Freedom of the Press

This research uses a theoretical conceptual method based on Chantal Mouffe"s Radical Democracy which blended with Derrida"s deconstruction thesis about "democracy to come" to reach findings on the state of South Africa"s media freedom landscape. The method is contained in the conceptual framework. The article provides the constitutional legal landscape-or the overarching laws of the land-and the co-regulatory framework within which journalists work. There are four research explications: the Protection of State Information Bill (dubbed the Secrecy Bill), a painting of the president and Freedom of Expression, an arson attack on a community radio station and finally, the death of a photojournalist at the hands of police. The argument here is that the death, the arson attack, the Secrecy Bill, and the shut-down of dissent during the exhibition of the painting of the president all undermine democracy and signify significant closures for the media in the now 20-year-old post-apartheid South Africa. The analysis and reflections will be framed within theories of radical democracy, which argue for more fights and contestations and more voices from the margins in order to deepen democracy, rather than rational consensus which closes the spaces for greater plurality.

This article assesses the multiple factors which are barriers to media freedom in South Africa. These include crises of financial sustainability of the media sector which have recently been compounded by the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic; widespread job losses in journalism; and harassment and physical violence against journalists from political representatives, security services, the judiciary, citizens and from within the media sector itself. Notwithstanding the contested liberal normative role of the press, the assessment of "media freedom inhibitors" offered here is theoretically premised on the role of the media in a democracy, and the importance of media freedom to the political, economic and social welfare of a democratic society. Methodologically, the data was collated from the State of the Newsroom (SoN) publications, and via the South African National Editors' Forum (SANEF) archive, which revealed that the intensity of attacks on journalists in South Africa is escalating, and from different quarters. Thus, the article argues for broadening the scope of research and advocacy efforts, beyond government-proposed legislation, to the multiple other obstacles to media freedom in the country.

This research uses a theoretical conceptual method based on Chantal Mouffe"s Radical Democracy which blended with Derrida"s deconstruction thesis about "democracy to come" to reach findings on the state of South Africa"s media freedom landscape. The method is contained in the conceptual framework. The article provides the constitutional legal landscape-or the overarching laws of the land-and the co-regulatory framework within which journalists work. There are four research explications: the Protection of State Information Bill (dubbed the Secrecy Bill), a painting of the president and Freedom of Expression, an arson attack on a community radio station and finally, the death of a photojournalist at the hands of police. The argument here is that the death, the arson attack, the Secrecy Bill, and the shut-down of dissent during the exhibition of the painting of the president all undermine democracy and signify significant closures for the media in the now 20-year-old post-apartheid South Africa. The analysis and reflections will be framed within theories of radical democracy, which argue for more fights and contestations and more voices from the margins in order to deepen democracy, rather than rational consensus which closes the spaces for greater plurality.

Hal menarik dalam rekayasa radikal Bentham atas struktur masyarakat adalah Skema Panopticon, yaitu desainnya untuk mereformasi penjara. Panopticon berarti “all-seeing” yaitu model penjara yang dirancang oleh saudaranya, Samuel Bentham. Fasad Panopticon mengacu dan mirip dengan lingkungan pabrik. Dalam Skema Panopticon, sipir penjara dapat mengawasi tahanan tanpa si tahanan sendiri mengetahui bahwa ia tengah diawasi. Ide besar Bentham adalah agar penjara dijalankan oleh pihak swasta di mana penjara memiliki dua fungsi yaitu sebagai pabrik sekaligus sebagai sekolah agar orang menjadi baik. Tahanan akan diajarkan sejumlah keahlian yang nantinya dapat ia digunakan selepas masa hukuman. Nama penjara swasta yang digagas Bentham ini adalah Panopticon Penitentiary yang berlokasi di Milibank, London, tahun 1794. Para kritikusnya menganggap ide Bentham tentang "revolusi penjara" sebagai sisi manipulatif Abad Pencerahan. Padahal inti yang dimaksud Bentham adalah upayanya untuk menghaluskan tata cara perlakuan atas narapidana yang “tidak manusiawi” sebagaimana berlangsung di Inggris saat itu. Namun, upayanya tersebut mendapat perlawanan dari pemerintah.

