pratiques et des concepts. En ce début du XXI e siècle, le monde occidental fait face, selon certains observateurs, à une double crise politique : crise de la représentation, d'une part, crise de la participation, d'autre part. Si, en tant que chercheurs en sciences sociales, le vocable de « crise » ne nous satisfait guère puisqu'il est intrinsèquement porteur d'une connotation négative-et donc d'un jugement normatif-, on ne peut toutefois pas éviter ce double questionnement dans la présentation d'un numéro thématique qui aborde la question de la représentation et de la participation politiques.

The modern French school system was established in the late 19 th century upon an acculturating, assimilationist, and secular ideology of making "French people French" and emphasizing unity over cultural diversity. Thus, most scholarship on the French education system aptly highlights the system's French Republican "mold" characteristics-hyper-centralization, francoconformity, and "Republican sanctuary"-even if adherence to the mold is not always achieved. However, French hors contrat or independent schools are afforded significant freedoms in terms of curriculum, pedagogy, admittance criteria, and the incorporation of religion. These independent schools represent a veritable rainbow of ethical and educational perspectives that break from the French Republican schooling mold. Drawing upon seven months of ethnographic research in a variety of French independent schools, I suggest that these schools' existence illustrate flexibility and plasticity within the otherwise monolithic French education system, collectively pointing to a surprising form of agonistic pluralism on the margins of French Republicanism.

Sur la couverture de l'ouvrage de Pierre Berthiaume, on y voit une peinture de Chardin, Le château de cartes, dans laquelle un adolescent fait tenir en équilibre des cartes. Cette image éclaire bien la fragilité du monde de la nature, les incertitudes et le hasard propres à la main, toute humaine, qui construit le château. La volatilité de celui-ci met en doute non seulement le socle de l'édifice mais aussi la dextérité de l'architecte. Telle est bien la perspective des philosophes et des polygraphes que Berthiaume convoque pour déployer les problématiques matérialistes des Lumières. Matières incandescentes constitue un travail d'érudition, une exploration très serrée des positions matérialistes produites entre 1650 et 1780. L'ouvrage qui dispose, comme cela est souvent le cas dans les livres de Pierre Berthiaume, d'une bibliographie de corpus imposante, est divisé en sept chapitres. Ceux-ci exposent les différentes facettes des débats que provoque le matérialisme : les problématiques religieuses et théologiques bien évidemment, l'apport de la physique newtonienne, la rhétorique scientifique, la question de l'âme et de l'enveloppe psychique interrogée depuis le rationalisme cartésien, la matière biologique. Pierre Berthiaume vise ici à proposer une synthèse sur le matérialisme qui, dans à de multiples avenues, a déjà été l'objet de travaux importants, que ce soit dans les perspectives des sciences de la nature comme dans le classique de Jean Erhard, ou dans celles du libertinage comme chez Olivier Bloch. Il refait ce parcours qui, à d'Holbach, La Mettrie ou Diderot,

M. Rousseau deserves special mention for his communal dishes. This clever industrial designer has resolved the problem of creating a faïence ware that is both appealing and affordable … He selected for his collaborator an artist who understood how to glaze a plate, and who, additionally, made fantastic etchings and gravitated to bold images. Bracquemond, inspired by both the Japanese and his own ideas, has populated his dishes with a charming world of fowl and flowers. This disk of fired clay, that, when left bare, recalls a grey sky in December, becomes in the hand of this decorator, a truly delightful vision. M. Daguzan, 1867 1 In his review of the Parisian Exposition Universelle of 1867, the painter and critic L eon-Victor Daguzan (1821-1911) suggested that a ceramic dinner service had upended modern French design. Often described commercially as the Service Rousseau, this tableware emerged as a material collaboration among the merchantdesigner Eug ene Rousseau (1827-1890), the printmaker F elix Bracquemond (1833-1914) and the ceramics manufacture of Montereau. Casual and colourful, the service was distinct in its earthenware body and spare use of Japanese motifs, marrying the feel of faïence with the etcher's touch, to create a new sensory experience of Japan for the French home. Daguzan's celebration of the Service Rousseau echoes a contemporary chorus of critical praise, positioning the dishes as material specimens of decorative innovation in France. 2 By highlighting the affordable, cross-cultural, and intermedial qualities of the ceramic service, Daguzan underscores how this assemblage of earthenware plates, cups and tureens

* Abstract: To begin to re-problematize the question of the universal, this article confronts a critical political theory with empirical evidence to the terrain of the competition between the fight against anti-Semitism and the fight against Islamophobia in France in the first quarter of the 21st century. After this first Manichean polarization observed in French public debates, it is led to deal with another Manichean opposition: between a national-republican identitarianism and its inverted "decolonial" double. This allows us to nourish, in the end, the perspective of a displacement of the universal into the universalizable, with the help of Hannah Arendt and Judith Butler.

