French Imperialism in West Africa

This article explores the historical legacies in Nigeria that contributed to the rise of the fundamentalist Islamic terrorist group, "Boko-Haram". An understanding of the manmade boundaries that were created by the British and some of the colonial politics that drive the wedge of tribal division and tribalism. This tribal pride is accented by religious hubris creates a situation of constant tension and also drives the problem of religious extremism. The role which economic disparities and poverty that cuts across the fabric of Nigerian society play in the extremism and tribal conflict is explained.

Autour des années 1968, le président Léopold Sédar Senghor développe un corpus offensif de discours, déclarations et prises de position contre ce qu’il appelle la « néo-traite des nègres » ou « la traite des nègres intellectuels ». Se joue là un renversement de l’accusation en aliénation : le président Senghor, critiqué par son opposition de gauche comme étant un valet de l’impérialisme français au Sénégal, en serait en réalité le premier résistant, tandis que ses opposants seraient eux les véritables valets, à la solde de la gauche française. Cette communication s’est tenue le 6 juin 2024 à la bibliothèque universitaire de l’université Cheikh Anta Diop de Dakar (UCAD) dans le cadre de la journée d’étude « Autour du fonds Senghor ».

Written originally as a me'moire de la licence en sciences historiques at the Catholic University of Louvain, Bruno Doti Sanou's account of French colonial and missionary influence on Madare society is at once fascinating and deeply disturbing. The Madare, which is the local term used by inhabitants to describe themselves, are more commonly designated in colonial sources as the Bobofing, a

Poor government decision-making and policies can have a more significant negative effect on the poorest segment of a population. These decisions often create a society replete with violence as people seek means to overcome their vulnerable conditions. This phenomenon, exhibited by the banning of motorcycle taxis-a major source of survival for "existentially immobile young men" (ix)-in northern Nigeria is what drives Daniel Agbiboa, in Mobility, Mobilization, and Counter/Insurgency, to provide extensive research and a compelling argument to explain how mobility and mobilization have contributed to terrorism, insurgency, and counter insurgency in the Lake Chad Basin of Africa. The author seeks to emphasize the aspect of mobility within the patterns of armed conflicts, using Boko Haram as a case study. An underlying goal of this text is to challenge Western representations of movement in Africa, which he carefully examines in stages throughout each chapter.

Decoding conspiracy thinking at the nexus of sexuality, Freemasonry, and the occult.

In this book, anthropologists Rogers Orock and Peter Geschiere examine the moral panic over a perceived rise in homosexuality that engulfed Cameroon and Gabon beginning in the early twenty-first century. As they uncover the origins of the conspiratorial narratives that fed this obsession, they argue that the public’s fears were grounded in historically situated assumptions about the entanglement of same-sex practices, Freemasonry, and illicit enrichment.

This specific panic in postcolonial Central Africa fixated on high-ranking Masonic figures thought to lure younger men into sex in exchange for professional advancement. The authors’ thorough account shows how attacks on elites as homosexual predators corrupting the nation became a powerful outlet for mounting populist anger against the excesses and corruption of the national regimes. Unraveling these tensions, Orock and Geschiere present a genealogy of Freemasonry, taking readers from London through Paris to Francophone Africa and revealing along the way how the colonial past was articulated with local assumptions linking same-sex practices to enrichment.

Studies of French decolonization in West Africa have traditionally treated it as a planned and reasonably smooth process. It has therefore been portrayed as a successful decolonization that stands in stark contrast to the much more conflictual decolonization processes in Indochina (1947–1954) and Algeria (1954–1962), which were marked by prolonged wars. This approach has tended to give pride of place to the role of individuals—members of France’s governing elites and African political leaders—who are portrayed as having successfully managed the transition to independence. While the importance of such individuals cannot be denied, it is important to recognize that French decolonization in West Africa was a contingent process. Shaped by the particular nature of French colonial rule in the region, the new international context after 1945, events on the ground, and—on the French side—the perceived need to maintain empire at all costs in order to restore French grandeur after the humilia...