Must privacy and freedom of expression conflict? To witness recent debates in Britain, you might think so. Anything other than self-regulation by the press is met by howls of anguish from journalists across the political spectrum, to the effect that efforts to protect people's privacy will threaten press freedom, promote self-censorship and prevent the press from fulfilling its vital function of informing the public and keeping a watchful eye on the activities and antics of the powerful. [Brown, 2009, 13 January] 1 Effective protections for privacy, from such a perspective, inevitably pose a threat to democratic government via the constraints that they place on the press. Such concerns with privacy must be taken seriously by anyone who cares about democratic government, and the freedom, equality and wellbeing of individuals. But if it is one thing to say that privacy and freedom of expression cannot always be fully protected, it is another to suppose that protections for the one must always come at the expense of the other. After all, the economics of contemporary politics and journalism would seem to be partly responsible for our difficulties in protecting personal privacy while sustaining robust and informative forms of public discourse. [Moore, 2010, 10 -141] 2 Most newspapers are lossmaking businesses and the need to reduce those losses and, if possible, to turn a profit, make investigative journalism an increasingly expensive proposition as compared to both "comment" and more or less elevated forms of gossip. At the same time, politics has increasingly become the prerogative of a narrow group of people with access to the large sums of money necessary successfully to compete for high office. In those circumstances, the need for critical scrutiny is as important as it is difficult. Revising our ideas about privacy and its protection cannot alone reduce the tensions between freedom of expression and personal privacy typical of our societies, necessary though such revision may be. Moreover, this paper can only touch on some aspects of the ways in which we need to rethink our interests in privacy, in order adequately to reflect

Izgleda da je pojam slobode, pa tako i određenje koje se vezuje za medijske slobode, neosvojiva tvrđava za ljudsku misao i da se kroz te zidine razum jedva probija. Još je gore, čini se, kada je reč o praktikovanju slobode (u medijma), budući da se nesporazumi gomilaju, dok stvari prilično izmiču kontroli, na šta, primera radi, ukazuje činjenica da se savremeni mediji, u većini teorijskih izlaganja, nekritički tretiraju kao industrija, i da su u ovu sistemsku prozvodnju informacija, slika i senzacija, odnedavno, u povećanom obimu, uključeni algoritmi, odnosno veštačka inteligencija (AI). Pitanje koje se po sebi nameće jeste -kako je moguće da nove medijske tehnologije brane tzv. "javni interes", odnosno, čuvaju slobodu govora i izražavanja u medijima, te se angažuju na strani sveopšte emancipacije? Nije li industrijalizovanje gotovo celokupne medijske sfere, koja radi u interesu profita, a ne istine i slobode, a što pogoduje, naposoletku, implementiranju veštačke inteligencije u procese kreiranja i distribuiranja medijskih sadržaja, medije transformisalo i smestilo u polje delovanja koje je izvan i iznad pojedinca, kao i društvene (medijske) zajednice kojoj pripada? Da li su savremeni mediji, u tom slučaju, postali nekakav levijatanski duplikat, vulgarni surogat ideje slobode, u kojoj se sadržinska i etička pitanja prepuštaju, delimično ili u potpunosti, algoritamskim procedurama veštačke inteligencije? U referentnom okviru tradicionalnog logičkog kvadrata, pojam slobode može se odrediti u odnosu na neslobodu (i obratno), dok je ropstvo, u navedenom kontekstu tumačenja, označeno kao poseban slučaj neslobode, osnosno kao relacija kontradikcije. U tom smislu, ovde ćemo pokušati da naznačimo put kojim savremeni mediji trenutno prolaze, krećući se od polazišta neslobode, potencijalno završavajući u ropstvu. Povrh toga, u tekstu ćemo se poslužiti i metaforom za koju smatramo da predstavlja adekvatan odraz situacije u kojoj su se zatekli savremena (globalna) kultura i njoj sapripadni mediji. Analogija sa metaforom na koju ćemo se ovde pozvati tiče se uspostavljanja odnosa između društva (medija) i neslobode, koja kao svoj krajnji ishod pokazuje ružno lice ropstva.

Media komunikasi tidak dapat dipisahkan daripada mesej. Untuk memperoleh mesej yang telus dan benar, kebebasan diperlukan. Tanpa kebebasan mesej, media komunikasi tidak dapat mencapai matlamat yang dikehendaki. Untuk menjaga kepentingan masyarakat awam dan keselamatan negara, kebebasan media dalam memperoleh mesej dan menyampaikannya perlu bergerak dalam lingkungan undang-undang serta berpegang teguh pada akhlak dan etika yang luhur. Justeru, ajaran Islam perlu dijadikan dasar dan panduan utama dalam membentuk garis panduan kebebasan media komunikasi dan amalan etika pengamal media komunikasi negara. Para pengguna media komunikasi pula perlu memilih mesej yang memberi manfaat berlandaskan prinsip akhlak yang mulia. Untuk memastikan media komunikasi bergerak sebagai pendidik masyarakat sebenar, penguatkuasaan undang-undang perlu tegas. Pihak universiti perlu tampil menggariskan kurikulum media komunikasi yang lebih berbudaya dan berakhlak mulia. Tindakan mewujudkan panel syariah sebagai penasihat badan media komunikasi juga perlu disegerakan. Daripada analisis dokumen didapati terdapat akta yang berkaitan dengan kebebasan media komunikasi negara. Melalui analisis juga, kaedah-kaedah ilmu fiqh turut mengemukakan beberapa prinsip yang perlu menjadi panduan dalam amalan kebebasan media komunikasi. Justeru, artikel ini membincangkan kebebasan media komunikasi dari perspektif Islam.