* Résumé : Pour commencer à reproblématiser la question de l’universel, cet article confronte une théorie politique critique à indices empiriques au terrain de la compétition entre la lutte contre l’antisémitisme et la lutte contre l’islamophobie dans la France du premier quart du XXIe siècle. Après cette première polarisation manichéenne observée dans les débats publics français, il est conduit à traiter d’une autre opposition manichéenne : entre un identitarisme national-républicain et son double inversé « décolonial ». Ce qui permet de nourrir, finalement, la perspective d’un déplacement de l’universel en universalisable, en s’aidant notamment d’Hannah Arendt et de Judith Butler.

L’historiographie consacrée à l’expédition d’Irlande en 1796 s’est longtemps concentrée sur ses aspects militaires et n’a que peu analysé les conditions (géo)politiques qui l’ont rendue possible. L’ouvrage essentiel sur ce point reste celui de Marianne Elliott, Partners in Revolution. Pourtant, celle-ci, en se concentrant principalement sur Theobald Wolfe Tone, a singularisé son action et l’a isolée dans la chronologie du Directoire. Replacer Tone dans un contexte plus large permet de mettre en évidence le rôle-clé des intermédiaires culturels irlandais, notamment Nicolas Madgett, chef du bureau des traductions, institution centrale qui a assuré la continuité du projet révolutionnaire irlandais entre le Comité de Salut public et le Directoire, et dont l’action est perceptible dans la chaîne d’écriture formée de nombreux mémoires (dont certains sont identifiés ici pour la première fois). La contribution de Tone apparaît alors plus nettement : il a « déchouannisé » le Directoire.



The historiography devoted to the French expedition to Ireland in 1796 has long concentrated on its military aspects, neglecting to analyse the (geo)political conditions which made it possible. The fundamental book on this later aspect remains Marianne Elliott’s Partners in Revolution. However, in focusing on Theobald Wolfe Tone, she singularised and isolated his action within the chronology of the Directory. Replacing Tone in a larger context allows to uncover the key role of the Irish cultural mediators, notably Nicolas Madgett, chief of the bureau des traductions, which served as a central institution in ensuring the continuity of the Irish revolutionary project between the Committee of Public Safety and the Directory, and whose action is perceptible in the chain of writing of numerous memoirs (among which some are identified here for the first time). Tone’s contribution appears more clearly: he de-chouannised the Directory.

Offering a new perspective on a canonical work of early French Japonisme, this paper explores the ceramic Service Rousseau as an exemplar of both ornamental and material innovation. Previous scholarship has focused almost exclusively on the Japanese motifs Félix Bracquemond used to decorate this popular and influential tableware. While an analysis of Japanese sources and their adaptation remains crucial to the interpretation of these ceramics, this paper also demonstrates how the materiality, production, and use of the service enrich its cultural and historical meaning. Manufactured in faïence during the late 1860s, the Service Rousseau rejected the French convention of porcelain table settings and established a new discourse around the experiential and political potential of earthenware. Much more than just a material support, earthenware imbued the Service Rousseau with phenomenological and cultural significance, and this paper uncovers how the physical properties of the setting – its texture, weight, manufacture, decoration, and display – transformed the tableware into a revolutionary work of modern French design. By examining how these ceramics paired touch codes with Japanese taste, this study enhances the standard narrative of the Service Rousseau to reveal how this cross-cultural dinnerware challenged visual, material, and social hierarchies in Second-Empire France.

Commmunication lors de l'Université d’été « Cultures républicaines transnationales. Citations, connexions, traductions, XVIIIe-XIXe siècles », Università degli Studi di Milano, Italie, 15 juin 2022.

Presentazione in occasione della scuola estiva “Culture repubblicane transnazionali. Citazioni, connessioni, traduzioni (XVIII-XIX sec.)”, Università degli Studi di Milano, 15 giugno 2022.