Hartford Seminary T he miniatures in medieval furū siyya treatises 2 generally depict idealized glimpses of the military training of the soldier-slaves of the Mamlūk sultanate: they show handsome, beardless young riders, gorgeously attired and turbaned, one hand managing the reins, the other sporting a lance or sword or mace, in full gallop or hunting or engaged in combat, in idyllic settings such as a pond of clear water with fish and flowers, or around bushes in full bloom.. . Neither the words nor the illustrations in these treatises tell us much about the life of these soldiers to be. Typically, such works are more interested in the methods of training horses and men in various martial disciplines than in the management of the military schools or the routines or everyday lives of administrators, trainers or trainees. For David Ayalon, "concerning the period of servitude of the young mamlūk, the less known part is the period which he spent in the [military] school and which, more than all other periods, marked his character." 3 While Ayalon's studies of this subject remain indispensable, they tend, since they are mostly based on the works of chroniclers and historians, to relate, mainly, to the schools for the mamlūks of sultans and high-ranking emirs. These sources cannot be assumed to represent faithfully the forms of military training provided in less elitist places. As well as schools for the royal mamlūks (al-mamālīk al-sul : tā niyya) and those of the emirs 1 This article is based on the thesis "Glimpses of the Military and Education Systems under the Mamlūks" prepared by L. Stas under my supervision and submitted for her MA degree at Hartford Seminary in March 2009. I revised L. Stas' translation, wrote the introduction and finalised the publication. I am very grateful to Jamil Qureshi for correcting an earlier version. Abridged titles and abbreviations are used in the footnotes. Detailed bibliographical information on the works and studies referred to can be found in the Bibliography. 2 For a survey of these treatises (with reproductions of miniatures from various manuscripts), see Sh. al-Sarraf, Furū siyya, Furū sīyah. Beautiful examples of such miniatures can also be found in Mu :

Background: Euthanasia is an important subject that concerns law and medicine as well as morality and religion in the 21St century. Euthanasia has become a challengeable problem in scientific arena. In some countries, legal and medical practitioners are allowed to kill those cancer patients who suffer from excessive pain while incur enormous amount of expenses for their treatments. Methods: We used 3 main sources to find Islamic views on euthanasia: First, the Islamic primary source, the Holy Quran, which is the most important and reliable source for finding Islamic perspectives. Second, traditions (hadith) which include Prophet Mohammad's and his relatives's (Imams) advices. Third, religious opinions and decrees (Fatwas) from great Muslim scholars who are called Mofti Al-Aazam in Sunni tradition and Ayatollah Al-Ozma in Shiite tradition. Results: Based on the reasons proposed in the references, it can be concluded that euthanasia is forbidden in Islamic theology; and no types of euthanasia are allowed or accepted in Islam; and any action whether voluntary or involuntary that results in euthanasia of cancer patients is considered suicide and is strongly forbidden in Islam. Conclusion: Euthanasia is purely illegal in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. In this study, we introduced a religious law based on Islamic point of view and Emamyeh section in Islam. To investigate the sensitive issue of euthanasia in Islam, the Holy Quran as the fundamental reference of Islamic law and Sonnah as the reference of Hadith (Traditions) were studied.

The core objective of this study is to examine the extent to which the effective engagement of social resilience strategies could assist in mitigating social, economic and cultural as well as environmental disasters in Nigerian society. Research evidence from works of experts has revealed that due to the complexities of the Nigerian state, and in view of several ethnic conflicts, electoral violence, terrorism and terror attacks; banditry, flooding and many other disasters, it has been relatively complex for citizens to cope after these occurrences happen. Several states in Nigeria for example have been overtaking by increasing killings maiming, farmers-herders clashes, post-election violence, arm banditry, terrorism and insurgency. Quite a number of other states, especially those around the Niger/Benue River tributaries such as Kogi State, Delta State, Anambra state, and many riverine states, including Bayelsa and many others, have continued to face the ravaging challenges of flooding. In 2022 alone, hundreds of thousands of people have been evicted from their homes and their means of livelihood running into millions of US dollars have been destroyed by flooding. In Nigeria currently, there is a devastating effect of hunger, disease and malnutrition due to after-effect of flooding. By every standard, Nigerian citizens in some of these affected areas are living in dire strait while several farm lands have been taken over by excessive flooding, which is why there is a lingering shortage of food supply, unavailability of sea food, and lack of infrastructural development such as housing, and increasing rate of homelessness among the teeming population. This study explores works of experts in the broader field of intergroup and conflict studies designed to x-ray some of the factors and strategic policy alternatives that can be employed to mitigate adverse effects of such incidences as they pattern to the complex social groups living in the Nigerian political system. The study relies heavily on secondary research materials as a data collection method. The paper sums up with findings and recommendations.

This article expands on a poem written by one of the central figures in modern Hebrew literature, Nathan Alterman (1910-1970), entitled "About a Senegalese Soldier" (1945). Providing the first English translation of this poem and its first (academic) discussion in any language, the article analyzes the poem against contemporary geopolitical, historical, and literary backgrounds. The article's transdisciplinary approach brings together imperial and colonial studies, African studies, and (Hebrew) literature studies. This unexpected combination adds originality to mainstream postcolonial perspectives through which the agency of the Senegalese riflemen [Tirailleurs sénégalais] has been often discussed in scholarly research. By using a rich variety of primary and secondary sources, the article also contributes to a more elaborated interpretation of Alterman's poetry. This is achieved through embedding the poem on the tirailleur in a tripartite geopolitical context: local (British Mandate Palestine/Eretz-Israel), regional (the Middle East), and international (France-West Africa). The cultural histories and literary traditions in question are not normally cross-referenced in the relevant research literature and are less obvious to the anglophone reader.