Traditionally, Japan has been perceived as a culture of consensus and harmony. The tendency is to preserve the status quo, while conflict and controversy are to be avoided. Such an environment would offer little room for scandal, one might think. Yet, the opposite is true: Scandal in Japan is a cultural constant, with Japanese tabloids thriving on gossip, controversy, and corruption.

This article examines the relationship between the state and the mass media in Malaysia through an analysis of the March 2004 general elections that led to the victory of the incumbent Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition party and its leader Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. Through restrictive laws that limit press freedom and the concentration of press ownership among a limited group of pro-BN individuals, the Malaysian state has been exercising control over the mass media, thus impeding the Malaysian electorates democratic right to freedom of information. Through an investigation of mainstream and Chinese media coverage of the 2004 elections, it can be observed that the Malaysian press overwhelmingly presented a sympathetic, and often flaunting, bias in favor of the incumbent BN while providing insufficient coverage of the views ofor even demonizingthe opposition parties. Like other ruling entities of developing countries, the BN government justifies its intrusion over the mass media by invoking the need for national stability and security in order to successfully lead the Malaysian nation-state toward modernization, development, and economic prosperity. Under the Badawi administration, despite its intimations in favor of political openness and reform, this state manipulation of the media has continued unchanged. KEYWORDS. Malaysia • 2004 general elections • Barisan Nasional (BN) • state control of media • modernization and development • press freedom

A growing body of evidence documents a vast array of economic and social ill-effects of public perceived corruption. These findings and the scant evidence of recent success in the fight against corruption beg the question: how to abate it? We document the existence of a negative, statistically significant and quantitatively large impact of economic freedom (our proxy for institutions of capitalism, markets and competition) on public corruption. This negative response of corruption to economic freedom holds after allowing for non-linearities interacting economic freedom and political rights, endowments, legal families, ethnicity and for robust determinants of corruption uncovered by Daniel Treisman ['What Have We Learned About the Causes of Corruption From Ten Years of Cross-National Empirical Research?', Annual Review of Political Science, 10: 211-244], such as income, democracy, freedom of the press and fuel exports. Thus, this paper helps to explain why high-income prosperous countries exhibit low levels of public perceived corruption, and why honesty is a normal good.

Ареопагитика на Джон Милтън, публикувана през есента на 1644 г., днес често се приема за първата всеобхватна защита на идеята за свободен, нецензуриран печат. Противно на клишето обаче, този основополагащ Милтънов опус гледа към днешната си читатели с две много разнородни лица: докато се бори за свободата на книгите, неговият автор нито за миг не забравя, че в определени случаи някои от тях заслужават да бъдат предадени на „огъня и палача“. Настоящата монография прави опит да изясни на читателя причините за това вътрешно разногласие. А то е наситено с поуки за собственото ни време, което много прилича на Милтъновото от медийно-историческа гледна точка: време на бурен разцвет на нови, едновременно полезни и опасни технологии за споделяне (и вече дори за изкуствено създаване) на думи, образи и съпътстващите ги чувства с много хора наведнъж.

HERE can be little doubt that the American justice system is failing to meet the needs of the ordinary citizen. Courts are clogged and overloaded.' Delays in litigation are no longer the exception, but rather the norm. Not only for the poor, but even for large corporations, the decision to litigate has become a function of cost, not injury. 2 These complaints are not new. Indeed, some suggest that the problem is cyclical. 3 Although few would argue that the grass is nec-

The study aimed to identify the factors influencing Jordanian journalists’ practice of investigative journalism, relying on the media survey approach, by conducting a field survey on an available sample of (240) male and female journalists practicing journalism in press and media institutions in Jordan, by relying on the hierarchical model of influences. The results of the study showed that (63.7%) of Jordanian journalists did not practice investigative journalism in their journalistic work, while the most prominent reasons for not practicing investigative journalism were: lack of interest in investigative journalism (26.9%), lack of freedom in investigative journalism (19.6%), and low level of experience sufficient to practice investigative work. The results showed that professional principles were the most prominent factors influencing Jordanian journalists’ practice of investigative journalism (4.34), then laws and legislation regulating journalistic work (4.09), then social values ​​(4.06), then political pressures (3.95), then economic policy (3.84), and finally security pressures (3.58). The results concluded that it is necessary to pay attention to investigative journalism in press and media institutions in Jordan, provide the necessary financial support for it, prevent the authorities from interfering in the course of investigative investigations, and review the media laws and legislation in Jordan in order to practice investigative journalism freely.