France is recognized as a country whose cuisine is firmly wedded to its cultural identity, however, the common hamburger became the center of a public dialogue in 2009-2010 as the nation grappled with the meaning of halal fast food. Using content analysis of national newspapers, we analyze the French media's portrayal of the implementation of a halal hamburger menu by fast food restaurant Quick. Media framing was contentious and unsettled. We explore this discursive contest and show that the framing of responses to halalburgers ranged from those supporting acceptance of the halal menu based on free-market logic or cultural diversity, while others constructed arguments that the menu threatened French republican ideals. These frames were constructed primarily by situating them within a larger political and economic context to gain public legitimacy. We focus on both the content and strategies used by the media to assemble frames, arguing that resistance to halalburgers functions as a form of defensive gastronationalism. In this paper we show how, in their efforts to construct meaning around fast food, the media draw on gastronationalism as a political tool to reinforce French identity within national borders and, in this way, draw parameters around who is, and who is not French.

Via an analysis of men and women’s letters to individual French representatives in parliament (députés) between 1900 and the 1930s, the book seeks to offer new insights into these citizens’ lived experiences with political religion, republicanism and secularization, democratization without full citizenship, and tensions between left and right, governance and representation, clientelism and politicization. These insights contribute to our understanding of why the war was not necessarily a democratizing factor in France, or at least not on the formal, institutional level. Voters and non-voters, men and women seem to have been under the impression that they could actively contribute to their representation on a micro-political level, through their act of writing letters to deputies, which helps explain the remarkable legitimacy of the French Third Republic, despite its instability on the surface. In sum, Karen Lauwers explores the paradoxes of the regime and how these were (re)imagined by “ordinary” citizens facing rapidly succeeding governments, the Great War, the subsequent economic crisis, political scandals, anti-parliamentary sentiments, and changes in electoral laws that nonetheless still denied women the vote. Helping readers to reflect on the nuances of the politicization process, the book is aimed towards those researching French political history and modern European political culture.

à Mayotte, elle offre l'image inhabituelle d'un chantier animé (Constant, 2001). Dans ce contexte, la communication revêt une dimension politique de premier plan. Encore trop peu investie par la recherche outre-mer, elle constitue pourtant un des principaux vecteurs du changement en même temps qu'un champ d'analyse prometteur. Parmi d'autres, deux questions méritent un examen attentif. Tout d'abord, le changement postulé de la politique française outre-mer marque-t-il un tournant en matière de communication politique ? Ensuite, ce nouveau regard sur l'outre-mer-dont le président et le Premier ministre se réclament, tout en s'en disputant la paternité-rencontre-t-il les aspirations des populations concernées en matière de développement économique, d'efficacité de l'action publique et de démocratie locale ? Tout en apportant réponse à cette question double, on replacera la problématique de la communication dans le cadre des paradigmes politiques concurrents qui gouvernent, avec le concours des élites locales, la vie publique outre-mer. Dès lors, on pourra mesurer, au miroir de l'opinion publique, la portée du changement associé à ces nouvelles orientations pour l'outre-mer.

is study explores the relations between Catholics and Muslims in Manggarai based on their perspectives on pork being served in communal dining settings. Pigs carry a signi cant meaning for people in Manggarai as a sacri cial animal, a symbol of culture and belief, which is why pork has been served as the main course at various celebrations. It is common for a Muslim family to provide a pig at certain rituals, notwithstanding the fact that they will not eat it. To cater for Muslim families, Catholic families have a tradition called woni, whereby they serve their Muslim guests a pork-free 'special menu'. is tradition, however, has become less popular over the past few years because of its sensitive and con icting nature. rough a socio-historic approach, this study argues that food can be a medium to both strengthen and sever inter-faith relations. is includes a closer look at a new dakwah movement, the politics of identity, religious con icts, majority-minority tensions in Indonesia and abroad are also key factors that can affect Catholic-Muslim relations in Manggarai.

This article analyses the way of the French Constitutional Council, starting with its famous Association decision in 1971, transformed a brief reference to historical declarations of rights in the thin Preamble of the current French constitution (adopted in 1958) into a wide-ranging judge-made catalogue of fundamental rights. This, combined with two important reforms of the procedure for submissions of statutes to the Constitutional Council for review (in 1974 and 2008), are gradually establishing the Constitutional Council as an important actor in the legislative process and a central body for the protection of human rights in France. The article also briefl y explores the scope and limits of this protection. It then discusses recent proposals for amending the Preamble. It analyses the only amendment so far, namely the inclusion of a reference to the Charter for the Environment, which aimed at providing a constitutional basis for the protection of environment, as well as other controversial suggestions, such as those aiming at enabling positive discrimination measures towards minorities, the guarantee of media pluralism, the protection of privacy and personal data and the respect of human dignity. It concludes on the use and misuses of comparative law for constitutional reforms.