Der Kolonialismus habe nicht zu einer globalen Homogenisierung der Weltzeit geführt, sondern sei im Senegal nur sehr fragmentarisch implementiert worden. Sebastian-Manès Sprute schildert mit einem sehr bewanderten und durchweg kritischen Stil die Geschichte der Zeitpolitik im kolonialen Senegal. Sprute widmet sich dem bisher wenig betrachteten Themenfeld der Zeit auf sehr profunde und innovative Weise. Er verbindet das Thema mit zentralen Debatten der Kolonialgeschichte und liefert einen wichtigen Beitrag zur Erforschung des französischen Kolonialismus. Die Abhandlung ist sehr umfassend und anschlussfähig an zahlreiche Forschungsfelder wie die koloniale Arbeitspolitik, Religionsgeschichte und Urbanität.

Durant la guerre, environ 400 000 Maghrébins vivent en France (260.000 soldats coloniaux1 et 140000 travailleurs indigènes). De nombreux travailleurs maghrébins viennent travailler en France, et leurs appartements surpeuplés sont souvent situés dans des quartiers où habitent aussi les familles juives les plus proches, ou en tout cas dans des zones limitrophes. «Ils sont employés dans divers types d'établissements publics ou privés : usines de munitions, ateliers de l'intendance, centres de bois, centres de stockage du génie ; travaux agricoles, transport, usines à gaz, travaux de terrassement. Par le biais du Service d'organisation des travailleurs coloniaux (SOTC), du ministère de la Guerre, le gouvernement français tente de contrôler leurs moindres faits et gestes. Le SOTC classe les travailleurs par nationalité et décide de tout ce qui les concerne-emploi, logement, alimentation, transport, en prenant soin de les séparer autant que possible de la population française autochtone.» (E.B. Katz, 2018.). La population juive (en comptant l'Algérie) se monte à 180 000 personnes et 38 000 sont enrôlés sont les drapeaux : 16 000 viennent de France et 14 000 d'Algérie ; de plus 8 500 Juifs immigrés en France s'engagent dans la Légion étrangère. Pour les Juifs de France, la première guerre mondiale leur «offre la possibilité de réaffirmer leur attachement envers le patriotisme français et leur inclusion totale au sein de la nation» (E.B. Katz, 2017) et ce au sein même de l'institution qui avait révélé son profond antisémitisme durant l'Affaire Dreyfus. Maurice Barrès et Joseph Reinach, de vieux ennemis politiques, écrivent presque tous les jours des articles pour soutenir l'effort militaire français et font même une tournée des tranchées ensemble. Vieux partisan de la colonisation française, notamment en Tunisie et au Maroc, Reinach oppose la France, «force impériale bienveillante qui oeuvre en faveur de la civilisation, du droit et de la raison» à «l'Allemagne, la Russie (jusqu'à la guerre) et l'empire ottoman qui incarnent la barbarie, la répression brutale et l'idéologie raciale» (idem). Selon E. B. Katz (2017), la première guerre mondiale marque le début de rapports plus intenses entre les Juifs et les Maghrébins dans l'Hexagone, en raison de l'utilisation massive de soldats algériens, marocains et tunisiens, notamment dans l'infanterie. Les Juifs d'Afrique du Nord, qui parlent l'arabe et le français, sont mis à contribution en tant qu'interprètes, mais on leur demande aussi de sonder, voire de surveiller, le moral des troupes coloniales. Les officiers ont en effet très peur de la propagande des Ottomans ou des premières organisations nationalistes arabes, et de leur effet sur la détermination des Maghrébins ou «Orientaux» mobilisés sous les drapeaux. Les interprètes, ou les soldats juifs bilingues, rendent aussi toutes sortes de services à double tranchant: ils lisent la correspondance privée des «musulmans» qui sont illettrés (et collectent donc des informations), ils écoutent les conversations, ils donnent des conseils aux officiers pour les récompenses et les punitions, etc. En même temps l'auteur nous dit que les Juifs interviennent «régulièrement pour introduire en quantité des spécialités nord-africaines (dattes ou couscous) dans les rations des soldats.

Em 26 de junho deste ano, teve lugar mais um episódio de um longo ciclo de turbulências políticas, potencializado pelas fraturas impostas à modernização periférica na África ocidental pelo colonialismo franco-britânico. Após tomadas do poder violentas, perpetradas pelas forças armadas em 1974, 1996,1999 e 2010, o Níger e todo o Sahel foram abalados novamente pela deposição do presidente Mohamed Bazoum, do Partido Nigerino pela Democracia e o Socialismo (PNDS-Tarayya), de centro-esquerda. O poder foi assumido por uma junta militar liderada pelo general Abdourahamane Tchiani, figura de destaque nas forças armadas nigerinas: ex-adido militar na Alemanha, veterano das campanhas contra o Boko Haram em 2009, e das Forças de Paz da ONU no Sudão, Costa do Marfim e República Democrática do Congo.