Investigated is how the enactment in May 2011 of Nigeria's Freedom of Information Act has, since then, impacted Nigerian journalism. Typical documentary and spoken data were tapped, analysed and discussed. Analysis and discussion found Nigeria's FOIA to be as properly crafted as meets international standards. Analysis and discussion also demonstrate that Nigerian journalists' inability so far to take advantage of the FOIA to sharpen their journalistic activism results from the intimidation which job insecurity poses. In that light, conclusion hypothesizes that FOIA might not sharpen journalistic activism in countries/economies where journalists' awareness of their shaky economic status is acute.

Investigated is how the enactment in May 2011 of Nigeria's Freedom of Information Act has, since then, impacted Nigerian journalism. Typical documentary and spoken data were tapped, analysed and discussed. Analysis and discussion found Nigeria's FOIA to be as properly crafted as meets international standards. Analysis and discussion also demonstrate that Nigerian journalists' inability so far to take advantage of the FOIA to sharpen their journalistic activism results from the intimidation which job insecurity poses. In that light, conclusion hypothesizes that FOIA might not sharpen journalistic activism in countries/economies where journalists' awareness of their shaky economic status is acute.

Several texts help to contextualize these declarations and their aftermath: Peter Forsska ˚l's pamphlet on freedom of the press of 1759, Johann Friedrich Struensee's articles on freedom of expression of 1763-64, the translation into Danish of David Hume's essay on freedom of the press in 1771, and the free-press debates in Stockholm and Copenhagen in the early 1770s. These writings and their political contexts can assist in an assessment of the relative importance of philosophical ideas on the one hand, and of local contexts on the other, in the genesis of those declarations. 1 Recent scholarship has attempted to contrast a Radical to a Moderate 1 Recent publications on freedom of the press in eighteenth-century Scandinavia include

Many countries around the world embrace freedom and democracy as part of their political culture. However, culture is at least in part a human response to the ecological challenges that a society faces; hence, it should not be surprising that the degree to which societies regulate the level of individual freedom is related to environmental circumstances. Previous research suggests that levels of societal freedom across countries are systematically related to three types of ecological threats: prevalence of pathogens, climate challenges, and natural disaster threat. Though their incidence overlaps, the literature has not yet provided a competitive test. Drawing upon the ecocultural framework, we tested five rival hypotheses, alternately focused on the above ecological factors and their interactions with economic wealth in explaining country variations in socio-political freedom. Focusing on data from 150 countries, we performed a series of linear mixed-effects regressions predicting ...

İfade özgürlüğü uygar toplumun temel değerleri ve kurumları arasında en başta geleni. Aynen genel özgürlük gibi araç olarak da amaç olarak da bir değere sahip. Dolayısıyla hem deontolojik hem sonuçsalcı zeminlerde temellendirilmesi ve savunulması mümkün. İfade özgürlüğü insanların tek tek veya gruplar hâlinde kamusal meselelerle ilgili görüşlerini söz, yazı ve davranışlarıyla açıkça dışa vurabilmeleri anlamına gelir. Özgür toplumda büyük bir değer ve gaye çeşitliliği vardır. Bu, insanların hemen her konuda farklı görüşler ve yaklaşımlar geliştirmesine sebep olur. Her hususta tıpkısının aynısını düşünen iki kişi olması hemen hemen imkânsızdır. Birbirine çok yakın duran, neredeyse hep aynı duygu ve fikirleri paylaşıyor görünümü veren iki zatı inceleme altına alsak, mutlaka, onlar arasında bile farklılıklar olduğunu buluruz. İnsanlar arasında farklılıklar olması iyi midir kötü mü? Bu soruya cevap vermeden önce farklılıkların doğal olduğunu, bir sapma teşkil etmeyip normali yansıttığını vurgulamamız gerekir. Bu olgu aslında yukardaki soruyu geçersizleştirir. Biz yine de bir cevap bulmaya çalışalım. Farklılıklar, elbette, özellikle kamusal kararlar konusunda insanlar arasında gerginlik ve çatışmalara sebep olabilir. Beraber yaşama kurallarını geliştirememiş veya uygulayamayan toplumlarda ise şiddet kullanımına yahut grupların birbirinden ayrılmasına yol açabilir. Bunun tarihte birçok örneği var. Ancak, gerekli ku-