Les politiques neoliberales transforment l’apprehension des espaces publics. Les municipalites qui souhaitent redorer leur image pour attirer de nouveaux capitaux, s’emploient a se debarrasser des « indesirables » (les sans-abris et autres personnes percues comme des nuisances) qui ternissent l’image de leurs espaces publics. Cet article explore les effets socio-politiques de Safer Cities Initiative (Initiative pour des villes plus sures), un programme de « tolerance zero » mis en place par la municipalite de Los Angeles en 2006. En s’appuyant sur la theorie dite de la « vitre brisee », la politique officielle vise a securiser la rue, en condamnant des infractions mineures avec fermete. Camper est devenu illegal et les sans-abris ont ete exclus de la rue, remettant en cause les libertes publiques ainsi que le droit a la difference. En s’appuyant sur des entretiens de premiere main et des rapports, cet article montre en quoi ce type de programme represente une approche de la pauvrete...

à Mayotte, elle offre l'image inhabituelle d'un chantier animé (Constant, 2001). Dans ce contexte, la communication revêt une dimension politique de premier plan. Encore trop peu investie par la recherche outre-mer, elle constitue pourtant un des principaux vecteurs du changement en même temps qu'un champ d'analyse prometteur. Parmi d'autres, deux questions méritent un examen attentif. Tout d'abord, le changement postulé de la politique française outre-mer marque-t-il un tournant en matière de communication politique ? Ensuite, ce nouveau regard sur l'outre-mer-dont le président et le Premier ministre se réclament, tout en s'en disputant la paternité-rencontre-t-il les aspirations des populations concernées en matière de développement économique, d'efficacité de l'action publique et de démocratie locale ? Tout en apportant réponse à cette question double, on replacera la problématique de la communication dans le cadre des paradigmes politiques concurrents qui gouvernent, avec le concours des élites locales, la vie publique outre-mer. Dès lors, on pourra mesurer, au miroir de l'opinion publique, la portée du changement associé à ces nouvelles orientations pour l'outre-mer.

We have the largest number of millionaires, the largest number of mansions, but also the most acute poverty in the country" (L'Obs 2014). With this statement, Gary Blasi, a Law Professor at UCLA, highlights urban segregation as a particularly striking contradiction that lies at the heart of the city of Los Angeles. Wealthy neighborhoods, such as Beverly Hills, are famed for their luxurious villas and expensive hotels, yet they stand only a few miles away from one of the poorest and most dangerous areas of the nation: Skid Row, which concentrates the highest number of homeless people in the country in a very confined area of the city. For homeless people, enjoying daily access to public space to perform life-sustaining activities is a necessary condition for their survival. However, several anti-homeless laws have been passed in Los Angeles in recent decades. In 2006, the municipality implemented a program called the Safer Cities Initiative (SCI) to secure the streets. Its primary goal was to eradicate misdemeanors such as sleeping or urinating in public.

The Dublin Penny Journal fut lancé en 1832 par Caesar Otway, éditeur du Christian Examiner de 1825 à 1831. Ce fut le premier journal qui réussit à avoir un fort tirage en Irlande, soit cinquante mille exemplaires 1. Après huit numéros, George Petrie décida de travailler en collaboration avec Otway. Dans la préface du premier volume, ils énoncèrent leurs intentions. Ils désiraient créer un journal qui se voulait neutre, « indépendant de secte ou de parti ». Il était destiné à la fois à tenir dans les « poches des membres des classes les plus pauvres de la société », mais sous forme de volume il n'était pas indigne de la « bibliothèque de l'érudit et du gentilhomme 2 ». Outre le fait que le journal était destiné à toutes les classes de la société, il se construisait sur des bases exclusivement irlandaises. Il était écrit par des Irlandais pour des Irlandais et c'est ce qui faisait sa spécificité. L'histoire et les Penny Journals : réécriture du passé et construction identi...

The main objective of this essay is to offer an answer to the following question: Is there a scientific ground for the theory of the historical opposition between liberalism and the nation? In order to answer this question, this essay is organised in three parts. The first part identifies the position of the nation within the classical liberal discourse; the second identifies the crucial moment of the 1950’s as the precise period in which a major change in the relation between liberalism and the nation took place; the third one identifies the moment of the nation’s restoration within the contemporary liberal discourse. The main conclusion of this essay is that, except for a brief though noteworthy period (which explains the actual apparent consensus concerning the opposition between the liberal and the national theories), the nation was a fundamental component of the liberal discourse and of the liberal political practices rather than a result of an opposing political vision.