Prior to the advent of Islam in Arabian Peninsula, war was perceived as a significant means of carrying out international relations. The word 'war' is synonymous to 'jihad' in Arabic language, though jihad could be both violent and non-violent. As such war entails the violent aspect of jihad. Thus this paper examines the concept of war (jihad) and the dichotomization of the world into dār al-Islam (abode of Islam) and dār al-harb (abode of war). It also examines the typology of war and the humanitarian norms expected to be observed by Muslims in their conduct of hostilities under each classification. The paper posits that war is a concept that was developed by jurists through fiqh and it has been associated with the issue of dār al-Islam (abode of Islam) and dār al-harb (abode of war). It further argues that the permanent state of war that existed at the early stage of Islam may not be equated with the realities of the present international relations. It is suggested that the Muslim World and the non-Muslims should appreciate the fact that the concept of war (jihad) was largely developed through fiqh and as such the aspects of the concept developed by scholars do not prevail over or equate with the provisions of the Quran and traditions of the Prophet.

The world's media is commenting on the attempted coup in Niger and the reaction of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to this military seizure of power from a democratically-elected government. There is a plethora of explanations, rationalisations and prevarications about the roles of the principals in dealing with this crisis, but little concentration on what is the fundamental root of this, and many previous, destabilisations in African political history. The five-ton elephant in the room is France and it colonial and neo-colonial policies. There are many theories being advanced about the situation and its possible outcomes but very little discussion about what almost every African man, woman and child knows-the burden of French colonial practices on their nations and the learned dependence which has inhibited African growth and prosperity. There is no solution to the problem of Francophone Africa which doesn't require the removal of French policies from the governance of these African states.

I left Saudi Arabia and moved to Paris, France. I lived in a neighborhood where there were no Muslims, At the apartment there were many French families. They were kind and very welcoming to me; but they never spoke to me about their faith. God was no longer part of my life. I made a good living; I had my comfortable life. I visited everything in Paris, except the churches.
I met a French man who introduced me to his Catholic family and to his friends. And little by little, I started to get interested in the Christian faith, in the Christian culture, in the Holy Scriptures and to ask a lot of questions.

Capitale de la colonie française du Gabon, Libreville devenait fameuse au dix-neuvième siècle pour sa quantité élevée d'unions mixtes européennes-africaines. Puisant dans les craintes de proximité de cultures diverses et dans les idées de dégénération qui vont naître en Europe à cette époque, les européens au Gabon déployaient des clichés d'une promiscuité des femmes Mpongwes ou d'influences étrangères corruptrices pour décrire les relations sexuelles à travers les frontières raciales à Libreville. Les membres de différentes communautés indigènes et étrangères se sont servis de l'image défavorable des maîtresses Mpongwes afin de critiquer à la fois le statut moral les uns des autres et l'idée d'assimilation des Africains à la culture et la religion européennes. Ils l'ont aussi utilisée à dérider les femmes africaines elles-mêmes. Les histoires de la vie de deux femmes, Anyentyuwa et Marie Ndar, mettent en évidence la diversité de motifs et de pratiques dans les relations sexuelles interraciales: de l'exploitation et de la pression familiale jusqu' au choix indépendant et une liaison avantageuse pour les deux partenaires. Les histoires des deux femmes reflètent des tensions parmi les missionnaires sur le sujet d'assimilation, mais elles témoignent également de la complexité d'interactions et d'auto-représentations que les femmes de Libreville ont employées dans leurs négociations avec les discours coloniaux de race et de sexe.

Boko Haram activities in Nigeria and the larger West African region continue to attract international attention. This has prompted scholars and policymakers to examine the impact of the group and seek measures to eradicate its growing threat. However, existing literatures have focused on the ideology and nature of violence perpetuated by the group. Only a few studies have sought to examine the deep-rooted factors that motivate hundreds of young people to join the outfit. This paper aims to scrutinise the relationship between state fragility, nature of government response to Boko Haram and the group's resilience. It argues that the origins of the group can be linked to various aspects of state fragility, and that the government's response, founded on a Just War theoretical approach, has not been effective thus resulting in a cycle of violence. The authors recommend the adoption of a robust policy that combines short-and long-term, soft-and hard-power strategies to defeat the group and its ideology.

Background: This article examines how current jurists can deal with a juristic division of the world into abode of "Islam” and “infidelity". The success with which jurists re-evaluate this dichotomy will have major impacts on how an Islamic state interacts with non-Muslim governments on the one hand, and Muslims residing temporarily or permanently in a non-Muslim territory on the other. Methods: Here, an attempt made to review the concepts of Dar Al-Islam and Dar Al-Harb from two perspectives: that of the dialectical limits and liberalization, as discussed in secondary material such as books, research articles, and reports. Results: this paper has explored and discussed the criteria for identifying Dar Al-Islam and Dar Al-Harb in Islamic jurisprudence. Conclusions: This article analyzes the various arguments put forward to establish new ways of peaceful coexisting and maintaining healthy international connections.