Metajournalistic discourse is a broad field of research, and its analysis provides insight into how different journalistic concepts are defined and legitimised within the profession. However, in addition to journalistic actors, numerous non-media actors also participate in the construction of metadiscourse in journalism. This paper analyses metajournalistic discourse (Carlson, 2016) on media freedom, with the aim of answering the following research questions: "Which actors build metadiscourse around the concept of media freedom in Serbia?" and "What is the tone of this metadiscourse?" As many as 674 texts collected during 2021 and 2022 from 10 online media outlets were analysed. The results of this analysis show that the metadiscourse on media freedom is mostly built by non-journalistic actors, while the most common tone of that discourse is critical. By cross-referencing the actors with the tone of discourse, it was concluded that a critical tone prevailed among all actors, both journalists and non-journalists, with the exception of state officials. They are also the only actors with a positive tone of discourse.

From London's Fleet Street to New York's Fifth Avenue, speculation and gossip have always been the fuel that powers the global media machine. Whether it's the scandalous dalliances of a Capitol Hill power broker or the latest rumours from Buckingham Palace, no figure in public life is immune to a good old-fashioned tabloid takedown. Yet, the story published by The Voice-suggesting that President Barrow had chosen businessman Muhammed Jah as his political heir-was barely a ripple in the tempestuous sea of media muckraking. It was political conjecture at its most benign-a standard piece of reportage that wouldn't even make it to

On 3rd May 2024, the global community commemorated World Press Day (WPD), which provided an opportunity to celebrate the fundamental principles of press freedom and assess the state of media freedom worldwide. Though the 2024 theme was about informing the public about the problems and solutions facing the environment and influencing concrete action to address pressing environmental problems, in Nigeria, the 2024 WPD came at a most perilous time for the freedom of the press in the country.

F ears that Hong Kong's liberal press system would be compromised under Chinese rule have proved unfounded: newspapers and magazines, as well as certain television and radio current affairs programmes, continue to be outspoken and often highly critical of the local government. However, the grounds for concern about loss of this freedom remain, and in some ways are more worrying five years after the handover than before as the Hong Kong government deals with the strain of maintaining a balance between local forces and Beijing while facing economic decline since the Asian financial crisis of the late 1990s. This paper examines the changes in Hong Kong that have affected the news media in the five years since the handover to discern the conditions that underpin the current freedoms and affect future development.

4.2.5 Relationship between age of the firm and number of investigative journalists29 vi 4.2.6 Relationship between ownership status and geographic coverage of media firms 30 4.3 Role played by the Kenyan Media in the fight against corruption.

Freedom of the press is a bedrock of democratic governance and an essential component of civil liberties worldwide. However, it faces varying challenges across regions, shaped by political instability, economic pressures, and restrictive legislative environments. Understanding global press freedom dynamics is crucial for promoting free expression and ensuring the safety of journalists. This study presents in-depth analysis on  press freedom trends across various regions and countries, examining key political, economic, legislative, social, and security factors. Using a comprehensive dataset from 2022 rankings, examining political factors, legal systems, and press safety conditions, the research aims to thoroughly analyze the relationship between media freedom and political dynamics in different settings. Also, the study highlights the severity of the situations faced by journalists, including incidents of imprisonment, killings, and threats to their safety, while considering the impact of broader political and economic factors. The study revealed that political score, economic score, legislative Score, social score, and security score are key factors that influence Global Media Freedom. The cluster analysis revealed two clusters indicated by low scores and high scores of various indices. This study offers valuable insights into the ongoing efforts to promote press freedom globally and highlights the role of political and social systems in shaping media landscapes.

josé Agostinho de macedo (1761-1831) foi o primeiro autor português a desenvolver uma crítica sistemática ao jornalismo e à liberdade de imprensa depois da revolução liberal de 1820. este trabalho visa contribuir para o conhecimento da crítica ao jornalismo desenvolvida por macedo. mostra-se que esse autor identificou alguns dos problemas que levariam o jornalismo panfletário artesanal a ser substituído pelo jornalismo informativo industrial ainda no decorrer do século XiX. Palavras-chave josé Agostinho de macedo; história do jornalismo; crítica ao jornalismo; liberdade de imprensa; revolução liberal de 1820; Portugal.