The chapter investigates how the historical intertwinement between colonialism, corporate interests and policing is mirrored in the current ways that Europe attempts to control migration from West Africa. It first considers the role of public-private relationships and surveillance during and in the aftermath of French colonization. It then goes on to explore the case of Civipol, an agency specializing in the capacity-building of African countries' internal security co-owned by the French state and major European security companies, which has gained a prominent role as a main implementing partner of EU funds to control migration. Looking especially at Civipol's engagement in the building of national civil registries, it is argued that colonial continuities can be traced in present mobility policing, and that corporate interests coshape the securitization of Europe's relations with Africa.

This article explores the relationship between islands and the continental shore through the lens of the French colonial administration at Gorée after the Seven Years War. In this period, the French Ministry of the Marine deliberately sought to check French territorial expansion across the globe in order to favor France's lucrative plantation complex in the Caribbean. As part of this official policy, Gorée was deemed critical for the protection of the French slave trade, but not seen as a point of departure for colonial empire on the African continent. Unreliable provisioning from the metropole, labor shortages, and environmental conditions at Gorée, however, pushed local French administrators to rely on the African mainland for resources, nourishing expansionist ambitions in the process. Focusing on the environmental, geo-political, and commercial dimensions of island-continental interaction at Gorée and the Senegambia's coast, this article brings into view unaddressed tensions among official French imperial policy, colonial provisioning, and territorial expansion.

Virtually a decade of Boko Haram terrorism in Nigeria has described the Islamist Jihadist as the most notorious and intractable insurgent group that has ever featured in the country, because they have irrepressibly posed great threats to national security by destructively attacking organizations, both local and international, and laying viable foundation for immanent underdevelopment of the Nigerian state. The study adopted a qualitative methodological approach of one-on-one semi-structured in-depth interviews to examine the phenomenon within a functionalist and ethno methodologist frame work. The findings suggest community policing approach, among other preventive policy recommendations, as a new paradigm shift in counterterrorism strategy to resolve the crisis in Nigeria, as well as, prevent future occurrence of such menace in this part of sub-Saharan Africa.

Boko Haram activities in Nigeria and the larger West African region continue to attract international attention. This has prompted scholars and policymakers to examine the impact of the group and seek measures to eradicate its growing threat. However, existing literatures have focused on the ideology and nature of violence perpetuated by the group. Only a few studies have sought to examine the deep-rooted factors that motivate hundreds of young people to join the outfit. This paper aims to scrutinise the relationship between state fragility, nature of government response to Boko Haram and the group's resilience. It argues that the origins of the group can be linked to various aspects of state fragility, and that the government's response, founded on a Just War theoretical approach, has not been effective thus resulting in a cycle of violence. The authors recommend the adoption of a robust policy that combines short-and long-term, soft-and hard-power strategies to defeat the group and its ideology.

This essay aims at extracting the interrelation of Muslim Friday congregational prayer with politics, as reflected in Islamic jurisprudence with special reference to Hanafî jurist Qâdîkhân. This study also aims at demonstrating, in general, the juristic political thought about the secularity and religion in the Islamic governmental organization. Political literature which composed independently from the juristic texts by the Sunnite Islamic scholars has been scanty. Thereof juristic texts, in general, were invaluable materials for discovering the political thought of them. Furthermore the Fatâwa works proved to bare further value as being the best juristic material for they contained the answers given to the actual questions asked by the public and the government. They are also practical matters of their times which interrelated between the theory and practice. Hence, they offered more valuable materials to be examined to discover the real politics of Islam. For this purpose, Qâdîkhân was chosen. His full name is Fakhr al-Dîn al-Hasân b. Mansûr Mahmûd al-Farghânî al-Ûzjandî (d. 592/1192). He was a prominent 6th/12th century Transoxanian Hanafite Turkish jurist. Alongside being a faqîh, he worked in the capital city of Bukhârâ in a number of official positions such as qâdî and muftî during the Turkish Qarakhânid Dynasty (382-607/992-1211). The Qarakhânids were the patrons of a new Turkish-Islamic civilization of the time. Under this Dynasty, the Hanafite School of law was established in this region, and favored the diffusion of Islam from there into the central Asia.

A brick is a type of block used to build walls, pavements and other elements in masonry construction. Properly, the term brick denotes a block composed of dried clay, but is now also used informally to denote other chemically cured construction blocks.A mudbrick or mud-brick is an air-dried brick, made of a mixture of loam, mud, sand and water mixed with a binding material such as rice husks or straw. Mudbricks are known from 9000 BCE, though since 4000 BC, bricks have also been fired, to increase their strength and durability.The Great Mosque of Djenné, in central Mali, is the world's largest mudbrick structure. It, like much Sahelian architecture, is built with a mudbrick called Banco, a recipe of mud and grain husks, fermented, and either formed into bricks or applied on surfaces as a plaster like paste in broad strokes. This plaster must be reapplied annually.
The Great Mosque of Djenné (French: Grande mosquée de Djenné ) Is  a large banco or adobe building that is considered by many architects to be one of the greatest achievements of the Sudano-Sahelian architectural style. The mosque is located in the city of Djenné, Mali, on the flood plain of the Bani River. The first mosque on the site was built around the 13th century, but the current structure dates from 1907. As well as being the centre of the community of Djenné, it is one of the most famous landmarks in Africa. Along with the "Old Towns of Djenné" it was designated a World Heritage Site by UNESCO in 1988.
The walls of the Great Mosque are made of sun-baked earth bricks (called ferey), and sand and earth based mortar, and are coated with a plaster which gives the building its smooth, sculpted look. The walls of the building are decorated with bundles of rodier palm (Borassus aethiopum) sticks, called toron, that project about 60 cm (2.0 ft) from the surface. The toron also serve as readymade scaffolding for the annual repairs. Ceramic half-pipes also extend from the roofline and direct rain water from the roof away from the walls.

Os portos coloniais na África Ocidental desempenharam um papel decisivo na introdução destes territórios nos circuitos internacionais de matérias-primas. O porto de Dakar (Senegal) centralizou o comércio exterior regional, se tornando a principal infraestrutura comercial da África Ocidental Francesa. Esta importância foi refletida na concentração de investimentos na melhoria da infraestrutura portuária, assim como no desenvolvimento de conexões intermodais para o interior, onde se desenvolveram as culturas de exportação. Este processo de modernização contínua da infraestrutura portuária refletia-se no crescimento da atividade comercial na região, bem como na orientação da economia produtiva para o setor de exportação de commodities coloniais. Este artigo apresenta as principais fases desenvolvidas na modernização das infraestruturas portuárias, em Dakar, observando também sua relação com o crescimento da atividade empresarial e a ascendente importância regional da metrópole do Oeste africano. Além disto, serão analisadas as principais instituições e o modelo de administração portuária relacionados aos interesses metropolitanos e ao estatuto jurídico do Senegal como colônia.

International Relations (IR) as an academic discipline is relatively new and almost entirely dominated by Western sources of knowledge. Its biased nature undermines its capacity to understand, explain and predict events in the non-Western part of the world. With the increasing effort to explore non-Western IR and diversify the sources of knowledge of the discipline, Islam has emerged as an essential source of interest, not necessarily as a reflection of the East-West dichotomy or non-Western versus Western discourse, but rather as an approach that has its own rules, concepts and perspectives on IR. In this sense, the article contributes to the increasing discussions on the interaction between Islam and IR. It critically engages with three levels of discourse: first, IR in Islam; second, Islam in contemporary IR; and, third, Islam as an IR theory or as a paradigm. The paper attempts to address the question of why there are no modern Islamic IR theories by exploring reasons related to Muslims as well as to the nature of the current system and Western hegemony. It concludes by introducing an initial model and two paths (traditional and revolutionary) that might help mitigate this situation in the future.

Thesis (M.S.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Architecture, 1987.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 107-109).This thesis will examine two models of West African architecture-- the Mosque at Zaria, Nigeria and the Mosque at Dingueraye, Guinea. It will also attempt to illustrate implicit patterns of creative expression, both literal and allegorical , in the space-making processes of the Hausa and Fulani peoples. In passing, some attention will also be given to the cultural and building traditions of the Mande people. The notion of space and place in much of sub-Saharan Africa oscillates in a realm which is neither absolutely rational nor ethereal. Culture, it could be argued, can offer us an opportunity to investigate an analytical taxonomy through which we can compare and discover particular attributes of space and the phenomenological dimensions of built form. Culture , as a layered accumulation of historical events , visual vocabularies, and architectural ...

The purpose of this paper is to determine the correlation between the nineteenth century missionary enterprise and colonial occupation of Africa. European missionaries entered Africa simultaneously at the very beginning of colonial conquest and domination of Africa. What was the relationship between missionaries, traders and administrators in the colonial era? What can we identify as the predetermined objective of colonialism visa -vis missions in Africa? These are some of the questions that the present study will attempt to answer from the perspective of the historiography of European expansion in Africa.

Approximately half of all stallions are considered poor freezers, which means that they produce ejaculate with poor cryopreservation tolerance. Although the quality of the frozen-thawed semen of poor freezing stallions is low, they can carry and transfer desirable traits to future generations via insemination. Therefore, increasing the post-thaw quality of cryopreserved semen from these stallions is an important step in efficient horse breeding. In this study, we aimed to find a way to increase the quality of cryopreserved semen from poor freezing stallions. We studied the effects of different seminal plasma (SP) additions on various functional parameters of spermatozoa. The results show that the addition of different types of seminal plasma positively affects motility and maintains the status of the plasma membrane of poor freezing stallions. Since the percentage of stallions with poor freezability is quite large, future research should target the discovery of specific seminal plasma components that could be used to increase the post-thaw quality of their spermatozoa.