Depuis que la gouvernance compte, l"Indice de perception de la corruption construit par Transparency International (TI) est devenu l"indicateur le plus influent dans son domaine. Chaque année, un classement est ainsi établi, pointant du doigt les pays perçus comme les plus corrompus par les experts de TI. Cet indice est un outil puissant de lutte contre le fléau de la corruption, permettant effectivement de mettre une réelle pression politique sur des régimes « mal gouvernés ». L"influence de ce classement sur l"économie des pays concernés peut être importante, rendant parfois plus difficile l"accès aux financements, qu"il s"agisse de l"aide internationale ou des investissements directs étrangers. Bien souvent, il s"agit d"une double peine pour des populations déjà victimes au quotidien de services publics gangrenés par la corruption et le clientélisme. La mesure de la corruption, à l"image des différents outils mis en place pour évaluer la gouvernance, est une mesure qualitative, issue de perceptions. Comme toute perception, elle est sujette à la disponibilité de l"information et subit l"influence des médias. Nos analyses ont montré que le niveau de liberté de la presse pouvait avoir une influence importante sur ces perceptions, pénalisant les jeunes démocraties et l"ouverture progressive des médias.

Review of Media Law in New Zealand (5th ed.), by John Burrows and Ursula Cheer and The Journalist's Guide to Media Law: Dealing with Legal and Ethical Issues (2d ed.), by Mark PearsonBurrows and Cheers have provided a greatly expanded analysis of the developing area of privacy law, an area watched with trepidation by the news media after several high profile court cases, both in New Zealand and overseas.  Pearson also deserves praises for his clear chapter on the freedom of the press, a fundamental concept that is too easiy glossed over in benevolent democracies. 

The strength of a democratic society is often mirrored by the freedom of its press. In Bangladesh, newspapers serve as more than just printed pages; they are the voice of the people, reflecting the nation's joys, sorrows, rights, and struggles. However, this vital role is frequently threatened by restrictive laws governing media operations. While legal frameworks are necessary to maintain order and protect societal interests, they can also be misused to curtail freedom of expression. Given the evolving media landscape, it is essential to scrutinize how Bangladesh's Printing Presses and Publications (Declaration and Registration) Act of 1973 and the proposed updates in the 2019 Act impact press freedom. This article explores the historical context, key provisions, and ongoing challenges in balancing press freedom with legal regulation.

Cet article examine la notion de liberté numérique comme un droit fondamental à inscrire dans la Constitution belge. Dans un contexte où 92 % des ménages en Belgique sont connectés à Internet, la protection des données, la liberté d'expression en ligne, et l'accès à l'information numérique apparaissent essentiels pour les citoyens. Alors que la législation actuelle offre certaines garanties, les avancées technologiques rapides posent de nouveaux défis juridiques et sociaux. Ce texte analyse les lacunes du cadre juridique existant et propose un ancrage constitutionnel pour la liberté numérique. Il suggère une réforme de l’article 29 de la Constitution pour renforcer la protection des communications privées et garantir un équilibre entre sécurité nationale et droits individuels.

This study describes some relevant but neglected issues in measuring freedom of information. A questionnaire was administrated to 36 international experts. Then we conducted 18 in-depth interviews with some experts to evaluate relevant issues that emerged from the questionnaire. We find that ideological, theoretical, and financial issues affect the three most important instruments for measuring freedom of information: the Freedom of the Press Index by Freedom House, the World Press Freedom Index by Reporters Without Borders, and the Media Sustainability Index by the International Research and Exchange Board. The study constitutes a preliminary step for future research to address these issues and improve the instruments.

The article analyses the main methodological challenges of the two most important indicators in measuring freedom of the press around the world. Freedom House (FH) and Reporters Without Borders (RWB) have become references for studies that go beyond freedom of the press and their importance forces us to analyze what the methodological aspects are that determined these methodologies and which are omitted. The results of this study make it possible to determine that the indicators of Reporters Without Borders and Freedom House present serious methodological deficiencies that, although they have tried to correct, continue to be the source of numerous controversies, such as the absence of mechanisms to protect journalists in their measurement instruments.

This article considers the debates about press freedom raised by an important case of populist media reform in Latin America, drawing on interviews with Ecuadorian journalists, policy makers, and commentators involved in the policy process. Whereas these cases are commonly understood, following a “libertarian” conception of press freedom, as threats to an independent press, interviewees saw a more complex picture. The majority agreed that press freedom was threatened under former president Rafael Correa’s regime in Ecuador; at the same time, most of respondents considered media regulation necessary given a history of “media capture,” and believed that journalistic professionalism had improved in Correa’s period. These results suggest that press freedom is a multidimensional reality in which the state plays a key role, proposing a further discussion about media regulation and populism in contemporary societies.

Renkli devrim” terimi, ABD’nin jeopolitik hırsları için hedef aldığı, belirli bir renk veya çiçeğin sembol olarak kullanımıyla karakterize edilen bir dizi karşı devrimci ayaklanma ve protestoya atıfta bulunmaktadır.