Blind belief can be self-defeating and quite destructive as it takes foothold in dogmas and superstitions. I have shorten the essay for light-read and highlight some of the concerns explaining how Islamic traditions abnegate our intellects and misrepresent ways to righteousness and peace.

This contribution draws on the Cameroonian context to examine the complexity of military Françafrique. The diachronic approach of this work makes it possible to account for the tensions and collaborations that have gone through them. methodology Litterature review

To begin with, the fall in Hugues Canuel's title refers to the circumstances leading to the Nazi occupation of France in 1940, and the rise accounts for the latter's decision to join the nuclear club in 1958. Canuel, therefore, surveys roughly two decades wherein he follows the fortunes of France's naval power. Undeniably, one can note a rise in that sea power, a rise that has been precipitated by a fall, a disastrous one for that matter, but the emergent rise remains chimerical because, at the moment of the fall, France used to be a great empire, and when the presumptuous rising was bombastically announced to the world in 1963, France then has just lost most of its prized colonies: Indochina, Algeria, and Madagascar. Taking two decades as its time framework, Canuel's book grapples with the fortunes of France's La Marine Nationale. The study traces this navy as it was divided between dispersed navy units under the control of the collaborationist regime of Vichy (after the defeat in July 1940) and those small units that escaped to England in the following months and were commanded by Brigadier General Charles de Gaulle, the leader of Free France in exile. As the U.S. diplomatically recognized Vichy, President Franklin D. Roosevelt adamantly refused to recognize de Gaulle's structure, Free France with its Free French Fleet and preferred to deal with another dissident from Vichy, de Gaulle's nemesis, Vice Admiral Émile Muselier. The rivalry and disunion within the French navy leadership were later exasperated when the Allies approached General François Darlan in Algiers, a Vichy loyalist, to facilitate landing in North Africa in November 1942. Darlan's assassination a mere six weeks later did not ease matters for that navy. Indeed, Canuel wants us to trust that it is this same navy, marred in disunity and foreign influence (not only defeat), that in the space of two decades somehow magically manage to surmount major challenges, rebuild itself from scratch, and become somehow equal with, for example, the Royal Navy or the United States Navy.

What is the cause of Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria? Studies on Boko Haram insurgency onset has largely emphasized economic poverty, religious ideology, and the historical north-south identity fractionalization. Some others which focus on Nigerian politics as the cause of the insurgency have largely analyzed how corrupt politicians have caused economic poverty and inequality which have resulted in grievances in northern Nigeria. While these studies have made invaluable contributions to the literature, this study begs to deviate from their emphasis by showing how political elites have mobilized and given political relevance to the Boko Haram group. This study specifically investigates the cause of the insurgency by adopting the state-centered approach which argues that insurgencies are caused by structural vulnerabilities in certain kind of states. In doing this, this study advances the following four propositions. Firstly, when factions of political elites compete for political power at the national level on identity basis, identity groups emerge at the subnational level in defense of these identities. Secondly, identity groups gain political relevance when factions of the political elites ascribe such relevance to them in the process of competing for political power. Thirdly, when a fundamentalist identity group becomes political relevant, it makes fundamental demands which spark antagonism between it and the political elites. Finally, insurgencies based on fundamentalist identity claims go unchecked in a partial democracy with political elites factionalized along identity lines.

La justice pénale en Afrique Occidentale française fut l’un des dispositifs permettant d’asseoir l'ordre colonial faisant constamment appel aux matrices de la race et de la mission civilisatrice de l’homme blanc. Il n’est dès lors pas étonnant qu’elle s’affiche, comme simple et expéditive. Toute ressemblance avec certaines procédures pénales contemporaines serait purement fortuite...

It a truism that the strategies of the defense and intelligence communities and the commitment of the present administration in Nigeria to rout out the Boko Haram elements in the Northeastern region, have not halted the violent activities of the sect which have now remained frequent, particularly the perennial bombings of soft targets. This paper basically addresses the task of combating violent conflicts and terrorism in Nigeria from four dimensions, namely; the security institution and international dimension, the socio-economic dimension, the governance and democratization dimension and the rule of law and human development dimension.

It a truism that the strategies of the defense and intelligence communities and the commitment of the present administration in Nigeria to rout out the Boko Haram elements in the Northeastern region, have not halted the violent activities of the sect which have now remained frequent, particularly the perennial bombings of soft targets. This paper basically addresses the task of combating violent conflicts and terrorism in Nigeria from four dimensions, namely; the security institution and international dimension, the socio-economic dimension, the governance and democratization dimension and the rule of law and human development dimension.