Bu makale, renkli devrimler kavramını, 1989’daki Tiananmen Meydanı ‘protestoları’na giden süreci, özellikle Mao Zedong sonrası girilen ekonomik-siyasi yönelimin sosyal hayat ve genel olarak Çin toplumuna etkisini ve akabinde kısaca Kong Kong, Tibet ve Sinciang’da ABD destekli ayrılıkçılığı inceleyecektir.

There have been constant efforts by the successive government in Nigerian to regulate and control the social media. More worries have been voiced about how social media harbours misinformation, cyberbullying and fake news which are largely believed by credulous members of the public. As a result, there have been a lot of contentions surrounding attempts to stifle or enact policies to control social media. The focus of this study, however, is to examine how social media regulations reflect on freedom of expression and information in Nigeria, using the experience of Twitter (now X) ban as a practical lesson to draw from. Some of the research objectives were developed to establish how the twitter ban relates to freedom of expression and information; to determine the various impact of the Twitter ban on freedom of expression and information; to evaluate the public perception of Twitter ban on the freedom of expression and information. A sample size of 385 was drawn with the use of survey design using online google form to gather responses from knowledgeable practitioners who were purposively selected from various media organizations in Nigeria. The findings revealed that 100% Twitter is as a platform for freedom of expression and information and the ban was a direct threat to freedom of information. It was agreed that stiff regulation on any social media platform, constitute a direct restraint to fundamental rights of expression and information. The respondents also indicated that the ban was a systemic infringement on human right. The study recommend that Nigeria should serve as a role model for liberal democracy and the rule of law that protects human right.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the extent of digital surveillance by Arab authorities, who face risks and threats of surveillance, and how journalists seeking press freedom use tools and techniques to communicate securely, such as open source in journalism. These journalists share and rely heavily on an opensource data ideology. With novel methods and tools, they integrate a new set of actors, competencies, and technologies into journalistic practice, renegotiating and transcending professional boundaries. The methodology of the study was based on in-depth interviews from Egypt,

and JD. from the Columbia School of Law, is a law professor at the Cleveland-Marshall College of Law. I have taught law for nearly forty years since I first joined the law school as an Associate Professor in 1976. I served as Associate Dean for Academic Affairs at the law school from 1986-1988, and was the inaugural Charles R. Emrick, Jr./Calfee, Halter & Griswold Endowed Professor of Law at Cleveland-Marshall from 2004-2007. I am a lawyer in good standing in the State of Ohio. My primary teaching competencies include Constitutional Law, the First Amendment, Islamic Law, Jurisprudence, Natural Law, International Law, International Human Rights, and Constitutional History. I write and speak nationally on topics such as constitutional law, religious liberty, Islamic law, the rights of families, and international affairs. I served as book review editor for the American Journal of Jurisprudence and am Senior Editor of The Heritage Guide to the Constitution (2006), 2d edition (2014), published by Regnery & Co, a clause-byclause analysis ofthe Constitution ofthe United States.

Preface – This is the second book of the Online Hate Speech Trilogy. The work focuses on the legal challenges of combating toxic language and retaliating against those who spread hate on the Internet. Although the need for fighting violent narratives appears evident, given the role of hate in eroding trust and fragmenting the social fabric, there are many sensitive layers to the matter. This book addresses the legal challenges of combating toxic language while safeguarding freedom of expression in an era when hate speech has become a political strategy. Volumes 1 and 3 of the Online Hate Speech Trilogy explore the close links between disinformation, polarization, and virtual attacks. They also examine cutting-edge techniques for identifying violent narratives and developing counter-narratives to mitigate hate speech. The aim is to provide a multicultural overview of one of the most pressing issues in contemporary society, which is responsible for undermining democratic values.

This chapter delves into the complex dynamics of regulating media outlets in the post-truth era, focusing on the challenges posed by the proliferation of online hate speech. These issues are particularly pronounced in highly polarized societies, where media outlets often blend opinionated narratives with factual news, sometimes neglecting the ethical principles of journalism. Historically, the emphasis on media freedom has sometimes compromised other rights, facilitating the spread of hate speech. The chapter also uses Brazil as a case study, highlighting a country without a regulatory agency for media outlets and significantly impacted by political polarization over the last decade. This example illustrates how the absence of regulation can endanger liberal democracies and the safety of marginalized social groups, who are more vulnerable to online attacks.

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The fourth amendment provides: The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. U.S. CONsT. amend. IV.