Conflicts are inevitable. They can be prevented on some occasions, managed on others, but resolved only if the term conflict is taken to mean the satisfaction of apparent demands rather than the total eradication of underlying sentiments. Within the context of South Africa and Nigeria, two nations characterised by a mix of reputations, the understanding of the concepts of conflict prevention, conflict management and conflict transformation is pertinent to courting peace and harmony among the different groups of people. For one, conflict resolution opportunities restore our humanness and avowed commitment to the larger society. This is premised against the backdrop that conflict is both an intrinsic and inevitable part of human existence involving the pursuit of incompatible interests and goals by parties. This paper attempts the development of a general framework for understanding the different concepts of conflict. The paper concludes by admitting that conflict resolution has less ...

Esta comunicacion analiza las herramientas empresariales y politicas empleadas por Alemania para incrementar su presencia regional en Africa Occidental y cual fue la respuesta de las instituciones britanicas y francesas (en el Africa Occidental Francesa). Se exploran cuestiones vinculadas al desarrollo comercial y maritimo regional, observando la importancia de los puertos regionales como centros de oportunidades para el desarrollo de actividades empresariales (carbon, comercio maritimo, etc.). This paper analyzes the political and entrepreneurial strategies used by Germany in order to extent its regional influence over West African and how British and French (FWA) institutions reacted. We explore topics related to trade and seaborne activity where ports were key elements are centers of economic opportunities (coal, maritime trade, etc.).

Si les débats autour de la notion de métissage et de « race » au sein du mouvement de la Négritude parisienne, atlantique ou caribéenne des années 1930 sont bien connus, la genèse ainsi que la teneur des débats intellectuels autour de ces mêmes questions en Afrique Occidentale Française à la même période le sont beaucoup moins 1. Le « métissage culturel » engendré par la conquête coloniale ne se comprend pas sans la part de violence, tant symbolique que réelle, du « contact culturel » imposé. Au contraire du métis biologique, le « métis culturel » ne naît pas ainsi mais le devient par son passage par l'école française, où il est contraint de se défaire d'une part de sa culture d'origine et de ses valeurs et d'intégrer des valeurs et des éléments d'une culture étrangère, la culture française, présentée comme supérieure. L'assimilation étant un horizon sans cesse repoussé, il ne s'agissait pas dès lors de substituer entièrement l'une aux autres. Ainsi s'accomplissait la « mission civilisatrice » menée par la France qui devait aboutir à la formation d'un nouvel être, nécessairement hybride, non totalement « assimilé », ni Français ni Africain, entre les deux. Si les autorités coloniales ont tenté de contrôler le métissage biologique 2 , le « métissage culturel » était donc le résultat de la « mission civilisatrice ». De fait, la notion de « métissage culturel » n'est pas directement employée par les autorités coloniales dans l'Entre-deux-guerres. C'est de « problème culturel » d'« évolution culturelle » et d' « assimilation » dont il est question, autant de formulations reflétant une vision hiérarchisée de l'humanité 3. Les années 1930 constituent une inflexion majeure dans la politique éducative menée par l'État colonial 4 , instruit par l'émergence d'une première génération d'assimilés dans les Quatre Communes du Sénégal 5 qui a revendiqué l'égalité politique et obtenu la citoyenneté. L'objectif est désormais de faire émerger chez les nouvelles générations d'élites scolarisées une culture « franco-africaine » paramétrée d'en haut, délimitant une « juste distance », faite d'acculturation contrôlée, sans rupture totale avec le milieu d'origine 6. Cette préoccupation illustre la double injonction contradictoire, inhérente au projet colonial, qui consiste en même temps à conserver et à changer 7 , afin de ne pas abolir la différence fondamentale entre

La Geografía Económica introduce en los estudios históricos comparativos de los puertos, renovados y sugerentes elementos que permiten analizar los procesos de concentración económica que se producen en los centros urbanos donde se insertan. En esta comunicación se presentan algunos factores que inciden en el éxito o fracaso parcial de los puertos en los fenómenos de inclusión y conformación de redes globales. En este caso, se toma como ejemplo a los puertos de Las Palmas (islas Canarias, España) y Dakar (Senegal), que conforman parte de la red portuaria de África occidental.

This is a Review Article of Osborn, Emily, Our New Husbands Are Here: Households, Gender, and Politics in a West African State from the Slave Trade to Colonial Rule (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2011), pp. xiii + 273. ISBN 978-0-8214-1983-0 (pb). Rachel Jean-Baptiste, Conjugal Rights: Marriage, Sexuality and Urban Life in Colonial Libreville, Gabon (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2014), pp. xiii + 300. ISBN 978-0-8214-2120-8 (pb). Emily S. Burrill, States of Marriage: Gender, Justice, and Rights in Colonial Mali (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2015), pp. xiv + 239. ISBN 978-0-8214-2145-1 (pb). It argues that the three books reviewed in this article make an important contribution to Africa's social and political history. Defying explorations of marriage as a product of the political economy and avoiding a consideration of marriage simply as an example of social or legal transformation, Emily Lynn Osborn, Rachel Jean-Baptiste and Emily Burrill focus on marriage, sexual relations...