Perkembangan teknologi digital memberikan pengaruh terhadap perkembangan cara komunikasi di masyarakat karena mempunyai kemampuan dalam menciptakan media baru untuk menyebarkan informasi terhadap perubahan social, politik dan ekonomi. Media baru, sebagai bagian dari tumbuhnya kemajuan teknologi, mengubah gaya hidup masyarakat yang kini berorientasi digital, terutama dalam hal konsumsi informasi. Arus informasi yang sangat pesat melalui media baru sebagai media telah membawa masyarakat memasuki era masyarakat informasi. Masifnya informasi dan masyarakat informasi tidak lepas dari keberadaan infrastruktur digital atau teknologi informasi dan komunikasi (TIK), sehingga pemerintah terus memastikan pendekatan ini berlaku untuk seluruh masyarakat. Namun, beberapa peneliti memperingatkan tentang fenomena “slacktivism” atau aktivisme semu. Morozov (2023) berpendapat bahwa partisipasi politik melalui media sosial seringkali bersifat dangkal dan tidak selalu diterjemahkan menjadi tindakan nyata atau perubahan politik yang berarti. Ia menekankan pentingnya membedakan antara visibilitas suatu isu di media sosial dan dampak aktualnya terhadap perubahan politik. Aspek lain yang mengkhawatirkan adalah polarisasi politik yang dipercepat oleh media baru. Sunstein (2024), dalam buku terbarunya tentang polarisasi digital, menyatakan bahwa algoritme media sosial dan personalisasi informasi online cenderung menciptakan “ruang gema” dan “gelembung penyaringan”, tempat individu terutama terpapar pada informasi dan opini relevan bagi diri mereka sendiri. melihat. Hal ini dapat memperdalam perpecahan politik dan menghambat dialog konstruktif antar kelompok yang berbeda pandangan. Transformasi komunikasi dan interaksi sosial Salah satu dampak paling signifikan dari media baru adalah perubahan mendasar dalam cara masyarakat berkomunikasi dan berinteraksi. Penggunaan jejaring sosial dan aplikasi pesan instan telah menciptakan “hiperkoneksi” yang memungkinkan komunikasi instan dan lancar. Namun, mereka juga menemukan bahwa kualitas interaksi sosial dapat terpengaruh secara negatif, dengan peningkatan “phubbing” (mengabaikan orang-orang di sekitar untuk fokus pada perangkat seluler) yang mungkin mengurangi kepuasan dalam hubungan interpersonal. Menurut Poppy Febriana (2023) Dengan pesatnya perkembangan teknologi dan berkembangnya media baru, memberikan pengaruh tersendiri terhadap terciptanya banyak website interaktif melalui dunia maya. Hingga kemudian lahirlah media baru, termasuk Tiktok. New Media Tiktok merupakan platform media sosial yang menggunakan fitur video pendek berdurasi sekitar 15 detik hingga 3 menit dengan diiringi musik. Kehadiran Tiktok juga memiliki fungsi lain, dengan Tiktok juga dapat membangun personal brand pemiliknya. Pengaruh media baru terhadap masyarakat saat ini sangat luas dan mendalam, merambah hampir setiap aspek kehidupan modern. Mulai dari mengubah cara kita berkomunikasi dan berinteraksi, hingga mentransformasi perekonomian dan mempengaruhi kesehatan mental, media baru telah menjadi kekuatan yang tak terelakkan dalam membentuk masyarakat kontemporer. Penelitian terbaru menunjukkan bahwa dampak media baru bersifat kompleks dan seringkali bersifat paradoks, menghadirkan peluang besar sekaligus tantangan besar. Ke depan, diperlukan pendekatan yang lebih komprehensif dan interdisipliner untuk memahami dan mengelola pengaruh media baru secara efektif. Hal ini mencakup pengembangan kebijakan adaptif, budaya digital yang kuat, dan etika penggunaan teknologi yang bertanggung jawab. Sebagai masyarakat, kita harus terus mengevaluasi dan menyeimbangkan manfaat dan risiko media baru, dan berupaya memaksimalkan potensi kemajuan sosial dan meminimalkan dampak negatifnya. Hanya dengan pemahaman yang mendalam dan pendekatan yang bijaksana kita dapat memastikan bahwa pengaruh media baru terhadap masyarakat akan lebih bermanfaat daripada merugikan di masa depan.

The research wants to describe the condition of press stifling in the New Orde. Then, it tries make a philosophical reflection about the condition of arangement and practical standart of jurnalism in Indonesia post New Orde. The research uses the "philosophical-hermeneutics" method. At the second stage, data are analyzed by philosophical reflection about the stifling of press in the New Orde. The data are collected by library inquiry. The result of this research are: at the end of New Orde regime, the stifling of press and the controling of press are still done. Threfore, there is no space for the press freedom at the time. The press freedom is the symbol of democration. The probelm of democration is really the only press freedom. It will be an agenda of probelm when we require the democratization in large scale. However, without some press freedom there is no ooportunity to get dome democration. It is the significant meaning of press freedom for attempting a democratization.